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In this volume the history of Muhammadan rule in 
India is commenced. The first volume was, from the 
nature of the materials, introductory in its character; 
this opens with the accounts of the earliest inroads of 
the Ghaznivide conquerors. The copious extracts which 
it brings together from the oldest and most approved of 
the native historians supply ample means for tracing 
the rise and progress of that power which was destined 
to bring the whole peninsula under its sway, and to 
stand for seven centuries a conspicuous and brilliant 
example of the strength and weakness, the crimes, 
vices, and occasional virtues of Musulman despotism. 

The history is here carried down to the year 1260 a.d., 
embracing the consecutive annals of the Ghaznivides, 
the Ghorians, and the Slave Kings, as far as the end 
of the reign of Nasiru-d dm. The lives of the other 
Slave Kings will be drawn from the Tarikh-i Firos Shdhi 
of Zi'au-d din Barni, which, as its name implies, is a 
work more particularly devoted to the reign of Firoz 


Shah, and must, from the date of its composition, oc- 
cupy a place in the next volume. 

The portion of history over which this volume ex- 
tends may be considered as nearly complete, though 
some scattered notices of the period embraced will be 
drawn occasionally from later writers, and Xhondamir's 
account of the Ghaznivides will appear hereafter as the 
principal extract from the Mabibu-s Siyar. 

Since the publication of the first volume of this edi- 
tion, some animadversions have appeared in print upon 
the absence of any recognition of the assistance rendered 
to Sir H. M. Elliot in the preparation of the materials 
for this work ; and one or two special claims have been 
made for acknowledgments of aid contributed and work 
done. The Editor is informed, by those best acquainted 
with the circumstances, that Sir H. M. Elliot was espe- 
cially anxious to acquit himself of all obligation for as- 
sistance so rendered to him; but still, care has been 
and will be taken to acknowledge fully every contribu- 
tion deserving of notice. It so happened, however, that 
the whole of the matter in the first volume, with the 
exception of two anonymous translations, was the work 
of Sir H. M. Elliot himself, his munshis, or the pre- 
sent Editor. 

Sir H. M. Elliot was assisted by many Mends, both 
English and native, in his search for rare works, and 


notably by Dr. Sprenger ; but at this distance of time 
it is impossible to do more than make a general acknow- 
ledgment of the fact. The notices, bibliographical and 
biographical, all appear to have been written by Sir H. 
M. Elliot himself, with the exception of those of the 
geographers and a few distinguished by brackets, which 
are the work of the Editor. There remain the transla- 
tions, and it is in these that the greatest aid was re- 
ceived. Many of the contributed translations are by 
English officers, both civil and military; and many 
more by munshis. They differ greatly in merit ; some 
are valuable, others require the Editor's incessant at- 
tention from beginning to end,' and in two instances 
it has been found necessary to entirely reject the 
work done. Under these circumstances, the Editor 
has resolved to make no general acknowledgment, 
but to give the translator's name whenever that 
name carries with it sufficient assurance, or when a 
translation proves to be accurate, and in want of 
little or no editorial revision. By this arrangement, 
the translator will bear the responsibility of his own 
work ; and the extent and value of the aid rendered 
will be fully understood and appreciated by the 
reader. In cases of translations which require to be 

• In pages 70 and 88 will be found two short passages showing the quality 
of one of these translations — a fair specimen of many others. 


checked and amended throughout, no name has been 
or will be given. The original translator cannot lay 
claim to the revised work, and there are few who would 
like their names to appear as the authors of translations 
obnoxious to correction. 

To set this question entirely at rest, the Editor here 
gives a complete list of the translations which appear in 
the first and in the present volume, with the names of 
those who are responsible for them. Prom this it will 
be seen that no one has any real ground of complaint. 
The list is confined to the translations, because all else 
is the work of Sir H. M. Elliot or the Editor, except 
a few contributions specially and scrupulously recog- 
nized where they appear. 

VOL. I. 


The bibliograpliical notices are by tbe Editor, exceptiagthe notice 

of tbe Asbkalu-l Bilad, No. V., whicb is chiefly by Sir 

H. M. Elliot. 

I. — Salsilatu-t Tawarikh — Translated from Reinaud's French 

version by the Editor. 

n. III. — Ibn Khurdadba and Mas'udi — Translations printed in 

the old volume revised by Editor. 
IV.— Istakhri— Editor. 

V. — Ashkalu-1 Bilad — Partially revised by Editor. 
VI.— Suru-1 Buldan— None. 

VII. — Jami'u-t Tawarikh — The old translation revised after a col- 
lation of the various MSS. by the Editor. 
Vin. — Idrisi — Translated from Jaubert's French version by the 
IX. — Kazwini — Editor. 



I. — Mujmalu-t Tawarikh — Sir H. M. E. and the Editor. 

II.— Biladuri— Sir H. M. E. and the Editor. 

m. — Ohaoh-nama — A munshi, revised by the Editor. 

IV.— Ma'sumi— Page 237 to 240 by Sir H. M. E., all the rest 

by Editor. 

v.— Tarikh-i Tahiri— Lt. Perkins.' 

VI. — Beg-Lar-nama ^ , , . . , , , -r, 

-cTTT m 1 1 r ■ [A munsni, revised by the Editor. 
VII. — Tarkhan-nama ) ^ 

Vni. — Tuhfatu-1 Kiram — Anonymous, but revised by the Editor 

and found to be accurate. 

Appendix. — Sir H. M. E., excepting where brackets show the 

Editor's work. 


I.-Tarikhu-lHind|g.^^ jj j,_ 

n.— 'utbi ) 

III. — Baihaki — Prom page 61 to 129 by a munshi, and although 
said to have been revised, it required very extensive cor- 
rection by the Editor ; page 129 to 154 by Sir H. M. E. 
IV. — Jami'u-1 Hikayat — A munshi, whose style had been improved 
by an Englishmau, but the translation needed a thorough 
revision by the Editor, 
v.— Nizamu-t Tawarikh— Sir H. M. B. 
VI.— Kamilu-t Tawarikh— Editor. 
Vn.— Taju-1 Ma-asir— Sir H. M. E. 

VIII. — Tabakat-i Nasiri — Page 266 to 359, a munshi, revised and 
sundry long gaps filled up by the Editor ; page 360 to 383^ by 
the Editor. 
IX.— Jahan-Kusha— Sir H. M. E. 

' This translation bore no name, "but the Editor has reason for believing it to be 
the work of Lt. Perkins. It was checked by the Editor and found to be yery correct. 

2 Translations of this and of sundry other portions of the Tdbahdt-i Nasiri had been 
made by an English officer ; but the Editor, with every desire to make use of them and 
save himself labour, was obliged to reject them. Prefixed to the translations were the 
following notes, the later one written after Sir H. M. Elliot's death. These of them- 
selves wiU show that no harsh judgment has been exercised : — 

" This translation is imperfect. By allowing myself great latitude in guessing at 
the author's meaning, supplying words, sometimes whole passages, I have succeeded 
in making it appear a somewhat connected narrative. Had I marked in the margin 



The various Kotes are the work of Sir H. M. Elliot, excepting 
■where the brackets show the Editor's additions, or special references 
are made to the sources of information, as in Notes B. and B. 
Note C. — The translations of the extracts were made by munshis, 

and have been revised by the Editor. 
Note F. — Majma'i Wasaya — A munsbi, unrevised. 


Zinatu-1 MajaliS) 

Note Gr. — Mir-at-iMas'udi— Translated by E. B. Chapman, Esq., B.C.S . 
Note H. — Extracts translated by Sir H. M. E. 

I A munshi, revised by the Editor. 
Sj ; 

all the passages wMcli were doubtM, I find I should have to mark the whole trans- 
lation almost ; I have therefore only marked those which are more especially obscure, 
and when the meaning appeared to be of more than usual importance. 

" N. B. — This translation was done and the remarks in the margin made under the 
impression that it would be looked over by Sir H. M. EUiot." 


The Portrait prefixed to this volume has been copied from 
a sketch made hy an amateur on the occasion of one of Lord 
Dalhoude's official receptions. As chance would have it, this 
is the only likeness of Sir Henry Elliot extant, otherwise, neither 
the formal costume nor the profile face would have recommended 
themselves as best calculated to convey an effective representation 
of the author. 


I. T6i/rlkhvrl Hind of Birtinl - - - - - 1 

II. Ta/rikh Tamini of 'Utbl . - - 14 

III. TariJchu-s Svhuktigin of Baihakl - . - 53 

IV. JwmPvrl Rikdydt of Muhammad 'Ufl - 155 
V. Tdjvrl Ma-&sir of Hasan Nizdmi - - - - - 204 

VI. Kdmilvrt Tawdrikh of Ibn Asir - - 244 

VII. Nizdmu-t Tawdrikh of Baiz^wi - - - 252 

VIII. raJaM<-i iVteV? of MinMju-s Sir&j - - - - 259 

IX. Jakdn KvsM oi JuwxEcA - 384 


NOTE A.— Tte Hindu fings of K^bul - - - 403 

B. — Extract from Thomas' Prinsep ... 428 

C. — The Historians of the Ghaznivides - - - - 429 

D. — Mahmud's Expeditions to India - - - . - 434 

E. — Coins of the Ghaznivides and Ghorians - - 478 
F. — Extracts from Story-booka : — 

1. Majma'-i Wasdyd ........ 485 

2. Nigaristdn . . . . . 504 

3. Zinatu-l Majdlis 506 

G. — Extracts from the Mir-dt-i MaiHidi 513 

H. — Jal41u-d din on the Indus - - 549 

I. — The Karmatians 571 

J. — Geographical Notes 575 


Page 76, line 3 from the bottom, substitute "Manjurin" for "the wine- 
drinkers (mai-khur^n)." — A subsequent passage shows the 
true reading. 
Page 129.— For "July, 1033" read "July, 1034." 

" 157. — Por " (This last contains only) the first two hisms," substitute 
" — part of the first kism as far as Chapter 25, where it 
ends abruptly." 

„ 204.— For No. " IV." read " V." 

„ 249.— To note add, " See Vol. I. p. 445." 

„ 276. — In note 2, for "words" read "word." 

„ 485.— For Appendix " E" read " F." 





Abd RihAn* Muhammad bin Ahmad al BiiiUNi al Khwar- 
iZMt, was born''' about a.h. 360, a.d. 970-1. He was an 
astronomer, geometrician, historian, and logician. He was so 

' Raiha.n would, be more correct, according to the Ka,m(is. In Biigg' s Firishta 
(p. 113), the name is strangely perverted into " Anvmry Khin." 

^ The place of his hirth is disputed. His earliest biographer is Shahraztiri, 
who, in his Tawdrilch-i Snhamd, written shortly after Birdni's death, says that he 
was born at Birfin, in Sind, "a beautiful city full of excellent and marvellous things." 
He has been followed by Hiji KhaUa, by Ibn AbH TJssaibiah, and by Abii-1 FidS., on 
the authority of Ibn Sa'id, M. Eeinaud also states that he was a Sindian. Yet, 
where is this city of Biriin in Sind ? There is a Nirtln, or Nirfln Kot, near the site 
of the present city of Haidar&b&,d, corresponding in position with the Birfin indicated 
by Abil-1 Fids., which probably has had its first letter altered by a transposition of the 
vowel point. But M. Eeinaud (p. 195) is distinct in condemning Capt. McMurdo 
and other English writers who, following Idrisi, read Nirtin for Birfin. Abd-l Fid&'s 
reading cannot be disputed, for he not only gives, but describes the nature of, the 
diacritical point, and all that can be said against him is that he never was in India, 
and that he derived his information from others. (See Vol. I. Appx. p. 396.) 
In the Kitdbu-l Ansdb by Sam'&ni, a book of very great authority, written a.h. 
562, A.D. 1166, Birllni is derived from the Persian, and made to apply to any one 
born out of Khw^rizm. Some authorities distinctly assert that he was born at 
Birdn, a town of KhwS,rizm, but I know not if the existence of such a town has been 
established. Birflnl in his Indian Geography takes little notice of Sind, and says 
nothing of his birthplace. [The passage quoted from the "Quarterly Review," 
{infra p. 3) seems to decide the question, for Birfini is there said to be a native of 
KhwMzm, and the whole tenor of the article confirms the statement.] 

2 AL BrEUNr. 

studious that Shamsu-d din Muhammad Shahrazuri, his earliest 
biographer, tells us "he never had a pen out of his hand, nor his 
eye ever off a book, and his thoughts were always directed to his 
studies, with the exception of two days in the year, namely 
Nauroz [New Year's day at the vernal equinox], and Mihrjan [the 
autumnal equinox], when he was occupied, according to the com- 
mand of the Prophet, in procuring the necessaries of life on such 
a moderate scale as to afford him bare sustenance and clothing." 
[As a logician he obtained the sobriquet of "MuJiahldk" or "the 
exact," on account of the rigorous precision of his deductions]. ^ 
[Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki who lived about half a century after Al 
Biruni, says, " Bii Rihan was beyond comparison, superior to 
every man of his time in the art of composition, in scholarlike 
accomplishments, and in knowledge of geometry and philosophy. 
He had, moreover, a most rigid regard for truth ; " and Rashidu-d 
din, in referring to the great writer from whom he has borrowed 
so much, says " The Master Abii Rihan al Biruni excelled all 
his cotemporaries in the sciences of philosophy, mathematics, and 
geometry. He entered the service of Mahmud bin Subuktigin, 
and in the course of his service he spent a long time in Hindus- 
Ian and learned the language of the country. Several of the 
provinces of India were visited by him. He was on friendly 
terms with many of the great and noble of that country, and so 
acquired an intimate knowledge of their books of philosophy, 
religion, and belief. The best and most excellent of all their 
books upon the arts and sciences is one resembling the work of 
Shaikh Rais Abu 'Ali ibn Sina (Avicenna). It is called Batakal, 
or in Arabic Batajal ; this book he translated into Arabic. Prom 
this work also he extracted a great deal which he made use of 
in his Kantin Mas'udi, a work upon mathematics and geome- 
try, named after the Sultan Mas'iid. All that the sages of 
India have said about numbers, ages, and eras (tairdrikh), has 
been exactly given by Abu Rihan in his translation of the 

' Memoirc sur V Inde, p. 29. 


He was indebted to the Sultdn of Khwarizm for the oppor- 
tunity of visiting India, for he was appointed by him to accompany 
the embassies which he sent to Mahmud of Ghazni. Al Farabi 
and Abii-l Khair joined one of these embassies, but the famous 
Avicenna, who was invited to accompany them, refused to go, 
being, as it is hinted, averse to enter into controversy with Abu 
Rihan, with whom he differed on many points of science, and 
whose logical powers he feared to encounter. [On the invitation 
of Mahmud, Abii Rihan entered into his service, an invitation 
which Avicenna declined. It was in the suite of Mahmud and 
of his son Mas'ud that] Abii Rihan travelled into India, and he 
is reported to have staid forty years there ; but if we may judge 
from some errors that he has committed in his geographical 
description of the country, such as placing Thanesar in the Dodb, 
it would appear that he never travelled to the east of Lahore.^ 
Abu Rihan died in a.h. 430, a.d. 1038-9. 

He wrote many works, and is said to have executed several 
translations from the Greek, and to have epitomised the Almagest 
of Ptolemy. His works are stated to have exceeded a camel-load, 
insomuch that it was supposed by devout Muhammadans that 
he received divine aid in his compositions. Those most spoken 
of are astronomical tables, a treatise on precious stones, one on 
Materia Medica, an introduction to astrology, a treatise on 
chronology, and the famous Kanunu-1 Mas'iidi, an astronomical 
and geographical work frequently cited by Abii-l Fida, especially 
in his tables of Lat. and Long. For this last work he received 
from the Emperor Mas' ud an elephant-load of silver, which, how- 
ever, he returned to the Royal Treasury, " a proceeding contrary 
to human nature," according to the testimony of Shahraziiri. 

[An accomplished writer in a late number of the " Quarterly 
Review," observes : " Abu Rihan a native of the country (of 
Khwarizm) was the only early Arab writer who investigated the 
antiquities of the East in a true spirit of historical criticism," and 
he proceeds to give some examples of his knowledge of ancient 
1 See note Yol. I. p. 353. 


technical chronology which are of the highest importance in 
establishing the early civilization of the Arian race. According 
to this reviewer, Abu Eihan says, " the solar calendar of Khwar- 
izm, was the most perfect scheme for measuring time with which 
he was acquainted, and it was maintained by the astronomers of 
that country, that both the solar and the lunar zodiacs bad 
originated with them ; the divisions of the signs in their systems 
being far more regular than those adopted by the Greeks or 
Arabs. * * * Another statement of Abii Rihan's asserts 
that the Khwarizmians dated originally from an epoch anterior 
by 980 years to the era of the Seleucidse (equal to B.C. 1304), 
a date which agrees pretty accurately with the period assigned 
by our best scholars to the invention of the Jyotisha or Indian 
calendar." 1 This most curious and interesting information, for 
which we are indebted to the writer in the " Quarterly," raises 
higher than ever the reputation of Abu Rihan, and must inten- 
sify the desire so long felt for a complete translation of his 
extant works.] 

The names of his writings are given in full by Reiske in the 
Supplement to the Bibl. Or. on the authority of Abu TJssaibiah. 
The work by which he is best known, and which to the cultivator 
of Indian history is the most important, of all his works is the 
Tarikhu-1 Hind in Arabic. A manuscript of this work, or of a 
portion of it, is in the Imperial Library, Paris {Fonds Bucaurroi/, 
No. 22), and from this MS. M. Reinaud extracted two chapters 
which he published in the Journal Asiatique, and separatelj' in his 
"Fragments Arahes et Perxans inidits reJatifs a I' Inde anterieure- 
ment au xi. siecle de I'ere Chrefieime." [The work, according to 
M. Reinaud, was written in India in 1031 a.d., and he observes 
upon it — " Get ecrit est un tableau de I'etat litteraire et scienti- 
fique de la presqu'ile, au moment ou les armees musulmanes y 
p^netrerent pour la premiere fois. On y voit successivement 
apparaitre les principaux travaux litt^raires, philosophiques et 
astronomiques des Indiens, le tableau de leurs eres, la maniere 

1 "Quarterly Review," No. 240, p. 490. 


dont lis comptaient les jours, les raois, les annfe et les cycles."' 
Sir H. Rawlinson possesses a MS. of a part of Al Biriini's 
works,]^ and there is a manuscript of some portions thereof 
mentioned by M. Hsenel as existing in the Library of the Arsenal 
at Paris. This MS. appears to be the one noticed by D'Herbelot 
in the article Athar, [and to be the same as that " which was 
formerly much referred to by M. Quatremere under the title 
'Athar el Bakieth.'"^] The Tdrikhu-l Hind is not known at 
all in India, and M. Reinaud states that it is not mentioned in 
any of the bibliographical works in Arabic which have come 
under his observation. It will be seen hereafter that Abii-l Fazl 
Baihaki attributes to him another work, " A History of Khwar- 
izm," which is noticed by M. Fraehn in his catalogue.* 

The Tdnkhu-l Hind treats of the literature and science of tlie 
Indians at the commencement of the eleventh century. It does 
not bear the name of the author, but we learn from it, that he 
accompanied Mahmud of Ghazni ; that he resided many years 
in India, chiefly, in all probability, in the Paujab, studied the 
Sanskrit language, translated into it some works from the Arabic, 
and translated from it two treatises into Arabic. This state- 
ment is confirmed by Abu-1 Faraj, in his " Catalogue of Ancient 
and Modern Authors." Biruni says, towards the end of his 
preface, " I have translated into Arabic two Indian works, one 
discusses the origin and quality of things which exist, and is 
entitled Sankhya, the other is known under the title of Patan- 
jali,'' which treats of the deliverance of the soul from the trammels 
of the body. These two works contain the chief principles of 
the Indian Creed." « 

Neither the original nor the translation of this work [presumed 

1 \_Miim sur V Inde, p. 30.] 

' [This fact, and the general character of the article in the " Review," which 
probably no one else in Europe could have written, aitord sufficient indication of the 
writer, Sir H. Eawlinson.] 

s [" Quarterly Eeview," No. 240, p. 490, note; Mem sur I' Inde, p. 30.] 

* Indications Sibl. p. 28. 

* [See Note, next page.] * Keinaud's FraffineiUs, p. .xiii. 

6 AL BI'Rl/Nr. 

to be that] of Patanjala has descended to us ; but as M. Reinaud 
observes, the declaration quoted in the preceding paragraph serves 
to indicate the author of the Tarikhu-l Hind, which other circum- 
stances would have rendered extremely probable. Rashidu-d din, 
in his history, quotes as one of the works to which he is indebted 
for his information, an Arabic version of " the Batakal," made 
by Al-Biruni.i Binakiti also mentions this translation of the 

1 [The Sanskrit work translated by Abii Rihgin has, upon this identification 
made by Eeinaud, been unhesitatingly believed to haye been the production 
of the sage Patanjali, a well-known philosopher and Vedic commentator and 
grammarian (M tiller's Sanskrit Lit. p. 235). The description given of that work 
by Abii Eiban accords very well with the sage's writings ; but the specimens 
which we have of the work in the published fragments of Al Birfini, and ia 
their reproduction by Eashidu-d din are of a very different character. The latter 
writer says it was a book upon the arts and sciences, containing all that the sages 
of India have written about numbers, ages, and eras, and accordingly we iind the 
book cited upon questions of chronology and geography. In the Extract printed 
by M. Reinaud, the word is given distinctly as " Batanjali," but I have not found 
it so written in any of the MSS. of the Jami'u-t Tawarikh or of Binakiti. The MS. 

of the E. I. Library says " the name of the book is JjL-kjb which in Arabic they 
write jls-'l) In the passage translated and printed in Vol. I. p. 44, it is written 
i]L,^i\j and in another jls^'l) The Lucknow MS. has jX-j'U and Asr'b 
The Arabic MS. is equally explicit and says — 

Jij'lj '(i^\j lij<~^ Jjp:^\ i^ } 
"The word Bitajal is the Arabic form of what in the original is B-itakal." 
(Judging from analogy there is but one letter between the alif and the Jim, for the 

t is so found written in words about which there can be no doubt, as i ,JLj) Here 

we have the remarkable fact that the Arabic form of the name (Blitajal or Batanjal) 
is more like the presumed Sanskrit original (Patanjali) than the word Bitakal or 
Eatankal, which is given as the exact or nearest transcription of that original word. 
Mr. Morley found the word written Biiiatakal or B&tauakal in two manuscripts 
of Binikiti (Jour. E. A. S. VI. 26). In the E. As. Soo.'s copy of Bin&kiti it is 

written JiL.j'l,j A Persian note prefixed to the MS. No. 16 of the R. As. Society, 
and translated by Dr. Duncan Forbes, says, " After Abtl Rihin had made thorough 
proficiency in the sciences of the Indian philosophers, he translated from the Indian 
language into the Arabic tongue, the book of PMankal, or Pltanjal [,lCjlj 1 
which is a collection of all the sciences, and one of the most valuable works of the 
sages of Hind. » » f To this work he gave the name of Pitanjal, [ J,^njlj] 
a copy of which he carried away with him." — (Forbes, Jour. R.A.S. VI. p. 38.) 
This note would seem to have been drawn from Eash!du-d din's notice of Abti 
Rih^ti above quoted— and the spelling of the name of the book is identically the 


work, and says that Birdni included the translation in the 
Kanunu-1 Mas'udi,i but a close examination of the Kantin does 
not confirm this, for there is nothing special about India in the 

The two chapters of his work, edited by M. Eeinaud, relate to 
the eras and geography of India. Like the Chinese travels of 
Fa-hian and Hwen Tsang, they establish another fixed epoch 
to which we can refer for the determination of several points re- 
lating to the chronology of this countrj'. We learn from them 
.that the Harivansa Parana, which the most accomplished 
orientalists have hitherto ascribed to a period not anterior to 
the eleventh century, was already quoted in Biruni's time as a 
standard authority, and that the epoch of the composition of the 
five Siddhantas no longer admits of question, and thus the 
theories of Anquetil du Perron and Bentley are demolished for 

The extract from the Tdrihhu-l Hind given below is of great 
historical interest. The succession of the last princes of Kabul 

same as in the MS. of the E. I. Library. It thus appears very questionable whether 
the sage Patanjali is reaUy the author referred to, but at any rate it is certain that 
no Sanskrit ■work bearing his name has yet been discovered which at all corresponds 
to the hook used by Abti Eiha,n. If a guess may be ventured on, the final syllable 
1ml is possibly the Sanskrit kdla, "time."] 

' M. Eeinaud (p. 97) says of this work that "unfortunately it has not come down 
to us." It appears to have escaped him that nearly the entire first volume exists in 
the Bodleian Library, collated with the autograph of the author, and dated as far 
back as a.d. 1083. The contents of that volume are given in Drs. McoU's and 
Pusey's Catalogue. In the notes to that article the learned Doctors have surely 
taken very unnecessary trouble to write elaborate remarks upon Arin .j .1 , which 
can be no other place than Ujain, in Malwa, which by Bilfeduri (Vol. I. p. 126), and 
the early Arabic authors was written v. I as being more in conformity with 

Ptolemy, who calls it by the name of 'Oir)v/j. [There is a copy of the Kdnumi-l 
Mas'udi among Sir H. EUiot's MSS.] 

^ Compare Eeinaud's Fragments, Mem. sur VInde, p. 29-239, and Abou-l Feda, 
I. xcv. ; Sprenger's Mas'udi, p. 154 ; Casii'i, BiUioth. AraUoo-Hispana, Tom. i. p. 
322; D'Herbelot, mU. Or. Tom. i. pp. 45, 407, 496, and Tom. iv. pp. 697, 722. 
Greg. AbulfaragU Hist. Dynast, p. 229 ; Wiistenfeld, Abulfeda Tah. Geogr. p. 77 ; 
Biographic Univ. s. v. De Rossi, Dizionario Storico degli Autori Arabi, s. v. Nicoll 
and Pusey, Bodl. Cod. MSS. Or. Cat. Arab. pp. 263, 360-363, 552 : Fliigel, De 
Interpretibus, No. 76. "Wiistenfeld, Arabische Aerzte, No. 129 ; As. Res. vi. 537, 
ix. 195 ; Rampoldi, v. 510, vi. 535; Geiniilde-saal, iv. 160 ; Mod. Vniv.Hist.lUbl . 

8 AL BrEUNf. 

given there, tliough not in accordance with the statements of 
Mirkhond and other Persian historians, yet, being dependent on 
the contemporary testimony of Biruni, is of course more trust- 
worthy than that of subsequent compilers, and is moreover con- 
firmed by the Jdmi'u-t Tawdrikh. With respect to this table of 
succession, the ingenuity of the French editor induced him to 
surmise that it probably represented a series of Brahman princes 
who succeeded in subverting a Buddhist dynasty of Turks, and 
to whom should be attributed certain coins of a peculiar type 
which numismatists had previously some difficulty in assigning 
to their true masters. M. A. Longperier has confirmed this 
opinion by certain arguments, which have been printed as an 
appendix to M. Reinaud's work, and he has been ably followed 
by Mr. E. Thomas, B.C.S., who has published a paper in the 
"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,"' respecting the proper 
attribution of this series. The result is that we are able to trace 
Brahman kings of Kabul to the beginning of the tenth century, 
about A.D. 920, and thus clear up the mist which enveloped a 
whole century of the Indian annals previous to Mahmud'a 

In the same paper Mr. Thomas observes that the word 
Hamira, so long supposed to be a proper name, and so eagerly 
sought for among the Hindu kings of India, proves to be an 
abbreviation of the full title of the Khalif of Baghdad, — Amiru-l 
Mwninin, — continued by the Muhammadans in this curtailed 
form from the Arabic reverses of their own Ghazni money, when 
they adopted the style of coin found current in the countries they 
had subdued. "The abbreviation of the full titles of the Khalif 
into Sri Hamira will be seen," says Mr. Thomas, " to be neces- 
sary, as the space occupied by the device did not admit of the 
introduction of many more Hindi letters of the size it was the 
custom to employ." But this supposed abbreviation is disproved 
by examining the gold coins of Muhammad Grhori, on one of 

' Tol. ix. p. 194 ; [see also his Prinsep, I. 331.] 

^ See note in Appendix on "The Hindu Kings of Kabul." 


which, in the possession of General Cunningham, Sri Hamir is 
ascribed as the title of the king, not of the Khalif. The legend 
on one side only (not on two sides) is Sri Hamir Muhammad 
Sdmi. On the copper coins Sri Hamir is on the reverse, but the 
purport of the expression is fully shown by the position it occu- 
pies on the gold coins. Amir is used by Baihaki as equivalent 
to Sultan, and that is no doubt the use of it in all these places. 
The legend of Sri Samant Deo on many of this series of coins, 
upon which so much stress is laid, as indicative of Samant's 
power as one of the chief founders of the dynasty, does not seem 
to have reference to that prince, but to be an honorary title as- 
sumed by the reigning prince, meaning the "fortunate warrior;" 
otherwise it certainly would not have been stamped on the coins 
of Prithi Raj, who lived 250 years later, and was not, like 
Samant, a Brahman, but a Chauhan Rajput, and proud of his 


Kabul was formerly governed by princes of the Turkish race. 
It is said that they were originally from Tibet. The first of 
them, who was named Barhtigin, dwelt, when he arrived at 
Edbul, in a cave, in which no one could enter except by crawling 
on all fours. The cave contained a spring, and he provided him- 
self therein with food for some days. This cave is now well 
known by the name of Bakar, and is entered by those persons 
who wish to obtain the blessing which a visit to it is supposed to 
confer, and bring out some of the water, not without much diffi- 
culty. Groups of peasants used to labour near the entrance of 
the cave. Such a thing (as remaining in the cave without food) 

1 [See Mr. Thomas' reply to tliig, PHw«i) I. 331, and "Jour. E. A. S." XTu. 170; 
extracts from which will be found in the Appendix to this Yolume. 

^ [Sir H. Elliot himself prepared this Extract for the press from M. Eeinaud's 
French version, comparing that as he went on with the Arabic text. The Editor 
has made no alteration in the translation, except the substitution of "Barhtigin" for 
"Barkatztir," as the name appeared in the first edition. In Sir H. Elliot's draft 
translation the word is written "Barhatgin," but the copyist or printer read 
" Barkatziir," as an ignorant person might well do.] 

10 AL BrEl/Nr. 

could not be practised without the connivance of some one. The 
people who were in league with Barhtigin engaged the peasants 
to labour without ceasing, relieving each other night and day, by 
which it happened that the place was constantly surrounded. 
After some days, Barhtigin came all of a sudden out of the cave,^ 
and the men who were near the entrance saw him appear as one 
just born, clothed as a Turk, with a tunic, cap, boots, and armed 
from head to foot. He was looked upon as a wondrous person, 
and destined for empire. So he rendered himself master of the 
kingdom of Kabul, which continued in his family for sixty 

The Indians attach little importance to the sequence of events, 
and neglect to record the dates of the reigns of their kings. 
When they are embarrassed, they are silent. I will here men- 
tion what I have heard some people of tbe country say. It is 
true, according to what I have heard, that the succession of 
these reigns was written on a piece of silk, which was found in 
the fortress of Nagarkot. I vehemently desired to read this 
writing, but different circumstances prevented me. 

Among the number of these kings was Eanak,^ who founded 
the Vihar at Peshawar, which bears his name. It is said that 
the Rai of Kanauj offered to this prince, among other presents, 
a piece of cloth of excellent texture, and of a new kind, of which 
Kanak wished to make a dress. But the tailor refused to make 
up the garment, saying, " I see the figure of a human foot, and 
notwithstanding all my endeavours, still the foot will come be- 

' He seems to haye imposed upon the credulous people ty the same means which 
are even now practised in the west of India. Lieut. Boileau in his " Fersonal Xar- 
rativeof a Tour in Rajwarra" and Capt. Oshorne in his "Court and Camp of Runjeet 
Sing," gives an account of a man who allowed himself to be interred for a month. 
The former is circumstantial in his account, and seems to yield faith to the statement 
of his narrators. It is not improbable that the ancients alluded to this practice 
when they spoke of Indians who lived without food, and in caves. Aulus GeUius 
speaks of them as "gentem, apud extrema Indias nuUo cibatu resceutem." Noct. 
Att. ix. 4. See also Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. iii. 45 ; Ctesiaj, Indie. Excerpt, xxiu. ; 
Grote's Grceee, III. 113. 

2 [See Eeinaud, Mem sur VInde, p. 73 ; Thomas' Prinsep, Index, Kanishka; see 
Cunningham, "Jour. Ben. As. Soc." Vol. xxiii.] 


tween the shoulders." This bears a relation to the story which 
I have elsewhere narrated in the legend of Bal. 

Kanak understood that the Rai of Kanauj intended to insult 
him, and to evince the small estimation in which he held him, so 
Kanak departed quickly with his army towards Kanauj. At 
this news the Rai of Kanauj was greatly embarrassed, not find- 
ing himself in a position to contend with the king of Kabul. He 
consulted with his minister, who said, " You have roused a man 
who was peaceably disposed, and an untoward act has been 
committed. Now cut off my nose and lips, and mutilate me, 
that I may search out a way of practising some artifice, since 
there are no means of open resistance." 

The Rai did as his minister advised, and allowed him to 
depart to the frontier. When the army of Kabul met the 
minister, he made himself known, and was conducted to the 
presence of Kanak, who demanded of him how he was reduced 
to that (pitiable) condition. He replied, "I endeavoured to dis- 
suade the Rdi from contending with you, and recommended him 
to make his submission, but, charging me with collusion, he 
mutilated me. If you. march by the road which lies before you, 
you will find it long. You will more easily arrive at your desti- 
nation by encountering the difficulties of the desert between him 
and us, provided you can carry with you a supply of water for a 
few days." Kanak said, " This is easy." So he took with him 
water, as recommended, and was guided on his way by the 
minister, who preceded him when he entered the boundless 
desert. When some days had elapsed, and the king knew not 
his way, he enquired of the minister, who replied, " No rebuke 
can attach to me for seeking to secure the safety of my master, 
and the destruction of his enemy. The nearest way to escape 
from the desert is that by which you entered it. Do to me as 
you wish, but none of you can escape alive from this desert." 
At these words Kanak mounted his horse, and urged it towards 
some low ground, in the midst of which he dug his spear, and 
water gushed out from it, which sufficed for the present and 

12 AL Bt'El/Nr. 

future wants of the whole army. Then the minister said to the 
king, "I did not intend to practice deceit upon powerful angels, 
hut only upon weak men ; and since things have so turned out, 
accept my intercession, and pardon my gracious master. Kanak 
replied, "I now retrace my way, and grant your solicitation. 
Tour master has already received the punishment due to him." 
Upon this the king returned to his country, and the minister to 
his master the Eai. But on his arrival he found that the Uii 
had been deprived of the use of his feet and hands on the self- 
same day that Kanak had planted his spear in the ground.^ 

The last of these kings was Laktiizaman, and his minister was 
Kalar, a Brahman. * * * Laktuzaman's thoughts 
and actions were evil, so that many complaints reached the 
minister, who loaded him with chains and imprisoned him for his 
correction. * * * So the minister established himself 
on the throne, and was succeeded by the Brahman Samand, 
whose successor was Kamalava, whose successor was Bhim, whose 
successor was Jaipdl, whose successor was Anand Pal, whose 
successor was Nardajanpal,^ who ascended the throne a.h. 412. 
His son, Bhim Pal, succeeded him after the lapse of five years, 
and under him the sovereignty of India became extinct, and no 
descendant remained to light a fire on the hearth. These princes, 
notwithstanding the extent of their dominions, were endowed with 
excellent qualities, were faithful to their engagements, and 
gracious towards their inferiors. The letter which Anand Pal 
wrote to Amir Mahmud, at the time enmity existed between 
them, is much to be admired. "I have heard that the Turks have 
invaded your dominions, and have spread over Khurasan : if 
you desire it, I will join you with 5,000 Cavalry, 10,000, 
Infantry, and 100 Elephants; but if you prefer it, I will send 
my son with twice the number. In making this proposal, I 

1 The story is told in the JdmVu-l Silcdydt, I. xii. 15, with some variations, [see 
post, the article on the JEimi'u-l Hik&y&t]. Eanak's name is not mentioned, but the 
hero is Shih-i Z&.bnlist^in, i.e. King of Z&hul, Sist&n, Ghaznl, etc. 

^ [Keinaud says the MS. will admit of this name being read Tar-dajanp&l, Tar- 
vajaup&l, or NarvajanpEiL] 


do not wish to ingratiate myself with you. Though I have 
vanquished you, I do not desire that any one else but myself 
should obtain the ascendancy."^ This prince was a determined 
enemy of the Musulmans from the time that his son Nardajanpal 
was taken prisoner, but his son was, on the contrary, well dis- 
posed towards them.^ 

' This is translated somewhat differently hy M. Reinaud, but the Tersion here 
given seems more in conformity with the original Arabic. 

* [Mr. Thomas has brought forward strong evidence against the accuracy of this 
passage. He quotes the counterpart passage in the Persian and Arabic versions of 
the J&mi'u-t Taw5,rikh which says "And Kank returned to his country and was the 
last of the Kat&rman kings." So that the name of Laktdzam&n would appear to be 
nothing more than an incorrect rendering of the designation of the tribe of KatCir. — 
"Jour. R. A. S." is. 177 ; Prinsep, Vol. I. p. 315. It may he added that Reiuaud's 
text gives the name as "Laktiizamto" in the first, but " Laktirzamkn " in the 
second instance.] 

14 AL 'UTBT. 




AL 'UTBf. 

^ [The author of this celebrated, work was named Abu Nasr 
Muhammad ibn Muhammad al Jabbaru-1 'Utbi. He was a mem- 
ber of the family of 'Utba, which held important ofiELces under 
the Samanis, and he himself was Secretary to Sultan Mahmiid, 
so that he enjoyed excellent opportunities of becoming fully 
acquainted with the operations of that conqueror. His work 
comprises the whole of the reign of Nasiru-d din Sabuktigin, 
and part of that of Mahmud, down to the year 410 Hijra (1020 
A.D.) The author would appear to have lived a few years later 
than this, as he records an event as happening in 420 Hijra,^ 
but the interest of his work ceases with the year 410. J 

[Though holding an appointment near the person of Mahmud, 
he does not seem to have accompanied him in his expeditions, 
for he evidently had no knowledge of the topography of India, 
and his statements in respect of localities are of little authority. 
He never mentions Lahore or Dehli, and with the exception of 

' [This article has been compiled, for the most part, from Sir H. Elliot's rough 
notes and memoranda.] ' [Reynolds Translation, -474.] 


the title Rdi, no Hindi word is found in his pages. In dates he 
is deficient, and far from precise.] 

[There are several Persian translations of this work, which bear 
the title of Tarjuma-i Yamini. The most ancient of these is 
that of Abii-l Sharaf Jarbadkani, or Jarb4zk^ni, which was made 
in 582 Hijri, or 1186 a.d. This version is very rarely met with 
in India, but it has been rendered into English by the Rev. J. 
Reynolds, and published under the auspices of the Oriental 
Translation Fund (London, 1858). Another version is the 
modern one made by Muhammad Karamat 'All of Dehli. This 
is known as the Tdnkh-i Amini or Tarjuma-i Yamini, and 
although it is not common, it can easily be procured. Kard,mat 
'All's translation is very literal, the order of the words even 
following that of the original Arabic, and it is in general very 
correct and free from errors. He interposes /azrfas or notes con- 
taining explanations of meaning and surmises about identifica- 
tion of places, but these are common place, and of little value.] 

[A knowledge of the work of 'Utbi was at one time considered 
a great desideratum in Europe, but it is now found to contain 
but little which is not accessible through other channels. Firishta 
and other historians have, by means of the Persian versions, ex- 
tracted from it all that is of value and interest. But for all this 
it must continue a work of authority and an object of curiosity, 
as the original source from which later writers have drawn 
much of their information respecting Mahmud's campaigns.] 

[The style of the original has generally been considered diffi- 
cult and inflated, and Karamat 'All describes it as "very difficult, 
but at the same time good and elegant." Sir H. Elliot, who 
himself translated the extracts which follow from the original 
Arabic, observes that he " was alarmed at first at the declared 
difficulty of the text, but found it to vanish after a little exami- 
nation." " All passages relating to India have been extracted, 
and the translations are literal, except that some of the useless 
illustrations have been omitted,"] 

[The Bibliotheque Imperiale possesses three copies of the 

16 AL 'UTBr. 

Arabic, and one of the Persian version. From the latter, Silvestre 
de Sacy published in "Notices et Extraits," Tome iv. 1799, an 
almost complete translation into French.] ^ Copies of the Tdrikh 
Yamini are not uncommon in India. One of the best is in the 
Library of Nawwab Siraju-1 Mulk, of HaidardbM; and Sir H. 
Rawlinson has a very good copy. The edition lithographed at 
Dehli in the year 1847, is a very clear one, and contains some 
useful marginal notes, explanatory of the difficulties of the text. 
It was edited by Maulavi Ashraf 'Ali and Dr. Sprenger : size, 
large 8vo. 423 (497) pages each containing 16 lines. Professor 
Fleischer has remarked on the errors of its pagination.^ Sil- 
vestre de Sacy notices a copy of one of the commentaries in a 
Library at Constantinople.^ I only know one copy from which 
I have made the Extracts given hereafter. This belongs to a 
pertinacious old lady at Belgram, who, without knowing what it 
is, scrupulously guards it from leaving her house, ever since my 
enquiries respecting the work have led her to look upon it as of 
exceeding value. 


There are several commentaries upon 'Utbi's history bearing 
this title. Their object is the explanation of the difficult pas- 
sages, and the settling the right orthography of names. They 
are thus enumerated by H4ji Khalfa : * — 

"The commentators are Majda-d din Eirmani ; Kassam bin 
Husain Khwarizmi, who died a.h. 555; Taju-d din 'fsa bin 
Mahmud ; Haibatu-d din Abu 'Abdu-llah ; Mahmud bin 'Umar 
Manjani Naishdpuri, who has entitled his work "Gardens of the 
excellent and odoriferous herbs of the learned." Another is 
Abii-1 Marin Aitdnia, who tells us that having consulted five 

1 Miim. sur V IiuJe, p. 25. 

2 Zeitsohrift, D. M. Gesellschaft, Vol. III. p. 359. 

2 Hist, priorum regum Pers. ex Mirkhond, Pers. et Lat. Yienna 1784, p. 168 ; 
Littevatura Turchesca dell 'Abbate Todeiini, .Tom. II. 

* Lexicon BibliograpUcum, y, " Yemiui ;" and Vol. II. p. 50 ; Notices des Manu- 
scripts, Tom. iv. p. 326. 

TAErKH YAMrisrr. 17 

other commentaries, he extracted from them all that was useful, 
and made to them many important additions of his own. When 
it was complete, he presented his work to his master, the cele- 
brated Kutbu-d din Shirazi, who honoured it with his approval. 
In the end, Kutbu-d din desired him to join the text to the com- 
mentary, an arrangement of which the author did not approve ; 
but having extracted from the text the most important words in 
it, he joined to them the necessary explanation in such a manner 
that one could not distinguish the text from the commentary, 
which together form one well-combined whole. He completed 
his labours on the entire work of 'Utbi at Tabriz, in the year 
721 H. (1321 A.D.) 

It is difficult to conceive the nature of the work thus spoken 
of A combination of text and commentary so as to represent an 
harmonious unity, seems an impossibility. 

The only commentary I know in India is by 'All bin Muslihu-s 
Sama'ani-al Kirm^ni. The year of composition does not appear, 
but the copy which I have seen cannot be less than three hundred 
years old. It is not a commentary upon the complete text, but 
only the most difficult words are selected for explanation. The 
portion thus selected for exegetical notes amounts to about one- 
tenth of the text. The extravagances of which the author is 
guilty, in the following short extract (p. 51), where he endeavours 
to show the correct way of writing Indian names, proves that the 
work can be of no real value, and that it is an impudent attempt 
of ignorance to appear learned. Yet his notions of the value of 
what he was engaged upon are correct enough, though it must be 
confessed they are very original. He says : — " Books of history 
operate as a warning to the wise, and their perusal inspires even 
the negligent with subjects of reflection, and especially those who 
have occasion to travel. Moderns derive benefit from the in- 
structions of the ancients, those who are present learn from those 
that are absent, and posterity becomes acquainted with the occu- 
pations of its ancestors." It is for these solemn truisms that 
the author considered a commentary upon a work which treats 

VOL. II. 2 

18 AL 'UTBr. 

of such exalted subjects as history treats of, a most useful labour 
to undertake. 

The Conquest of Kusddr. 

The ruler of Kusdar, which was near the territory of Grhazna, 
rebelled against Amir Subuktigm.^ His fort was itself strong, 
naturally as well as in its approaches, and he thought that the 
difficulties of the road, as well as the distance, would prevent the 
Amir from attacking him ; but he was afraid lest his territory 
might be plundered, while his city was invested by the Amir's 
cavalry. Amir Subuktigin marched that long distance over lofty 
and difficult hills, with his troops in close columns, one after 
the other, and with such expedition, that his body knew no 
rest, nor his eyes sleep, and his army had but little repose. 

So Subuktigin and his followers attacked the city of the ruler of 
Kusdar, and seized him suddenly, like as a sheep is seized, when 
its limbs are torn to be roasted and placed before a guest ; and 
the faces of the inhabitants were so changed through alarm, that 
the very dogs barked at them, and mothers in their fright de- 
serted their children. The Amir thought it expedient to show 
kindness to the ruler of Kusdar, and to restore to his possession 
all that he had taken from him. He made peace with him on 
condition that he should immediately pay a contribution in money 
and hereafter promise to send an annual tribute. The Khutba 
also was read in that territory in the name of Amir Subuktigin, 
and coiners and goers, and the far and near became acquainted 
with these circumstances.^ 

Amir Subuktigin' s First Invasion of Sind. 
e o ft es ts 

After this victory he made frequent expeditions into Hind, in 

1 Tliis name was not uncommon atout this period. The famous Amiru-1 Umarl, 
of Baghd&d, the Turk Subuktigtn died in a.h. 36i. Hammer-Purgstall, on the 
authority of Sha'iiri, says the name is Sehuktigin ; but Ibu KhallikEin says it should 
he Subuktigin. 

* "We find the ruler of Kusd6.r subsequently refusing to pay his tribute, in con- 
eequence of which the Sultan was again compelled to attack him. — Dehli edition, 
p. 316. 


the prosecution of holy wars, and there he conquered forts upon 
lofty hills, in order to seize the treasures they contained, and 
expel their garrisons. He took all the property they contained 
into his own possession, and captured cities in Hind, which had 
up to that time been tenanted only by infidels, and not trodden 
by the camels and horses of Musulmdns. 

When JaipdU had ascertained the calamity which had befallen 
him from the reports of the people who travelled in his country, 
and how Subuktigin was taking different parts of the territory 
into his own possession, and injuring everybody who opposed 
him in his projects of ambition, the deepest grief seized him 
and made him restless, and his lands became narrow under his 
feet, though their expanse was broad. Then he arose with his 
relations and the generals of his army, and his vassals, and 
hastened with his huge elephants to wreak his revenge upon 
Subuktigin, by treading the field of Islam under his feet, and 
doing dishonour to that which should be treated with respect. 
In this disposition he marched on until he passed Lamghdn, and 
approached the territory of Subuktigin, trusting to his own 
resources and power, for Satan had laid an egg in Jaipal's brain 
and- hatched it ; so that he waxed proud, entertaining absurd 
thoughts, and anticipating an immediate accomplishment of his 
wishes, impracticable as they were. 

When the Amir heard of Jaipal's approach towards his 
territory, and of his great power, he girt up his loins to 
fio-ht, and collecting his vassals and the Muhammadan forces 
whose duty it was to oppose infidels, he advanced from 
Grhazna against Jaipal, who was encamped between that 
place and Lamghan, with soldiers as black as night, and as 
impetuous as a torrent. Yamlnu-d daula Mahmud accom- 

1 S. de Sacy reads " Haibal," and says some manuscripts have it " Hainal" and 
"Djibal." He observes also that Dow has " Jerpal :" and " Abistagi" for " Alpte- 
ghin," "Subuktagi" for " Sebekteghin," "TighS." for "Togan," and " Bah Toor" 
for " Baitour." Firishta has " Jaip&l, the son of Ishtpil ;" in Briggs, " Hutpal." 
See M^m. sur I'Inde, p. 252. 

20 AL 'TTTBr. 

panied Amir Subuktigin, like a lion of the forest or a destructive 
eagle, and they attempted no difficult undertaking which they 
did not easily accomplish. 

The armies fought several days successively against each other, 
and cups filled to the brim with blood, drawn from wounds in- 
flicted by sword and spear, circulated amongst them till they 
were drunken. In the field of this battle there was a very lofty 
mountain near the infidels, which was very difficult to ascend, 
called the 'Ukba Ghuzak.i In one of its ravines there was a 
clear fountain of water of the dimensions required by the Hanafi 
law for purification,^ in which there were no impurities, or even 
watermoss. If any filth were thrown into it, black clouds col- 
lected, whirlwinds arose, the summits of the mountains became 
black, rain fell, and the neighbourhood was filled with cold blasts, 
until red death supervened. The Amir ordered that some dirty 
substance should be thrown into it, and immediately upon doing 
so the horrors of the day of resurrection rose up before the 
wicked infidels, and fire fell from heaven on them, and hailstones 
accompanied by loud claps of thunder ; and a blast, calculated to 
shake trees from their roots, blew upon them, and thick black 
vapours formed around them, as that they could not see the road 
by which they could fly, and their food and water were filled 
with dust.^ 

. In consequence of the great fear which fell upon Jaipal, who 
confessed he had seen death before the appointed time, he sent a 
deputation to the Amir soliciting peace, on the promise of his 
paying down a sum of money, and ofi"ering to obey any order he 
might receive respecting his elephants and his country. The 
Amir Subuktigin consented on account of the mercy he felt to- 
wards those who were his vassals, or for some other reason which 

> Ghuzafc or Ghtirak is mentioned by Al Blrfiui as one of the mountains under 
which the K&bul river ilowa. — Vol I. p. 47. 

2 That is, a cube of ten spans. 

' This passage is omitted from S. de Sacy's translation. [Muhammad 'Uff gives 
this story in his ja.mi'u-1 Hik&yat at greater length and with some variations, 
though he professes to have taken it from this work, see post.'] 


seemed expedient to him. But the Sultdn Yamlnu-d daula 
Mahmud addressed the messengers in a harsh voice, and refused 
to abstain from battle, until he should obtain a complete victory 
suited to his zeal for the honour of Islam and of Musulmdns, 
and one which he was confident G-od would grant to his arms. 
So they returned, and Jaip^l being in great alarm, again sent 
most humble supplications that the battle might cease, observing, 
" You have seen the impetuosity of the Hindus and their indif- 
ference to death, whenever any calamity befalls them, as at 
this moment. If, therefore, you refuse to grant peace in the 
hope of obtaining plunder, tribute, elephants and prisoners, then 
there is no alternative for us but to mount the horse of stern 
determination, destroy our property, take out the eyes of our 
elephants, cast our children into the fire, and rush on each other 
with sword and spear, so that all that will be left to you, is 
stones and dirt, dead bodies, and scattered bones." 

When the Amir heard these words and knew what JaipS,l 
would do in his despair, he thought that religion and the views 
of the faithful would best be consulted by peace, and the acqui- 
sition of tribute. So the Amir Mahmud agreed with Subuktigin 
as to the propriety of withdrawing the hand of vengeance, on the 
condition of receiving at that time 1,000,000 dirhams of royal 
stamp, and fifty elephants, and some cities and forts in the 
middle of his country. Jaipdl was to deliver these forts to the 
ofiScers nominated by the Amir, and was to send hostages from 
among his relatives and friends to remain with the Amir until 
these conditions of cession were fulfilled. The Amir sent two 
deputies with Jaip^l to see that he did not swerve from his en- 
gagements, and they were accompanied by confidential olficers 
who were to receive charge of the ceded places. 

When Jaip41 had marched to a great distance, and thought 
that the demand upon him had relaxed, and that the rope round 
his throat was loosened, his bad disposition suggested to him to 
break his engagements, and his folly made him beget enmity, 
insomuch that he imprisoned those who accompanied him on 

22 AL -UTBr. 

the part of the Amir, in reprisal for those of his relations whom 
the Amir had taken as hostages. 

Amir SubuMigin's Second Invasion of Rind. 

When this intelligence reached the Amir, he considered it 
false, as being opposed to the usual habits of Jaipal ; until 
repeated accounts to the same eifect were brought, when the 
curtain which obscured the truth was withdrawn, and he knew 
that God had set his seal upon Jaipal's heart, so that he might 
obtain the reward of his evil deeds, and had placed a veil between 
it and rectitude, so that he might obtain punishment for his 
wickedness and infidelity. The Sultan therefore sharpened the 
sword of intention in order to make an incursion upon his king- 
dom, and cleanse it from impurity and from his rejection of 
Isl4m. So he departed with his valiant servants and allies, 
relying upon the one God, and trusting in the fulfilment of the 
promise of victory; and he went on till he arrived with his troops 
in the country of Hind, and he killed every one who, on the part 
of Jaipal, came out to oppose him. 

The Amir marched out towards Lamghan, which is a city 
celebrated for its great strength and abounding in wealth. He 
conquered it and set fire to the places in its vicinity which were 
inhabited by infidels, and demolishing the idol-temples, he estab- 
lished Islam in them, He marched and captured other cities 
and killed the polluted wretches, destroying the idolatrous and 
gratifying the Musulmans. After wounding and killing beyond 
all measure, his hands and those of his friends became cold in 
counting the value of the plundered property. On the com- 
pletion of his conquest he returned and promulgated accounts of 
the victories obtained for Isl^m, and every one, great and small, 
concurred in rejoicing over this result and thanking God. 

When Jaipal saw what had occurred to him on account of the 
infraction of his engagements, that his chiefs had become the 
food of vultures and hyenas, and that weakness had fallen on his 


arm, he became greatly agitated, and knew not whether to retire 
or advance. He at last determined to fight once more, and satisfy 
his revenge. He thought, resolved, gave orders, and collected 
troops to the number of more than one hundred thousand. When 
Amir Subuktigin heard this intelligence, he again advanced to 
fight him, and ascended a lofty hill from which he could see the 
whole army of the infidels, which resembled scattered ants and 
locusts, and he felt like a wolf about to attack a flock of sheep. 
He urged the Musulmdns upon the uncircumcised infidels, and 
they willingly obeyed his orders. He made bodies of five hun- 
dred attack the enemy with their maces in hand, and relieve 
each other when one party became tired, so that fresh men and 
horses were constantly engaged, till the accursed enemy com- 
plained of the heat which arose from that iron oven. These 
detached parties then made one united charge, in order to exter- 
minate their namerous opponents. Men and officers mingled in 
close conflict, and all other arms were useless except the sword. 
The dust which arose prevented the eyes from seeing ; swords 
could not be distinguished from spears, men from elephants, the 
valiants from cowards. It was only when the dust was allayed 
that it was found that the impure infidels were defeated, and 
had fled, leaving behind them their property, utensils, arms, 
provisions, elephants, and horses. The jungles were filled with 
the carcases of the infidels, some wounded by the sword, and 
others fallen dead through fright. " It is the order of God re- 
specting those who have passed away, that infidels should be put 
to death ; and the order of God is not changed respecting your 
execution of the same precept." 

The Hindus turned their tails towards their heads like fright- 
ened dogs, and the Rcija was contented to offer the best things 
in his most distant provinces to the conqueror, on condition that 
the hair on the crowns of their heads should not be shaven off. 
So the country in that neighbourhood was clear and open before 
Amir Subuktigin, and he seized all the wealth which was found 
in it. He levied tribute and obtained immense booty, besides 

24 AL 'TTTBr. 

two hundred elephants of war. He increased his army, and the 
Afghans and Khiljis having submitted to him, he admitted 
thousands of them^ whenever he wished into the ranks of his 
army, and thereafter expended their lives in his service. 

Receipt by Mahmud of a Khila'tfrom the Khalifa. 

Kadir bi-llah Amfru-1-muminin, the Khalifa of Baghdad, sent 
a Khila't, such as had never before been heard of, for the use of 
Sultan Saifu-d daula, and he entitled Mahmud in his imperial 
rescript, "Yaminu-d daula Aminu-1 millat, the friend of the 
Amir-1 muminin," which had not yet been bestowed upon any 
prince, either far or near, notwithstanding their intense desire 
to receive such an honour. The Sultan sat on his throne and 
robed himself in his new Khila't, professing his allegiance to the 
successor of the prophet of God. The Amirs of Khurasan stood 
before him in order, with respectful demeanour, and did not 
take their seats till they were directed. He then bestowed upon 
the nobles, his slaves, his confidential servants, and his chief 
friends, valuable robes and choice presents, beyond all calculation, 
* * * and vowed that every year he would undertake a 
holy war against Hind. 

Defeat of Jaipal by Mahmud. 

Sultan Mahmud at first designed in his heart to go to Sijistan, 
but subsequently preferred engaging previously in a holy war 
against Hind, and he distributed arms prior to convening a 
council on the subject,^ in order to secure a blessing on his 
designs, of exalting the standard of religion, of widening the 
plain of right, of illuminating the words of truth, and of strength- 

' M. de Sacy says " they agreed to furnish 100,000 men whenever he wished." 
^ Alluding to a passage in the Kurin , which it is unnecessary to explain here more 

TARrZH TAMrNr. 25 

ening the power of justice. He departed towards the country of 
Hind, in full reliance on the aid of God, who guiding by his light 
and by his power, bestowed dignity upon him, and gave him 
victory in all his expeditions. On his reaching Purshaur 
(Peshawar), he pitched his tent outside the city. There he 
received intelligence of the bold resolve of Jaipal, the enemy of 
God, and the King {malik) of Hind, to offer opposition, and of 
his rapid advance towards meeting his fate in the field of battle. 
He then took a muster of his horses, and of all his warriors and 
their vassals from those in whose records it was entered, and then 
selected from among his troops 15,000 cavalry, men and officers, 
all bold, and strictly prohibited those who were rejected and not 
fit or disposed for war, from joining those who had been chosen, 
and who were like dragons of the desert and lions of the forest. 
With them he advanced against the wicked and accursed enemy, 
whose hearts were firm as hills, and were as twigs of patience 
on the boughs of affection. The villanous infidel came forward, 
proud in his numbers and strength of head and arm, with 
12,000 horsemen, 30,000 foot soldiers, and 300 elephants, at 
the ponderous weight of which the lighter earth groaned, little 
reflecting that, under God's dispensation, a small army can 
overturn a host, as the ignorant man would have learnt, could 
he have read the word of God, — " Oftentimes a small army over- 
comes a large one by the order of God." 

That infidel remained where he was, avoiding the action for a 
long time, and awaiting craftily the arrival of reinforcements and 
other vagabond families and tribes which were on their way ; but 
the Sultdn would not allow him to postpone the conflict, and the 
friends of God commenced the action, setting upon the enemy 
with sword, arrow, and spear, — plundering, seizing, and destroy- 
ing ; at all which the Hindus, being greatly alarmed, began to 
kindle the flame of fight. The Hindu set his cavalry in and 
beat his drums. The elephants moved on from their posts, and 
line advanced against line, shooting their arrows at one another 
like boys escaped from school, who, at eventime, shoot at a target 

26 AL 'UTBr. 

for a wager. Swords flashed like lightning amid the blackness 
of clouds, and fountains of blood flowed like the fall of setting 
stars. The friends of God defeated their obstinate opponents, 
and quickly put them to a complete rout. Noon had not 
arrived when the Musulmans had wreaked their vengeance on 
the infidel enemies of God, killing 15,000 of them, spreading 
them like a carpet over the ground, and making them food for 
beasts and birds of prey. Fifteen elephants fell on the field of 
battle, as their legs, being pierced with arrows, became as motion- 
less as if they had been in a quagmire, and their trunks were cut 
with the swords of the valiant heroes. 

The enemy of God, Jaipal, and his children and grandchildren, 
and nephews, and the chief men of his tribe, and his relatives, 
were taken prisoners, and being strongly bound with ropes, were 
carried before the Sultan, like as evildoers, on whose faces the 
fumes of infidelity are evident, who are covered with the vapours 
of misfortune, will be bound and carried to Hell. Some had 
their arms forcibly tied behind their backs, some were seized by 
the cheek, some were driven by blows on the neck. The necklace 
was taken off the neck of Jaipal, — composed of large pearls and 
shining gems and rubies set in gold, of which the value was two 
hundred thousand dinars ; and twice that value was obtained 
from the necks of those of his relatives who were taken prisoners, 
or slain, and had become the food of the mouths of hyenas and 
vultures. God also bestowed upon his friends such an amount 
of booty as was beyond all bounds and all calculation, including 
five hundred thousand slaves, beautiful men and women. The 
Sultan returned with his followers to his camp, having plundered 
immensely, by God's aid, having obtained the victory, and thank- 
ful to God, the lord of the universe. For the Almighty had 
given them victory over a province of the country of Hind, 
broader and longer and more fertile than Khurasan. This 
splendid and celebrated action took place on Thursday, the 8th 
of Muharram, 392 h. (27th November, 1001, a.d.) 

After the victory, the Sultdn directed that the polluted infidel. 


Jaipal, should be paraded about, so that his sons and chieftains 
might see him in that condition of shame, bonds, and disgrace ; 
and that the fear of Isldm might fly abroad through the country 
of the infidels. He then entered into conditions of peace with 
him, after demanding fifty elephants, and took from him as 
hostages his son and grandson, till he should fulfil the conditions 
imposed upon him. 

The infidel returned to his own country and remained there, 
and wrote to his son, Andpal, whose territory, on which he prided 
himself, was on the other side of the Sihun (Indus), explaining 
the dreadful calamity which had befallen him, and beseeching 
him with many entreaties to send the elephants which were ac- 
cording to agreement to be given to the Sultan. Upon this And- 
pal sent the elephants to Jaipal, after dismissing the courier who 
had brought the letter, and the elephants were sent on to the 
Sultan . The Sultan, therefore, ordered the release of the host- 
ages, and his myrmidons gave them a smack on the buttocks, 
telling them to return to their country. 

Andpal reflected that his father, Jaipdl, had put on the sheaf 
of old age, and had fallen under the influence of Lyra and other 
unlucky constellations, and it was time he should contemplate 
his death and devote himself to religious exercises. There is a 
custom among these men that if any one is taken prisoner by 
an enemy, as in this case Jaipal was by the Musulm^ns, it is 
not lawful for him to continue to reign. When Jaipdl, therefore, 
saw that he was captive in the prison of old age and degradation, 
he thought death by cremation preferable to shame and dishonour. 
So he commenced with shaving his hair ofi", and then threw 
himself upon the fire till he was burnt.i 

1 In the Yersion of Jarhdzkdnl it is said that, after the self sacrifice of Jaip^ the 
Sultta again sent forth his army into Hindustan, and that after having exterminated 
all those who had taken part in this rebellion, he returned in triumph to Ghazni. 
There is no authority for this in the original. The transactions at "Waihind are not 
noticed in Jarbdnkdnl. — Eeynolds, 282 — ^Notices et Extraits, iy. 380. 

28 AL 'UTBr. 

Battle of Waihind. 

When the Sultan had accomplished all his wishes and reduced 
all his enemies ; in his happiness, he resolved on another holy- 
expedition. He ornamented the entrance to his tent as well as 
his standards, and marching towards Waihind, he encamped 
there in state, until he had established himself in that country, 
and had relieved himself from the toils of the campaign. News 
reached him of the Hindus taking refuge in the passes of the 
neighbouring hills, and concealing themselves in the forests 
and jungles, consulting amongst themselves about the means of 
attacking the Musulmdns. He therefore despatched an army 
against them, to conquer their country, and disperse them. The 
army fell upon them, and committed such slaughter that their 
swords were covered with blood. Those who escaped death fled 
away like mountain goats, having seen the swords flashing as 
bright as stars at noonday, and dealing black and red death 
around them. Thus did the infidels meet with the punishment 
and loss due to their deserts. The standards of the Sultan then 
returned happy and victorious to Ghazni, the face of Islam was 
made resplendent by his exertions, the teeth of the true faith 
displayed themselves in their laughter, the breasts of religion 
expanded, and the back of idolatry was broken. 

The Conquest of Bhdtia. 

When Sultan Mahmiid had settled the affairs of Sijistdn, and 
the action of his beating pulse had subsided, and the clouds had 
dispersed, he determined upon invading Bhatia. So he collected 
armies with trustworthy guides and valiant standard bearers, 
and crossing the Indus in the neighbourhood i of Multdn, he 
marched towards the city of Bhatia, the walls of which the 

Literally, " behind," or "beyond," [and Ibn Asir uses the same expression,] buj; 
the position of MultSn is such as to render the author's meaning very doubtful. 

TA'ErKH TAMrNr. 29 

wings of the eagle could not surmount, and which was sur- 
rounded as by the ocean with a ditch of exceeding depth and 
breadth. The city was as wealthy as imagination can conceive 
in property, armies, and military weapons. There were elephants 
as headstrong as Satan. The ruler at that time was Biji Eai,i 
and the pride which he felt in the state of his preparations, 
induced him to leave the walls of his fort and come forth to 
oppose the Musulm^ns, in order to frighten them with his 
warriors and elephants and great prowess. 

The Sultan fought against him for three days and nights, and 
the lightnings of his swords and the meteors of his spears fell on 
the enemy. On the fourth morning a most furious onslaught 
was made with swords and arrows, which lasted till noon, when 
the Sultan ordered a general charge to be made upon the infidels. 
The friends of God advancing against the masters of lies and 
idolatry with cries of " God is exceeding great !" broke their 
ranks, and rubbed their noses upon the ground of disgrace. The 
Sultan himself, like a stallion, went on dealing hard blows 
around him on the right hand and on the left, and cut those 
who were clothed in mail right in twain, making the thirsty 
infidels drink the cup of death. In this single charge he took 
several elephants, which Biji Eai regarded as the chief support 
of his centre. At last God granted victory to the standards of 
Islam, and the infidels retreated behind the walls of their city 
for protection. The Musulmans obtained possession of the gates 
of the city, and employed themselves in filling up the ditch and 
destroying the scarp and counterscarp, widening the narrow 
roads, and opening the closed entrances. 

When Biji Rai saw the desperate state to which he was re- 
duced, he escaped by stealth and on foot into the forest with a 
few attendants, and sought refuge on the top of some hills. The 
Sultan despatched a select body of his troops in pursuit of them, 
and surrounded them as a collar does the neck ; and when Biji 

' Dow says "Baohera;'' S. de Sacy "Bohaira;" Wilken "Bahira;" Briggs 
" Beejy Eay." [Ibn Asir has " Bahir&.] 

30 AL 'UTBr. 

Eai saw that there was no chance of escape, he drew his dagger, 
struck it into his breast, and went to the fire which God has 
lighted for infidels and those who deny a resurrection, for those 
who say no prayers, hold no fasts, and tell no beads. — Amen. 

The army of the Sult4n kept moving on, and committing 
slaughter and pillage. One hundred and twenty elephants^ fell 
to the share of the Sultdn, besides the usual share of property 
and arms. He also obtained an accession of territory without 
any solicitation. He remained at Bhdtia till he had cleansed it 
from pollution, and appointed a person there to teach those who 
had embraced Isl4m, and lead them in the right way. He then 
returned to Ghazna in triumph and glory, and his fortune was 
in the equator (ascendant) ; but as his return was during the 
rains, when the rivers were full and foaming, and as the moun- 
tains were lofty, and he had to fight with enemies, he lost the 
greater part of his baggage in the rivers, and many of his valiant 
warriors were dispersed. Grod, nevertheless, preserved his person 
from those calamities which beset his road, for God is the friend 
of the virtuous. * * * 

The Capture of Multdn. 

Intelligence reached the SultAn of the acts committed by the 
ruler of Miiltan, Abi-1 futiih, namely, respecting the impurity 
of his religion, the seditious designs of his heart, and the evidence 
of his evil doings, and his endeavours to make proselytes of the 
inhabitants of his country. The Sultan zealous for the Muham- 
madan religion, thought it a shame to allow him to retain his 
government while he practised such wickedness and disobedience 
and he beseeched the assistance of a gracious God in bringing 
him to repentance, and attacking him with that desio-n in view. 

He then issued orders for the assembling of armies from 
among the Musulmdns for the purpose of joining him in this 

^ Firishta says 280, and Mirkhond 120, but does not notice that this was the per- 
sonal share of the Sultkn. 


holy expedition, — those on whom God had set his seal and 
selected for the performance of good deeds, and obtaining either 
victory or martyrdom. He departed with them towards Multdn 
in the spring, when the rivers were swollen with the rain, and 
the Indus and other rivers prevented the passage of the cavalry, 
and ofifered difficulties to his companions. The Sultdn desired 
of Andpdl,^ the chief of Hind, that he would allow him to 
march through his territory, hut Andpal would not consent, and 
oiFered opposition, which resulted in his discomfiture. The 
Sultan, consequently, thought it expedient to attack Eai Andp41 
first, notwithstanding his power, in his jungles, to bow down his 
broad neck, to cut down the trees of his jungles, to destroy every 
single thing he possessed, and thus to obtain the fruit of two 
paradises by this double conquest. 

So he stretched out upon him the hand of slaughter, imprison- 
ment, pillage, depopulation, and fire, and hunted him from 
ambush to ambush, into which he was followed by his subjects, 
like "merchants of Hazramaut, who are never without their 
sheets." 2 The spears were tired of penetrating the rings of the 
coats of mail, the swords became blunt by the blows on the sides, 
and the Sultan pursued the Rai over hill and dale, over the soft 
and hard ground of his territory, and his followers either became 
a feast to the rapacious wild beasts of the passes and plains, or 
fled in distraction to the neighbourhood of Kashmir. 

When Abi-1 ftttiih, the ruler of Miiltan, heard what had 
happened to the chief of Hind, notwithstanding all his power 
and the lofty walls of his fort, and his shining sword, and when 
he began to measure their relative strength, and considered how 
Andpal, a much greater potentate than himself, had been sub- 
dued, he looked upon himself, as compared with the Sultan, as 
a ravine in comparison with the top of a mountain. He, there- 
fore, determined with all expedition to load all his property on 

1 No doubt Anand-p5,l, as in Firislita; Mirkhond calls him JaipM, as in the 
Idrilch-i Alfi. 

2 This verse is quoted by the author from a poet named Jariru-l-Khadfi. 

32 AL 'UTEr. 

elephants, and carry it off to Sarandip, and he left Multan empty 
for the Sultdn to do with it as he chose. 

The Sultan marched towards Multan, beseeching God's aid 
against those who had introduced their neologies into religion 
and had disparaged it. The inhabitants of the place were blind 
in their errors, and desirous of extinguishing the light of God 
with their breath, so the Sultdn invested Multdn, took it by 
assault, treated the people with severity, and levied from them 
twenty thousand thousand dirams with which to respite their 
sins. Then the reports of the Sultan's conquests spread over 
distant countries, and over the salt sea as far even as Egypt ; 
Sind and her sister (Hind) trembled at his power and vengeance ; 
his celebrity exceeded that of Alexander the Great, and heresy 
{ilhdd), rebellion, and enmity, were suppressed. 

Indians in Mahmud's Army. 

When the Sultan heard of flak Khan crossing the Jihun with 
50,000 men or more, he went in haste from Tukhiristan to 
Balkh, and remained there in order to anticipate Tlak Khan, who 
wished to obtain supplies from that province. The Sultan ad- 
vanced ready for action with an army composed of Turks, 
Indians, Khiljis, Afghans, and Ghaznivides.^ 

Nawdsa Shah. 

After this victory over Ilak Khdn, the Sultan resolved upon 
going to Hind for the purpose of making a sudden attack upon 
the person known as Nawasa Shdh, one of the rulers of Hind, who 
had been established as governor over some of the territories in 
that country conquered by the Sultan, for the purpose of pro- 
tecting their borders. Satan had got the better of Nawasa Shah, 
1 De Sacy reads Ghozz, perhaps more correctly. 

TAEfKH TAMrNr. 33 

for he was again apostatizing towards the pit of plural worship, 
had thrown off the slough of Islam, and held conversation with 
the chiefs of idolatry respecting the casting off the firm rope of 
religion from his neck. So the Sult4n went swifter than the 
wind in that direction, and made the sword reek with the blood 
of his enemies. He turned Nawasa Sh^h out of his government, 
took possession of all the treasures which he had accumulated, 
re-assumed the government, and then cut down the harvest of 
idolatry with the sickle of his sword and spear. After God had 
granted him this and the previous victory, which were tried 
witnesses as to his exalted state and proselytism, he returned 
without difficulty to Grhazna. 

Victory near Waihind.^ 

The Sultan, contrary to the disposition of man, which induces 
him to prefer a soft to a hard couch, and the splendour of the 
cheeks of pomegranate-bosomed girls to well-tempered sword 
blades, was so offended at the standard which Satan had raised 
in Hind, that he determined on another holy expedition to 
that land. On the last day of E.abi'u-l-4khir of the same year,^ 
the Sultan prayed God for the accomplishment of his wishes. 
When he had reached as far as the river of Waihind, he was met 
by Brahmanpal, the son of Andpal, at the head of a valiant 
array, with white swords, blue spears, yellow coats of mail, and 
ash-coloured elephants. Fight opened its crooked teeth, attacks 
were frequent like flaming meteors, arrows fell like rain from 
bows, and the grinding-stone of slaughter revolved, crushing the 
bold and the powerful. The battle lasted from morning till 
evening, and the infidels were near gaining the victory, had not 

1 This is left out by all the other chroniclers. 

2 The year is not mentioned, but that the Sultin should have gained his victory 
near Balkh, expelled Naw^a Shkh, that he should have returned to Ghazna and 
rested, and then have commenced another expedition, all within four months of the 
same year, is to suppose almost an impossibility, unless Naw&sa ShSih was on the 
Peshawar frontier. 

34 AL 'UTBr. 

God aided by sending the slaves of the household to attack the 
enemy in rear, and put them to flight. The victors obtained 
thirty large elephants, and slew the vanquished wherever they 
were found in jungles, passes, plains, and hills. 

Capture of BMmnagar. 

The Sultan himself joined in the pursuit, and went after them 
as far as the fort called Bhimnagar,^ which is very strong, 
situated on the promontory of a lofty hill, in the midst of im- 
passable waters. The kings of Hind, the chiefs of that country, 
and rich devotees, used to amass their treasures and precious 
jewels, and send them time after time to be presented to the 
large idol that they might receive a reward for their good deeds 
and draw near to their God. So the Sultan advanced near to 
this crow's fruit,^ and this accumulation of years, which had 
attained such an amount that the backs of camels would not 
carry it, nor vessels contain it, nor writers hands record it, nor 
the imagination of an arithmetician conceive it. 

The Sultan brought his forces under the fort and surrounded 
it, and prepared to attack the garrison vigorously, boldly, and 
wisely. When the defenders saw the hills covered with the 
armies of plunderers, and the arrows ascending towards them 
like flaming sparks of fire, great fear came upon them, and, 
calling out for mercy, they opened the gates, and fell on the 
earth, like sparrows before a hawk, or rain before lightning. 
Thus did God grant an easy conquest of this fort to the Sultan, 
and bestowed on him as plunder the products of mines and seas, 
the ornaments of heads and breasts, to his heart's content. The 

' Dow calls it " Bime ;" S. de Sacy " Behim-bagra;" 'ITtbi has " Bhim-nagliar;" 
and Eashidu-d din "BMabaghra;" Wilken "Behim Bagsa;" Briggs "Bheem;" 
D'Herbelot and Eampoldi, " Bebesim;" Tdrikh-i Alfi, "Bblm." [There can be no 
question that the lithographed edition is right in declaring the name to be Bhim- 
nagar. Firishta uses the names of Nagarkot, or Fort of Bhim (Briggs I. 48.) It ia 
the modern Kangra which is still called Nagarkot.JJ 

* 'I'hat is, the best ; and probably there is an allusion in the expression to the 
blackness of the Hindds, the early M uhammadans being fond of designating them as 
'' crows," as will be seen from the Tdju-l Ma-dsir, 


Sultdn entered the fort with Abu Nasr Ahmad bin Muhammad 
Farighuni, the ruler of Jiizj^n, and all his own private attend- 
ants, and appointed his two chief chamberlains, Altiint^sh and 
Asightigin,! to take charge of the treasures of gold and silver 
and all the valuable property, while he himself took charge of 
the jewels. The treasures were laden on the backs of as many- 
camels as they could procure, and the officers carried away the rest. 
The stamped coin amounted to seventy thousand thousand royal 
dirhams, and the gold and silver ingots amounted to seven hundred 
thousand four hundred mans in weight, besides wearing apparel 
and fine cloths of Sus, respecting which old men said they never 
remembered to have seen any so fine, soft, and embroidered. 
Among the booty was a house of white silver, like to the houses 
of rich men, the length of which was thirty yards and the 
breadth fifteen.^ It could be taken to pieces and put together 
again. And there was a canopy, made of the fine linen of Eiim, 
forty yards long and twenty broad, supported on two golden and 
two silver poles, which had been cast in moulds. 

The Sultan appointed one of his most confidential servants to 
the charge of the fort and the property in it. After this he 
returned to Ghazna in triumph ; and, on his arrival there, he 
ordered the court-yard of his palace to be covered with a carpet, 
on which he displayed jewels and unbored pearls and rubies, 
shining like sparks, or like wine congealed with ice, and emeralds 
like fresh sprigs of myrtle, and diamonds in size and weight 
like pomegranates. Then ambassadors from foreign countries, 
including the envoy from Tagh^n Khan, king of Turkistin, 
assembled to see the wealth which they had never yet even 
read of in books of the ancients, and which had never been accu- 
mulated by kings of Persia or of Rum, or even by Karun, who 
had only to express a wish and Grod granted it. 

' [Reynolds gives this name as " Istargin."] 

* [Jarbidkani, according to Reynolds, makes the measurement " sixty cubits long 
and fifty wide."] 

36 AL 'UTBr. 

Capture of Ndrdin} 
The Sultan again resolved on an expedition to Hind, and 
marched towards NarAin, urging his horses and moving over 
ground, hard and soft, until he came to the middle of Hind, 
where he reduced chiefs, who, up to that time obeyed no master, 
overturned their idols, put to the sword the vagabonds of that 
country, and with delay and circumspection proceeded to accom- 
plish his design. He fought a battle with the chiefs of the 
infidels, in which God bestowed upon^him much booty in pro- 
perty, horses, and elephants, and the friends of God committed 
slaughter in every hill and valley. The Sultan returned to 
Ghazna with all the plunder he had obtained. 

Embassy from India to Ghazna. 

When the ruler {malik) of Hind had witnessed the calamities 
which had inflicted ruin on his country and his subjects, in con- 
sequence of his contests with the Sultan, and had seen their 
effects far and near, he became satisfied that he could not con- 
tend with him. So he sent some of his relatives and chiefs to the 
Sultan, supplicating him not to invade India again, and offering 
him money to abstain from that purpose, and their best wishes for 
his future prosperity. They were told to offer a tribute of fifty 
elephants, each equal to two ordinary ones in size and streno-th, 
laden with the products and rarities of his country. He pro- 
mised to send this tribute every year, accompanied by two 
thousand men, for service at the Court of the Sultan. 

The Sultan accepted his proposal, as Islam was promoted 
by the humility of his submission and the payment of tribute. 
He sent an envoy to see that these conditions were carried into 
effect. The ruler of Hind strictly fulfilled them and despatched 
one of his vassals with the elephants to see that they were duly 
presented to the Sultdn. So peace was established, and tribute 
was paid, and caravans travelled in full security between Khura- 
sin and Hind. 

* * * # « 

^ [Thia is called "Nardin" in Eeynolds' translation, p. 360.] 

TARfKH TAMrNr. 37 

Conquest of Ndrdin} 

After the Sultan had purified Hind from idolatry, and raised 
mosques therein, he determined to invade the capital of Hind, to 
punish those who kept idols and would not acknowledge the unity 
of God. He collected his warriors and distributed money amongst 
them. He marched with a large army in the year 404 h. 
1013 A.D. during a dark night, and at the close of autumn, on 
account of the purity of the southern breezes at that season. 
When the SultAn had arrrived near the frontier of Hind, snow 
fell, such as had never been seen before, insomuch that the passes 
of the hills were closed, and mountains and valleys became of 
one level. The feet of the horses and camels were affected by 
the cold, so it may be conceived what the faces, hands, and feet 
of men suffered. The well-known roads were concealed, and the 
right could not be distinguished from the left, or what was 
behind from that which was before, and they were unable to 
return until Grod should give the order. The Sultdn employed 
himself, in the meantime, in collecting supplies, and sent for his 
generals from the different provinces. After having thus accu- 
mulated the means of warfare, and having been joined by his 
soldiers, who had come from different directions, in number equal 
to the drops of an autumnal rain, he left these winter quarters in 
the spring, and, had the earth been endowed with feeling, it would 
have groaned under the weight of the iron, the warriors, the horses, 
and the beasts of burden. The guides marched on in front over 
hill and dale, before the sun arose, and even before the light of 
the stars was extinguished. He urged on his horses^ for two 
months, among broad and deep rivers, and among jungles in 
which wild cattle even might lose their way. 

When the Sultan arrived near the end of his destination, he 
set his cavalry in array, and formed them into different bodies, 

1 [Beyaolds, in his translation of Jarb5.dkani'6 version, gives the name as " Nazin,'' 
and the date "400," page 388.] 

2 This may also he rendered "boats." 

38 AL 'TJTBr. 

appointing his brother, Amir Nasr, son of Ndsiru-d din, to 
command the right wing, consisting of valiant heroes ; Arslanu-1 
Jdzib to the left wing, consisting of powerful young men ; and 
Abii 'Abdu-lla Muhammad bin Ibrahimu-t Tai to the advance- 
guard, consisting of fiery Arab cavaliers. To the centre he 
appointed Altuntash, the chamberlain, with the Sultan's personal 
slaves and attendants, as firm as mountains. 

Nidar Bhim, the enemy of God and the chief of Hind, alarmed 
at this sudden invasion, summoned his vassals and generals, and 
took refuge within a pass, which was narrow, precipitous, and 
inaccessible. They entrenched themselves behind stones, and 
closed the entrance to the pass by their elephants, which looked 
like so many hills from their lofty stature. Here he remained in 
great security, being persuaded that the place was impervious to 
attack, but he did not know that Grod is the protector of the 
faithful, and the annihilator of infidels ! 

When the Sultan learnt the intention of Nidar Bhim, with 
respect to the protraction of the war, and his confidence in his 
security, he advanced against them with his Dailamite warriors, 
and Satanic Afghan spearmen, and they penetrated the pass like 
gimlets into wood, ascending the hills like mountain goats, and 
descending them like torrents of water. The action lasted for 
several days without intermission, till at last some of the Hindus 
were drawn out into the plain to fight, like oil sucked up into 
the wick of a candle, or like iron attracted by a magnet, and 
there they were assaulted and killed by the cavalry, just as the 
knight on the chess-board demolishes pawns. 

When his vassals had joined Nidar Bhim with reinforcements, 
he consented to leave his entrenchments and come out himself 
into the plain, having the hills behind him, and elephants drawn 
up on each wing. The battle raged furiously, and when the 
elephants of the Hindus moved on, with the object of destroy- 
ing their opponents, they were assailed by showers of arrows upon 
their trunks and eyes. When Abii 'Abdu-llu-t Tai had through 
his bravery advanced into the midst of the infidels, he was 


wounded in his head and different parts of his body; but 
the Sultdn seeing the extreme danger to which his general 
was exposed, despatched part of his own guards to his assist- 
ance, who brought him out of the conflict to the Sultan, 
severely wounded in many places. The Sultan ordered him to 
be placed on an elephant, in order to relieve him from the pain 
of his wounds, and thus he was exalted like a king above all the 
leaders of the army. 

The conflict continued as before until God blew the gale of 
victory on his friends, and the enemy were slain on the tops of 
the hills, and in the valleys, ravines, and beds of torrents. A 
large number of elephants, which the enemy had looked upon 
as strongholds to protect them, fell into the hands of the 
victors, as well as much other booty. So God granted the 
Sultdn the victory of Nardin, such as added to the decoration 
of the mantle of Islam, which had not before that period extended 
to that place. 

A stone was found there in the temple of the great Budda,^ 
on which an inscription was written purporting that the temple 
had been founded fifty thousand years ago. The Sultan was 
surprised at the ignorance of these people, because those who 
believe in the true faith represent that only seven thousand 
years have elapsed since the creation of the world, and the signs 
of resurrection are even now approaching. The Sultan asked 
his wise men the meaning of this inscription, and they all con- 
curred in saying that it was false, and that no faith was to be 
put in the evidence of a stone. 

The Sultan returned, marching in the rear of this immense 
booty, and slaves were so plentiful that they became very cheap ; 
and men of respectability in their native land, were degraded by 
becoming slaves of common shopkeepers. But this is the good- 
ness of God, who bestows honours on his own religion and 
degrades infidelity. 

' It is plainly so -mritten in the Arabic original, and cannot be meant for Sui, 
" an idol," as that word is Persian. [See Vol. I. p. 507.] 

40 AL -UTBr. 

Conquest of Tdnesar. 

The Sultdn learnt that in the country of Tanesar there were 
large elephants of the Sailaman (Ceylon) breed, celebrated for 
military purposes. The chief of Tanesar was on this account 
obstinate in his infidelity and denial of God. So the Sultdn 
marched against him with his valiant warriors, for the purpose 
of planting the standards of Islam and extirpating idolatry. 
He marched through a desert which no one had yet crossed, 
except birds and wild beasts, for the foot of man and the shoe 
of horse had not traversed it. There was no water in it, much 
less any other kind of food. The Sultan was the first to whom 
God had granted a passage over this desert, in order that he 
might arrive at the accomplishment of his wishes. 

Beneath it (Tanesar ! ) flowed a pure stream ; the bottom 
was covered with large stones, and its banks were precipitous and 
sharp as the points of arrows. The Sultan had reached this 
river where it takes its course through a hill-pass, behind which 
the infidels had posted themselves, in the rear of their elephants, 
with a large number of infantry and cavalry. The Sultan 
adopted the stratagem of ordering some of his troops to cross 
the river by two diiferent fords, and to attack the enemy on both 
sides ; and when they were all engaged in close conflict, he 
ordered another body of men to go up the bank of the stream, 
which was flowing through the pass with fearful impetuosity, and 
attack the enemy amongst the ravines, where they were posted 
in the greatest number. The battle raged fiercely, and about 
evening, after a vigorous attack on the part of the Musulmdus, 
the enemy fled, leaving their elephants, which were all driven 
into the camp of the Sultan, except one, which ran oflT and could 
not be found. The largest were reserved for the Sultan. 

The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously, that the stream 
was discoloured, notwithstanding its purity, and people were 
unable to drink it. Had not night come on and concealed the 
traces of their flight, many more of the enemy would have been 

TAEfKH YAMrNr. 41 

slain. The victory was gained by God's grace, who has established 
Islam for ever as the best of religions, notwithstanding that idol- 
aters revolt against it. The Sultdn returned with plunder which 
it is impossible to recount. — Praise be to God, the protector of the 
world, for the honour he bestows upon Islam and Musulmans ! 

Passage of the Panjdb and the Jamna. 

On the Sultan's return to Ghazna from Khwarizm, he appointed 
spies to go to the frontier of Hind and communicate all par- 
ticulars respecting that country, and he resolved upon employing 
the close of the year in resting his horses and troopers, and in 
contemplating schemes of future religious conquests. 

As no part of Hind remained unconquered, except Kashmir, 
he resolved on an expedition to that country. Between it and 
Ghazna there were forests resounding with the notes of birds and 
other animals, and the winds even lose their way in it. It 
happened that 20,000 men from Mdwarau-n nahr and its 
neighbourhood, who were with the Sultdn, were anxious to be 
employed on some holy expedition, in which they might obtain 
martyrdom. The Sultdn determined to march with them towards 
Kanauj, which no other king but the all-powerful Gushtasp had 
been able to take, as has been related in the histories of the 

Between Ghazna and Kanauj the journey occupies three 
months, even for camels and horses. So the Sultdn bade farewell 
to sleep and ease, and praying God for success, he departed 
accompanied by his valiant warriors. He crossed in safety the 
Sihun (Indus), Jelam, Ohandraha, Ubrd (Ravi), Bah (Biyah), 
and Sataldur (Sutlej). These are all rivers, deep beyond descrip- 
tion; even elephants' bodies are concealed in them, so it may 
easily be conceived what is the case with horses. They bear 
along with them large stones, so camels and horses are of course 

42 AL -TTTBr. 

in danger of being carried down the stream. Whatever countries 
the Sultan traversed, ambassadors were sent to him proffering 
submission, inasmuch that Sabli, son of Shahi,i son of Bamhi, 
who held the passes leading into Kashmir, looking upon the 
Sultan as one sent by God, also came forward, offering his 
allegiance, and his services as a guide. He led the way, crossing 
forest after forest. At midnight the drum sounded for the 
march, and the friends of God mounted their horses, ready to 
bear the inconvenience of the journey, and they marched on until 
the sun began to decline from the meridian. They placed behind 
their backs the river Jun (Jamna), crossing it on the 20th of 
Eajab, 409 h., 2ud December, 1018 a.d. 

Capture of Baran. 

The Sultan took all the lofty hill forts which he met on the 
road, so lofty indeed were they, that beholders sprained the back 
of their necks in looking up at them. At length he arrived at 
the fort of Barba (Baran ^), in the country of Hardat,* who was 
one of the Rais, that is " kings," in the Hindi language. When 
Hardat heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God,who 
advanced like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them 
on all sides, he became greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and 
he feared for his life, which was forfeited under the law of God. 
So he reflected that his safety would best be secured by conform- 
ing to the religion of Isldm, since God's sword was drawn from 

' [" Janki," marginal note in Dehli Edn.] 

^ S. de Sacy calls him " Khabli-ben-Schami." Firishta says, "When Mahmtid 
reached the confines of Kashmir, the ruler sent presents, which were graciously 
accepted, and he accompanied the advance guard." Briggs, without authority, adds 
that Mahmiid had established this prince in Kashmir. [Reynolds gives the names 

' 'AH bin Muslih says, in his commentary, that the name is Barbah, but that some 
copies read Barna. S. deSacy reads "Barma," so does [Jarb&dk&nl, Eeynolds, 451] 
Kar&mat 'All and Bashldu-d din. The original copies read " Barba," and " Burdur." 
I make it " Baran," the old name of Bulandshahr. 

* S. de Sacy gives "Haroun" and "Harout." 'All bin Muslih says it is either 
"Hurdiz," or "Hurdit." [Jarb&dk&nl, according to Eeynolds, reads "Hariin," 
p. 451]. 


the scabbard, and the whip of punishment was uplifted. He came 
forth, therefore, with ten thousand men, who all proclaimed their 
anxiety for conversion, and their rejection of idols. God confirmed 
the promises he had made, and rendered assistance to the Sultan. 

Capture of Kuhhand's Fort. 

After some delay, the Sultan marched against the fort of 
Kulchand, who was one of the leaders of the accursed Satans, who 
assumed superiority over other rulers, and was inflated with 
pride, and who employed his whole life in infidelity, and was 
confident in the strength of his dominions. Whoever fought 
with him sustained defeat and flight, and he possessed much 
power, great wealth, many brave soldiers, large elephants, and 
strong forts, which were secure from attack and capture. When 
he saw that the Sultan advanced against him in the endeavour to 
engage in a holy war, he drew up his army and elephants within 
a deep forest ready for action. 

The Sultdn sent his advance guard to attack Kulchand, 
which, penetrating through the forest like a comb through a head 
of hair, enabled the Sultan to discover the road which led to the 
fort.i The Musulmdns exclaim, " God is exceeding great," and 
those of the enemy, who were anxious for death, stood their 
ground. Swords and spears were used in close conflict. * * * 
The infidels, when they found all their attempts fail, deserted the 
fort, and tried to cross the foaming river which flowed on the 
other side of the fort, thinking that beyond it they would be in 
security ; but many of them were slain, taken, or drowned in the 
attempt, and went to the fire of hell. Nearly fifty ^ thousand men 
were killed and drowned, and became the prey of beasts and 
crocodiles. Kulchand, taking his dagger, slew his wife, and then 
drove it into his own body. The Sultan obtained by this victory 
one hundred and eighty-five powerful elephants, besides other 


1 The Tdrlkh-i Alfi calls the fort by the name of " Mand." 

2 JaibS-dkani reduces the number to "five thousand," according to Eeynolds, 
p. 454.] 

44 AL 'UTBr. 

Capture of Mathurd. 

The Sultan then departed from the environs of the city,i in 
which was a temple of the Hindus. The name of this place was 
Maharatu^-l Hind. He saw there a building of exquisite struc- 
ture, which the inhabitants said had been built, not by men, but 
by G-enii, and there he witnessed practices contrary to the nature 
of man, and which could not be believed but from evidence of 
actual sight. The wall of the city was constructed of hard stone, 
and two gates opened upon the river flowing under the city, 
which were erected upon strong and lofty foundations, to protect 
them against the floods of the river and rains. On both sides of 
the city there were a thousand houses, to which idol temples 
were attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets of 
iron, and all made of masonry work ; and opposite to them were 
other buildings, supported on broad wooden pillars, to give them 

In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and firmer 
than the rest, which can neither be described nor painted. The 
Sultan thus wrote respecting it : — " If any should wish to con- 
struct a building equal to this, he would not be able to do it 
without expending an hundred thousand thousand red dinars, 
and it would occupy two hundred years, even though the most 
experienced and able workmen were employed." Among the 
idols there were five made of red gold, each five yards high, fixed 
in the air without support. In the eyes of one of these idols 
there were two rubies, of such value, that if any one were to sell 

^ S. de Sacy has " batie sur uue emmence." I see no authority for tliis in the 

^ Authors who have succeeded 'XTtbi call this Mathura, but there is no other 
authority for it, but that which is in the text. It is probable that it may be here 
called " Maharat," because in speaking below of the Great Temple, it is said to have 
been built by ^jY* '•^■i experienced men, the plural oij^^-''- Its resemblance to 
Mathura may have induced the pun. 'Ali bin Muslih Sam'&.ni, in his Commentary, 
derives the word from jij^ " a dog's whine," because it resembles the canting 
sound uttered by Hindfls in worship. This is nonsense. 


such as are like them, he would obtain fifty thousand dindrs. 
On another, there was a sapphire purer than water, and more 
sparkling than crystal ; the weight was four hundred and fifty 
miskals. The two feet of another idol weighed four thousand 
four hundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded 
by the bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three 
hundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two hundred, 
but they could not be weighed without breaking them to pieces 
and putting them into scales. The Sultan gave orders that all 
the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire, and levelled 
with the ground. 


The Conquest of Kanauj. 

After this, the Sultan went on with the intention of proceeding 
to Kanauj, and he derived a favourable omen, when he opened 
the Kuran, from finding the resemblance of "Kanauj" to " vic- 
tories." ^ He left the greater part of his army behind, and took 
only a small body of troops with him aginst Rai Jaipal, who had 
also but a few men with him, and was preparing to fly for safety 
to some of his dependant vassals. 

The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort which he had in 
this country, and the inhabitants of them either accepted Islam, 
or took up arms against him. He collected so much booty, 
prisoners and wealth, that the fingers of those who counted them 
would have been tired. 

He arrived on the 8th of Sha'ban, at Kanauj, which was 
deserted by Jaipal^ on hearing of his approach, for he fled across 
the Ganges, which the Hindus regard as of exceeding sanctity, 
and consider that its source is in the paradise of heaven. When 
they burn their dead, they throw the ashes into this river, as 

• " Kanauj " and " futfih" when spelt without diacritical points, assume the 
same form : a good illustration of the difficulty of reading accurately oriental names, 
—here two words of the same form, have not a letter in common. 

2 De Sacy reads " Hebal," Don calls the R&ja " Karrah." Eeinaud reads " E5,ja 
Pal," and " Eajaip^ " It may be presumed he is the same as the " Purd Jaipil," 
Bubseiiuently mentioned. [ has " Haipal," Eeynolds, 456.] 

46 AL 'UTBr. 

they consider that the waters purify them from sins. Devotees 
come to it from a distance, and drown themselves in its stream, 
in the hope of obtaining eternal salvation, but in the end it will 
only carry them to hell, so that it will neither kill them nor 
make them alive. 

The Sultdn advanced to the fortifications of Kanauj, which 
consisted of seven distinct forts, washed by the Ganges, which 
flowed under them like the ocean. In Kanauj there were nearly 
ten thousand temples, which the idolaters falsely and absurdly 
represented to have been founded by their ancestors two or three 
hundred thousand years ago. They worshipped and oflered their 
vows and supplications to them, in consequence of their great 
antiquity. Many of the inhabitants of the place fled and were 
scattered abroad like so many wretched widows and orphans, from 
the fear which oppressed them, in consequence of witnessing the 
fate of their deaf and dumb idols. Many of them thus efiected 
their escape, and those who did not fly were put to death. The 
Sultan took all seven forts in one day, and gave his soldiers leave 
to plunder them and take prisoners. 

Capture of Munj. 

He then went to MunjV known as the fort of Brdhmans, the 
inhabitants of which were independent as headstrong camels. 
They prepared to offer opposition, like evil demons and obstinate 
Satans, and when they found they could not withstand the 
Musulmdns, and that their blood would be shed, they took to 
flight, throwing themselves down from the apertures and the 
lofty and broad battlements, but most of them were killed in this 

Capture of Asi. 

After this, the Sultan advanced against the fort of i^si,^ the 

' [Jarbidkinl has "Manaj," Reynolds, 457.] The Sauzaiu-s safd has « Mih," 
and "Bhij;" Haidar ESzi, "Mahaj." Briggs says "the fort of Munj, full of 
Eajpljts." The Tdrikh-i Alfi says "Mdnj." Firishta says it held out fifteen days. 

2 S. de Sacy calls it "Aster," and"Assir." [Eeynolds has "Aster, held by 
JandbU. the violent."] 

TAfirXH TAMrNr. 47 

ruler of which was Chandal Bhor, one of the chief men and 
generals of the Hindus. He was always engaged in a career of 
victory, and at one time he was at war with the R4i of Kanauj, 
when the campaign lasted a long time, hut in the end the Rai 
was compelled to retreat, after having put to some trouble the 
friends of the ruler of Xsi. Around his fort there was an im- 
penetrable and dense jungle, full of snakes which no enchanters 
could tame, and so dark that even the rays of the full moon could 
not be discerned in it. There were broad and deep ditches all 

When Chandal heard of the advance of the Sultan, he lost his 
heart from excess of fright, and as he saw death with his mouth 
open towards him, there was no resource to him but flight. The 
Sultan ordered therefore that his five forts should be demolished 
from their foundations, the inhabitants buried in their ruins, and 
the demoniacal soldiers of the garrison plundered, slain, and 



Defeat of Chand Bdi. 

' The Sultan, when he heard of the flight of Chandal, was sorely 
afflicted, and turned his horse's head towards Chand Rai, one of 
the greatest men in Hind, who resided in the fort of Sharwa,^ and 
in his pride and self-sufficiency thought the following verse 
applicable to himself: 

" I sneeze with expanded nostrils, and hold the Pleiades in my 
hand even while sitting." 

Between him and Purii Jaipdl,^ there had been constant fights, 
in which many men and warriors had fallen in the field, and at 
last they consented to peace, in order to save further bloodshed 
and invasion of their respective borders. Purti Jaipdl sought his 
old enemy's daughter, that he might give her in marriage to his 
son, Bhimpdl, thus cementing the peace between them for ever, 

1 [Sirs&wa, to the east of the Jumna near Sah&ranpur. —,.'] 

2 S. de Sacy reads " Perou Hebal," and considers him the same as the ESji of 
Kanauj, previously called " Hebal." [See Thomas' Frinsep, I. 292.] 

48 AL 'XJTBr. , 

and preserving their swords within their sheaths. He sent his 
son to obtain the bride from Ohand Rai, who imprisoned the son 
and demanded retribution for the losses which had been inflicted 
by the father. Jaipal was thus compelled to refrain from pro- 
ceeding against Ohand Rai's fort and country, being unable to 
release his son ; but constant skirmishes occurred between them, 
until the arrival of Sultan Mahmud in those parts, who, 
through the kindness of God, had wish after wish gratified in a 
succession of conquests. 

Puru Jaipal in order to save his life, entered into a friendly 
engagement with Bhoj Chand,^ who was proud in the strength of 
his forts and their difficulty of access, and there he considered 
himself secure against pursuit in his inaccessible retreat. But Chand 
Eai, on the contrary, took up arms, trusting in the strength of his 
fort ; but had he remained in it he would infallibly have had it de- 
stroyed, and had he trusted to his army, it would have been of 
no avail. Under these circumstances, Bhimpal^ wrote him a 
letter to this effect : — " Sultan Mahmud is not like the rulers of 
Hind, and is not the leader of black men. It is obviously ad- 
visable to seek safety from such a person, for armies flee away 
before the very name of him and his father. I regard his bridle 
as much stronger than yours, for he never contents himself with 
one blow of the sword, nor does his army content itself with one 
hill out of a whole range. If therefore you design to contend 
with him, you will suffer, but do as you like — you know best. 
If you wish for your own safety, you will remain in conceal- 

Chand Eai considered that Bhimpal had given him sound 
advice, and that danger was to be incurred by acting contrary to 
his suggestions. So he departed secretly with his property, 
elephants, and treasure, to the hill country, which was exceed- 

' Apparently the same as Chandal Bhor, the governor of A'si. Some copies 
read Bhoj-deo, 'wliom M. Eeinaud supposes to be the same as Bhoj-deva, who is 
mentioned by Al BirCini as the king of Milwa. — See Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 261. 

^ S. de Sacy calls him " Behimal," and thinks he was probably the son of Perou- 
Hebal, whom Chand E&i retained as a prisoner. 

TAErcs YAMrNr. 49 

ingly lofty, hiding himself in the jungles which the sun could not 
penetrate, and concealing even the direction of his flight, so that 
there was no knowing whither he was gone, or whether he had 
sped by night or day. The object of Bhimpal in recommending 
the flight of Ohand E4I was, that the Eai should not fall into 
the net of the Sultdn, and thus be made a Musulman, as had 
happened to Bhimp^l's uncle and relations, when they demanded 
quarter in their distress. 

The Sultcin invested and captured the fort, notwithstanding 
its strength and height. Here he got plenty of supplies and 
booty, but he did not obtain the real object of his desire, which 
was to seize Chand Eai, and which he now determined to effect 
by proceeding in pursuit of him. Accordingly, after marching 
fifteen parasangs through the forest, which was so thorny that 
the faces of his men were scarified and bloody, and through stony 
tracts which battered and injured the horses' shoes, he at last 
came up to his enemy, shortly before midnight on the 25th of 
Sha'ban (6th January, 1019 A.D). They had travelled over 
high and low ground without any marked road, not like mer- 
chants of Hazramaut travelling at ease with their mantles around 

The Sultan summoned the most religiously disposed of his 
followers, and ordered them to attack the enemy immediately. 
Many infidels were consequently slain or taken prisoners in this 
sudden attack, and the Musulmans paid no regard to the booty 
till they had satiated themselves with the slaughter of the infidels 
and worshippers of the sun and fire. The friends of God searched 
the bodies of the slain for three whole days, in order to obtain 
booty. The elephants were carried ofl", some by force, some 
were driven, and some went without any compulsion towards 
Mahmud, upon whom God bestows, out of his great kindness, not 
only ordinary plunder, but drives elephants towards him. There- 
fore they were called " God-brought, "^ in gratitude to the 

1 This word is represented by the Persian " Khuda-award," in the middle of the 
Arabic text. 

50 AL 'UTBr. 

Almighty for sending elephants to the Sultdn, which are only 
driven by iron goads, and are not usually captured without 
stratagem and deceit; whereas, in this instance, they came of 
their own accord, leaving idols, preferring the service of the 
religion of Isldm. * * * 

The booty amounted in gold and silver, rubies and pearls, 
nearly to three thousand thousand dirhams, and the number of 
prisoners may be conceived from the fact, that each was sold 
for from two to ten dirhams.i These were afterwards taken to 
Ghazna, and merchants came from distant cities to purchase 
them, so that the countries of M4war4u-n nahr, 'Ir4k, and Khura- 
san were filled with them, and the fair and the dark, the rich 
and the poor, were commingled in one common slavery. 

Battle of the Rdhib. 

After the expedition against the Afghans, the Sultdn turned 
again towards Hind with his bold warriors, whose greatest plea- 
sure was to be in tlie saddle, which they regarded as if it were 
a throne ; and hot winds they looked on as refreshing breezes, 
and the drinking of dirty water as so much pure wine, being 
prepared to undergo every kind of privation and annoyance. 
When he arrived in that country, he granted quarter to all those 
who submitted, but slew those who opposed him. He obtained 
a large amount of booty before he reached the river, known by 
the name of Edhib.^ It was very deep, and its bottom was 
muddy like tar used for anointing scabby animals, and into it 
the feet of horses and camels sank deeply, so the men took off 
their coats of mail and made themselves naked before crossing it. 

Pur6 Jaipdl was encamped on the other side of the river, as 
a measure of security, in consequence of this sudden attack, with 

' The Tdrikh-iAlfl adds that the fifth share due to the Saiyidswas 150,000 slaves. 

* M. Eeinaud ohserves that 'Utbi does not name the river, but the place where the 
ESJ&, had taken up his position was called "E&hib," which means in Arabic "a 
monk." I translate 'Utbi differently. — See Mem. sur I'Inde, p, 267. 

TARrKH TAMrNr. 51 

his warriors dusky as night, and his elephants all caparisoned. 
He showed a determination to resist the passage of the Sultan, 
but at night he was making preparations to escape down the 
river. When the Sultan learnt this, from which the weakness 
of his enemy was apparent, he ordered inflated skins to be pre- 
pared, and directed some of his men to swim over on them. 
Jaipal seeing eight men swimming over to that distant bank, 
ordered a detachment of his army, accompanied by five elephants, 
to oppose their landing, but the eight men plied their arrows so 
vigorously, that the detachment was not able to eflect that 
purpose. When the Sultan witnessed the full success of these 
men, he ordered all his soldiers who could swim to pass over 
at once, and promised them henceforward a life of repose after 
that day of trouble. First his own personal guards crossed this 
difficult stream, and they were followed by the whole army. 
Some swam over on skins, some were nearly drowned, but 
eventually all landed safely ; and praised be God ! not even a 
hair of their horses tails was hurt,^ nor was any of their property 

When they had all reached the opposite bank, the Sultan 
ordered his men to mount their horses, and charge in such a 
manner as to put the enemy to flight. Some of the infidels 
asked for mercy after being wounded, some were taken prisoners, 
some were killed, and the rest took to^ flight, and two hundred 
and seventy gigantic elephants fell into the hands of the 

Extract fkom the Shaeh-i TarIkhi Yamini. 
The Conquest of Mathura and Eanauj. 
Mathurd: The proper way of pronouncing this word is " Mah- 

1 Literally " Praise be to God ! their horses tails were not distant." S. de Sacy 
translates "Les autres en se tenant am crines de leurs ;che¥aux," The J&,mi' says, 
" Some swam over near their horses." I have adopted Karimat 'All's as being 
more appropriate to the introduction of the pious ejaculation " Praised be God !" 

2 The Jdmiu-t Tawdrikh leaves out two hundred. That work and the Tamini are 
the only two which mention the -rictory on the E4hib. 

52 AL 'UTBr. 

arrah." Some people say this is the fifth conjugation of " harir," ^ 
on account of the Hindus chanting their prayers in that city. 
In some copies it is written " Mahrah," and in others " Mah- 

Kanauj : The proper way of pronouncing this word is " Kin- 
nauj," with the last letter but slightly enunciated. 

* * » * * * _ * 

Sihun and Jelam : The last name is spelt " Jailam," it is a 
city in Hind. 

Chindb : The proper way of spelling the word is " Chan- 
duraha " It is the name of a place in the country of Hind. 

Hdvi : The correct mode of writing this word is " Airan," but 
in some copies it is written " Iraya." 

£it/ds : The correct mode of spelling this name is " Yiyat." 

Sutlej: This should be written " Shataludr." It is the name 
of a province in Hind. But I have ascertained from well-in- 
formed people that it should be " Sataludr," not " Shataludr.'* 

Janki: This should be written " Chanki," one of the names 
current in Hind. 

BaniM : This should be written "Sammhi,"'' another name 
current in Hind. 

^f "^ 7p Jp "Sp 

Jamnd : This should be written " Jaun," the name of a river 

in Hind. 


Baran : The mode of writing this name is " Barbah ;" but in 
some copies it is " Barnah." It is a city among the cities of 

Hardat : This is written " Hurdiz ;" but in some copies it is 
represented as " Hurdib." 


1 The real meaning of " harir," is a " a dog's -whine." The derivation of an 
Indian name from an Arabic root shows the absurd ignorance of the commentator. 





[The author^ himself gives his name at full length as Khwaja 
Abu-l Fazl bin al Hasan al Baihaki. According to his own 
account he was sixteen years of age in 402 Hijra (1011 A.D.) and 
he writes of a period as late as 451 H. (A.D. 1059), being then as 
he says an old man, or, as would appear, approaching 70 years of 
age. Khaki Shirazi states that he died in 470 (1077 A.D.) 

The title of the work is sometimes read " Tdrikh-i Al-i 
SubuMigin," ^ and it is also known as the '■'■ Tdrikh-i BaihakiP'' 
Its voluminous extent has also obtained for it the name of 
the " Mujalladdt-i BaihaU ; Volumes of Baihaki." The work 
would also seem to have been known under the name of the 
" Tdrikh-i JVdsiri," for a passage in the Tdrikh-i Wassdf attri- 
butes a history of this name to Abu-l Fazl Baihaki. It therefore 
seems to be a title of this work, or at least of some of its earlier 
volumes devoted to the history of Nasiru-d din Subuktigfn, in 
the same way as the later volumes containing the reign of Mas'tid 
are entitled Tdrikh-i Mashidi? The portion relating to Mah- 
mud's history was called Tdju-l Futuh as is evident from Unsuri's 

Haji Khalfa, in his Lexicon, describes this work as a com- 
prehensive history of the Ghaznivides in several volumes. 
Mirkhond quotes it among Persian histories, and in his preface 
to the Rauzatu-s safd, he says that it consists of thirty volumes. 

1 [The first part of this article has been re-writf en hy the Editor, partly from notes 
added hy Sir H. EUiot to his original sketch, and partly from letters relating to 
the Tarious extant MSS. addressed to Sir H. Elliot hy Mr. Morley.] 

2 [Morley's edition of the text.] ' IM^m. sur I'Inde, p. 27.] 

54 BAIHAKr. 

Firishta evidently refers to this author, when he speaks of the 
Mujalladdt of Abu-1 Fazl, at the beginning of Mahmud's reign, 
but it may be doubted if he ever saw the work. He does not 
notice it in his list of works, and he certainly did not use it for 
Mas'ud's reign, as he omits many important events recorded in it. 
The Mujallad4t are also referred to for the same reign by the 
Tdrikh-i Gu%ida. The author is mentioned by Haidar Rdzi, by 
Ziau-d din Barni, by Abu-1 Fazl in the Ayin-i Aklart, and 
by Jahdngir in his Memoirs. 

Though the work was thus well-known to historians, a large 
portion of it seems to be irrecoverably lost, and the extant 
portions are of rare occurrence in India. After some research, 
Sir H. Elliot discovered a portion of the work in the possession 
of Zi4u-d din Kh4n, of Loharu near Dehli, and he subsequently 
procured three other copies, one from Dr. Sprenger (Lucknow), 
another from Agra, and a third from Lahore. The Dehli MS. 
was forwarded to the late Mr. Morley, in England, who was pre- 
viously in possession of a copy.^ Another MS. was found in the 
Bodleian Library, and the libraries of Paris and St. Petersburg 
also possess one copy each. The last two were lent to Mr. 
Morley ,2 who, after a collation of six MSS., produced a revised 
text, which some years after his death was printed in the Biblio- 
theca Indica under the supervision of Major N. Lees and his 
staflFof munshis. This comprises part of vol. 6, the whole of 
vols. 7, 8, 9; and part of vol. 10 of the original work. There 
is some confusion in. the numbering of the volumes ; for instance, 
the indices of the Dehli and Agra MSS. call that portion of the 
work, vol. 5, which Mr. Morley calls vol. 6, but there is ample 
evidence among Sir H. Elliot's papers, that Mr. Morley took 
great pains to ascertain the correct division of the work, and 
his decision must be accepted. 

All, or at any rate, six of the MSS. contain exactly the same 
matter, beginning and ending with the same words, and they 

^ [Purchased at a London book-stall for a few shQlings.] 

^ [A contrast to the retentive practices of our great libraries.] 


further agree in showing a lacuna after the account of the raid to 
Benares (page 408 of Morley's edition), where about a page and 
a half of matter seems to be missing. Mr. Morley remarks that 
one copy had a marginal note of Sic in orig. 

Thus it is apparent that all these copies must have been taken 
immediately or intermediately from the same original. The dates 
of the various MSS. are not all known, but that of the Paris 
copy is 1019 Hijra (1610 a.d.) The inference to be drawn from 
these facts is, that the voluminous work of Baihaki was reduced 
to the remnant which we still possess by the end of the 
sixteenth century, and the chance of recovering the remainder 
though not impossible, is beyond hope.] 

Baihaki has laid down the requisites for a good historian at 
the beginning of his tenth volume, and he has professed to con- 
form to the model he has there laid down. He says : — " Man can 
be read by the heart of man. The heart is strengthened or weak- 
ened by what it hears and sees, and until it hears or sees the bad 
and the good, it knows neither sorrow nor joy in this world. Be 
it therefore known that the eyes and ears are the watchmen and 
spies of the heart, which report to it what they see and hear, 
that it may take advantage of the same, and represent it to 
Wisdom, who is a just judge, and can separate the true from the 
false, and can avail itself of that which is useful, and reject that 
which is otherwise. It is for this reason that man wishes to 
learn that which is concealed, that which is neither known nor 
heard of; that which has occurred in past times, and that which 
has not. But this historical knowledge can only be obtained 
with difficulty, either by travelling round the world and under- 
going trouble, or searching in trustworthy books, and ascertain- 
ing the real occurrences from them. * * * There are two 
kinds of past history, and no third is known ; either that which 
one hears from others, or that which one reads in books. It is a 
necessary condition that your informant should be trustworthy 
and true, and that wisdom should testify to the probability of 
the story, to give independent sanction to the statements, and 

56 BAIHAKr. 

that the book should be such that the reader or hearer should not 
reject but readily adopt its assertions. Most people are so con- 
stituted that they love silly stories more than truth, such as 
those about fairies, hills, and the demons of the deserts and seas, 
which fools make so much fuss about : as where a narrator says 
that in a certain sea I saw an island, on which five hundred 
people landed, and we baked our bread and boiled our pots, and 
when the fire began to burn briskly, the heat descended into the 
earth, and it then moved away, when we saw that it was merely a 
fish. Also, I saw such and such things moving on a certain hill. 
Also, how an old woman turned a man into an ass by witchcraft, 
and how another old woman by the same means, after rubbing 
oil in his ear, turned him into a man again, and other fables like 
to these which bring sleep, when they are repeated at night-time 
to people who are ignorant, for so they are considered by those 
who search for truth that they may believe it. Of these the 
number is exceedingly small, who can accept the true and reject 
the false. I, who have undertaken the history, have endeavoured 
so to manage, that whatever I write may be from my own ob- 
servation, or from the accounts I have received from credible 

The Tdrikhic-s SubuTctigin wears more the appearance of a 
gossiping memoir than -an elaborate history. The author per- 
petually alludes to himself, his own intimacies, his own proceed- 
ings, and his own experiences. He gives us a graphic account of 
most of the contemporary nobles ; the pursuits of the emperor 
Mas'tid bin Mahmud ; his dictations to his secretaries ; his ad- 
diction to wine ; and his repentance on the occasion of one of his 
visits to Hindustan, when he forswore liquor and threw the wine 
and drinking vessels into the river Jailam ; which strongly reminds 
us of a later but identical freak of Bdbar's. We have a vivid re- 
presentation of the court ; the mode of transacting business, the 
agents by whom it was transacted, and the nature of the sub- 
jects which came under discussion before the council at Ghazni. 
[All related with such detail and verbosity as to be open to the 


charge of prolixity which the author apprehended. But although 
tedious, the work is eminently original, and it presents such a 
reflex of the doings and manners of the time that its minutite 
and trifles frequently constitute its chief merit. The writer may 
not inaptly be described as an oriental Mr. Pepys.j 

The book is very discursive, and by no means adheres to a 
chronological succession of events. At one time the author 
mentions his personal interviews with the famous Emperor Mah- 
mtid ; at another we are favoured with a view of the court of 
Ibrdhim or Mas'ud, then we are suddenly transported back again 
to that of Mahmud. He states in one part that he has written 
the events of fifty years in several thousand pages, and that if 
any one complains of his prolixity, it must be remembered that 
he has written of several princes and illustrious persons, and that 
the matter, therefore, \\j^is too important to be compressed in a 
small space, especially when it concerned the great Emperors 
whose servant and subject he was. 

The style of the work is a most singular kind of colloquial 
Persian, written down without any attempt at order and the due 
arrangement of the sentences ; the construction is consequently 
often very perplexed and the meaning obscure. Had I not heard 
men from the neighbourhood of Ghazni speak Persian very much 
in the style of our author, I should have conceived the work to be 
a literal translation from the Arabic, the sequence of words ac- 
cording to that language being very frequently observed. In 
speaking of his tenth volume, the author says he intends to 
devote it to an account of the Emperor Mas'ud's last invasion of 
Hindustan, and to the history of Khwarizm. To enable him to 
accomplish the latter purpose, he confesses that he will be indebted 
to the history written by Bu Eihdn, which he had seen some years 
before. This is, no doubt, the famous Abu Eihdn al Biruni, 
mentioned in a former article, who was a native of Khwarizm, 
and a member of the learned society which was in his time con- 
gregated at the capital under the auspices of the king. 

Besides this voluminous work, he quotes, as one of the 

58 BAIHAKr. 

histories written by him, "the Makdmdt-i Mahmiidi" though, 
perhaps, this may mean merely passages in which he has written 
of the affairs of Mahmud in some of the previous volumes. He 
also distinctly mentions that he is the author of " Tdrikh-i 
Yamini.'" This cannot possibly allude to the famous work of 
'Utbi just noticed, who, under the name of 'Abdu-1 Jabbar, is 
frequently noticed in this fragment ; Baihaki, therefore, by this 
expression probably means that part of his work in which he has 
written of Mahmud, entitled Yaminu-d daula. 

The Extracts from this work are more than usually copious, 
as they are calculated to attract particular attention. 

In one of the passages we find mention of the capture of 
Benares as early as a.h. 424 (a.d. 1033), only three years after 
Mahmud's death. In other authors we have mention of an ex- 
pedition to Kashmir during that year by Mas'ud himself, but no 
mention of Ahmad Nialtigin's capture of Benares. All we have 
hitherto known of the Indian transactions of that year is that the 
king resolved on making an expedition into India. He took the 
route of Sarsuti, situated among the hills of Kashmir, the garrison 
of which fort being intimidated, sent messengers to the king, 
promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute, if he would 
desist from his enterprise. Mas'ud felt disposed to listen to the 
proposals, until he understood that some Muhammadan mer- 
chants, having been seen by the garrison, were then captives in 
the place. He accordingly broke up the conference and besieged 
the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with sugar canes from 
the adjacent plantations. This being done, he caused scaling- 
ladders to be applied to the walls ; and the fort, after a bloody 
contest, was taken. The garrison, without distinction, was put 
to the sword, except the women and children, who were carried 
off by the soldiers as slaves. The king, moreover, commanded 
that a part of the spoil should be given to the Muhammadans 
who had been prisoners in Sarsuti, and who had formerly lost 
their effects. This year is also recorded by Indian historians as 
remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the 


world, especially in Persia and India, in which entire provinces 
were depopulated. The famine was succeeded by a pestilence, 
which swept many thousands from the face of the earth ; for in 
less than one month forty thousand persons died in Ispahan alone. 
The more celebrated Abu-1 Fazl, the minister of Akbar, 
mentions in his Ayin-i Akbari, that Sultdn Mahmtid twice 
visited Benares : once in a.h. 410, and again in a.h. 413. I 
have in another work,i printed by direction of Government, 
pointed out the extreme improbability of these visits ; and here 
the doubts are confirmed by a contemporary, who distinctly says 
that the Muhammadans had not yet penetrated so far before the 
time of Ahmad Kidltigin. Unfortunately, in the original a 
lacuna occurs at the very place where the extract closes, or we 
might have gained more information about this remote and in- 
teresting expedition. 

The old form of spelling Lahore is also worthy of observation. 
Lahur is very unusual. Zi^u-din Barni always spells it Lohur, 
and the Farhang-i Jahingirl says it is spelt Ldnhaur, Lohdwur, 
and Lahawar, as well as Lohur. It is only of late years that the 
uniform practice has been observed of spelling it Ldhore.^ 

In another passage we have an account of an expedition to 
India in a.h. 429. In Firishta and Mirkhond, we have no 
intelligence under that year, but as they mention that Hdnsi was 
taken in a.h. 427, and as the extract mentions that it was com- 
monly called a "virgin fort," because it had never yet been 
taken, no doubt, though the details are diiferent, the same event 
is referred to. 

Another extract is pregnant with information respecting the 
early credit assigned to Hindu soldiers, by their victorious 
enemies. Had we not other instances of the consideration in 
which the military qualities of Hindus were held, we might have 
hesitated to yield our belief that such sentiments could have 
been entertained by a chief of Ghazni. But we learn from other 

1 [The " Glossary."] 

2 [See Vol. I., p. 46. On coins of this dynasty it is clearly engravedjj^_jl]. 

60 BAIHAKr. 

histories that even only fifty days after the death of Mahmtid, his 
son dispatched Sewand E4i, a Hindii chief, with a numerous body 
of Hindu cavalry, in pursuit of the nobles who had espoused the 
cause of his brother. In a few days a conflict took place, in 
which Sewand Eai, and the greatest part of his troops were 
killed; but not till after they had inflicted a heavy loss upon 
their opponents. i 

Five years afterwards we read of Tilak, son of Jai Sen, com- 
mander of all the Indian troops in the service of the Ghaznivide 
monarch, being employed to attack the rebel chief, Ahmad 
Nidltigin. He pursued the enemy so closely that many 
thousands fell into his hands. Ahmad himself was slain while 
attempting to escape across a river, by a force of Hindu Jats, 
whom Tilak had raised against him. This is the same Tilak 
whose name is written in the Tabakdt-i Akhari, as Malik bin Jai 
Sen, which, if correct, would convey the opinion of the author of 
that work, that this chief was a Hindu convert. 

Five years after that event we find that Mas'ud, unable to 
withstand the power of the Seljuk Turkomans, retreated to 
India, and remained there for the purpose of raising a body 
of troops sufficient to make another effort to retrieve his affairs. 
It is reasonable therefore to presume that the greater part of 
these troops consisted of Hindus. 

In the reign of his successor, when Abu 'All, Kotwdl of 
Ghazni, was deputed to command the army in India, and main- 
tain the Grhaznivide conquests in that country, we read of his 
sending a letter to Biji Rcii, a general of the Hindus, who had 
done much service even in the time of Mahmud, inviting him to 
return to Ghazui, whence he had fled on. account of some political 
dissensions, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of 

These few instances will confirm the impressions which the 
extract is calculated to convey. 

1 'Wilken, 164. 


Ilmnts of the Year 422 h. Investiture of Khwaja Ahmad Samn} 

The first of Muharram of this year fell on a Tuesday. Amir 
Mas'ud, may God be pleased with him ! went during the day to 
the garden-palace, with the intention of spending some time 
there. The public court rooms were arranged in it, and many 
other buildings were added. One year when I went there, the 
court-yard of the palace and the shops were all reconstructed in 
a different manner, under the orders of the king, who was a very 
clever architect, and not excelled by any mathematician. And 
this new sard! which is still to be seen in Grhaznin, is a sufficient 
proof of this. There was at ShadiAkh, in JSTaishdpur, no palace 
or parade ground ; yet he designed both with his own hands, and 
built a sarai there, which now excites admiration, besides 
numerous'smaller sarals and enclosures. At Bust he so increased 
the cantonments of the Amir, his father, that some of them 
exist to this day. This king was singularly excellent in every- 
thing. May the Almighty God, whose name should be respected, 
be merciful to him ! 

From Hirdt an order was despatched through the agents 
of Khwdja Bu Suhal Zauzani, summoning Khw^ja Ahmad Hasan 
to the court, for Jangi,^ the governor of the fort, had Uberated him 
from prison, and he (the Khw4ja) had said to Hajib Ariydruk, com- 
mander of the army of Hindustan. " Your reputation at present 
stands rather bad ; it is advisable that you should come with me 
and see his majesty, I will speak in your favour, and you shall 
return with a robe of honour and a good name. Affairs are now 
carefully settled, and such a generous and kind prince as Amir 
Mas'ud has mounted the throne." Ariy^ruk was moved by his 
soft words, and the spells of the venerable man took effect upon 
him ; so he accompanied the Khwdja on the way, and served 
him exceedingly well; for, indeed, amongst the civil officers 
of those days, no one possessed greater dignity and excellence 
than the Khwaja. 

1 [Morley's Text, page 168 to 198.] 

2 [So in MS., Morley's edition has "Japki," or "ChapM."] 

62 BAIHAXr. 

The great Khwdja 'Abdu-r Razzdk, the eldest son of Khw^ja 
Ahmad Hasan, who was detained in the fort of Nandna, was 
liberated, upon his own demand, by Sdrugh, the cup-bearer, who 
brought him to his father. The son expressed his great obliga- 
tion to Sdrugh, before the father. The Khwaja said, I am under 
greater obligation to him than you are. He ordered him (Sdrugh) 
to go back to Nandna, because it was not such a place that it 
should be left empty, and told him that on his reaching the court 
he would report his case and possibly gain him promotion. 
S^rugh immediately went back. The great Khw4ja was very 
happy to come to Balkh. He went to see the Amir, and to pay 
his respects and duty. The Amir questioned him very warmly, 
gave him advice, and conversed with him kindly. He made 
obeisance and returned. He lodged in a house which was prepared 
for him, and took three days rest, and then came again to court. 

When this great man (says Abti-l Fazl Baihaki) had rested 
himself, a message was sent to him regarding the post of Wazir. 
Of course he did not accept it. Bti Suhal Zauzani was connected 
with him (the Amir), and had the arrangement of all his affairs ; 
the amercing and approving of men, the buying and selling, was 
all done by him. The Amir was constantly closeted with him 
and 'Abdus. These two persons were his chosen councillors, 
but they were both inimical to each other. The people of his 
father Mahmud's time had selected them that things might go 
peaceably. I never saw Bu Nasr, my instructor, more busy and 
perplexed at any time than he was now. When the messages 
were passing between the king and Khwdja Ahmad Hasan, 
the latter said to Bu Sahal, " I am become old and can not 
do the duties. Bti Suhal Hamaduni is a qualified and experienced 
man, he might be appointed "Ariz (general). The office of 
Wazir should be conferred on you, I will look on from a dis- 
tance and assist you with any necessary advice." Bii Suhal 
said, " I did not expect this from my lord. What man am I ? 
I am a worthless and useless person." The Khwdja said, 
" Holy God ! since the time you came back from Ddmagh^n 


to the Amfr, have you not performed all the duties, even when 
the affairs of the country were unsettled, and now that our 
lord has occupied the throne, and the whole business is reduced 
to a system, you can do the duty more easily and better." Bii 
Suhal observed, for a long time there was no one to act under the 
king, but now that such an eminent personage as you are come, 
I and those like me have no courage and ability to do anything. 
How shall a mere atom prevail against the sun. We are all 
insignificant persons. The true master has appeared, and every 
hand is restrained. He said, very good, I will consider over it. 
He went home, and in two or three days about fifty or sixty 
messages were sent to him upon this business ; but still he did 
not accept the offer. One day he came to see the Amir, and 
when the conversation began, the Amir directed him to sit down. 
He then dismissed the attendants and said, Khw4ja, why don't 
you undertake this duty, you know you are to me as a father. 
I have many important matters before me, and it is not proper 
that you should deprive me of your ability. The Khwaja replied, 
I am your obedient servant, and next to the Almighty, I owe my 
life to your majesty. But I am become old and unfit for work. 
Besides, I have vowed and have taken a solemn oath, that I will 
never more eno'age in business, for much trouble has come upon 
me. The Amir said, I will have thee absolved from thine oaths ; 
you must not refuse me. He said, if there is no help, and I must 
accept the appointment, I will, if your majesty sees fit, sit in the 
court room, and if there is anything to ask about, I will send 
a messao'e to you by a confidential person, and act according to 
your reply. The Amir said very good, but whom will you make 
your confidant. He replied, Bu Suhal Zauzani is concerned in the 
business, and perhaps it would be better if Bu Nasr Mishkdn 
were also made a medium between us, for he is a honest man, and 
in days gone by he has been my confidential mouthpiece. The 
Amir said it was very proper. The Khwaja departed, and went 
to the Diw4n's ofilce, which they cleared out. I heard Bu Nasr 
Mishk^n say that when he was about to leave, the Khwaja made 

64 BAIHAKr. 

him sit down, and told him not to depart, for it was now his duty 
to carry messages to the king's court. He said, the king will not 
leave me in retirement, although it is time for me to sue for 
forgiveness of the Almighty, and not to be acting as minister. 
Bu Nasr observed, may my lord live long ! the Amir thinks 
what he has proposed advisable, and it also seems good to his 
servants ; but you, my lord, will fall into trouble, for there are 
many important matters which nothing but great foresight and 
enlightened wisdom can settle. The Khw^ja observed, what you 
say is true, but I see that there are many ministers here ; and I 
know that this is not concealed from you. Bu Nasr acknow- 
ledged that there were such persons, but that they were only fit 
to obey orders, and he then asked of what ase he was in the 
business? Bti Suhal was sufficient, and as he (Bti Nasr) had 
been much troubled by that person, he wished by some device 
to keep aloof from him. The Khw4ja told him not to be 
afraid, for he had confidence in him. Bu ISTasr bowed his acknow- 
ledgments. Bu Suhal now came and brought a message from 
our lord the Sultan, saying. In the time of my father the Khwaja 
endured great troubles and hardships, and he was treated with 
ignominy. It is very surprising that his life was spared, but he 
was left to adorn my reign. He must consent to serve me,, 
because dignity like his is needed. He has numerous followers 
and friends like himself, who will all work according to his in- 
structions, so that business will be managed upon a regular system. 
The Khwaja said, I have made a vow never to serve the Sultdn; 
but as his Majesty commands me and says that he will absolve 
me from my oath, I yield to his wishes. But there are duties 
attached to this office which if I try to carry out and obey my 
lord's orders, all the servants will rise with one accord against 
me and become my enemies. They will play the same tricks 
now as they did in the last reign. I shall thus throw myseli 
into great difficulty. But now I have no enemy and live in 
peace. If I do not discharge the duties, but act dishonestly, I 
shall be charged with weakness, and I shall find no excuse either 


before the Almighty or my master. If there is no help for it, 
and I must perforce take the office, I must be fully informed of 
its duties, and I must be allowed and have authority to offer such 
advice and counsel as may be necessary. 

We two (Bii Nasr and Bu Suhal) went to say this to the Amir 
I asked Bti Suhal, as he was to be the intermedium, what work I 
should have to do ? He replied, the Khwaja has chosen you ; 
perhaps he has no confidence in me. He was much displeased 
with my intervention. When I went into the presence I observed 
a respectful silence, for I wished Bii Suhal to speak. When he 
opened the business, the Amir turned towards me and wanted 
me to speak. Bu Suhal discreetly moved away, and I delivered 
all the messages. The Amir said I will entrust him (the 
Khwaja) with all the duties, excepting such as respect convivi- 
ality, wine -drinking, fighting, the game of chaugdn and chank- 
kabak. All other duties he must discharge, and no objection 
shall be urged against his sentiments and views. I returned and 
brought the answer. Bii Suhal had quitted his place, although 
I left everything to him. But what could I do, the Amir did 
not leave me alone, neither did the Khwaja. He (the Khwaja) 
said, I am obedient. I will think and write down ,some points 
which must be taken to-morrow to his Majesty. May the 
Almighty increase his dignity ! Answers to them must be 
written under the king's own hand and attested by his seal. This 
business must be conducted in the same manner as in the time 
of the late Amir; and you know how it was managed in those 
days. Well we went and spake (as we had been desired). The 
Amir said, Bu Nasr ! Welcome ! To morrow you must finish 
this business, that on the following day he may put on the robe 
(of office). We said we will tell him, and we were departing, when 
he called to me, Bti Nasr, and said — When the Khwdja returns 
do you come back for I have something to say to you. I said, I 
will do so ; and repaired to the Khwaja and related the whole 
to him. Bti Suhal went away and I and the Khwaja remained. 
I said, May my lord live long ! I said to Bii Suhal, as we were 

VOL. II. " 

66 BAIHAKr. 

going along — This is the first time that we have carried a mes- 
sage together, and since jou have the management what am I to 
do ? He replied, The Khwaja has selected you because he, per- 
haps, has no confidence in me. The Khwdja said — I chose you 
because I wished to have a Musulman in the business, who would 
not tell a lie or pervert words, and who would, moreover, know 
what ought to be done. This sorry cuckold and others think 
that if I take this ofiice, they will really perform the duties of 
minister. The first thing; to do is to overload him so with 
business that all life and spirit shall be taken out of him, and 
that he withdraw from ministerial duties. The others will then 
do the same. I know he will not be content, and will withdraw 
reluctantly. The king has given many low fellows access to his 
throne, and has made them presumptuous. I will do what I think 
right in the way of counsel and kindness, and we shall see what will 
come to pass. He went back, and I repaired to the Amir, who 
asked me what the Khwdja would write, I replied, — the rule has 
been that when the post of Wazir is conferred on a person of 
distinction he writes his terms ^ and enquiries about the responsi- 
bilities of his position. The Sovereign then writes with his own 
hand an answer and attests it with his seal. After this, God is 
called to witness it. The Wazir then examines it, and it becomes 
a solemn compact with stringent provisions, which the minister 
must repeat with his tongue and attest with his signature, adding 
thereto witnesses to his promise of acting in conformity therewith. 
The Amir directed that a draft of the reply to his proposals 
should be drawn up, and that a copy of the oath also should be 
prepared so that the business might be concluded on the morrow, 
and the minister might assume his robe of office, for business 
was at a standstill. I said, I will do so and returned. The 
The papers were written out, and at the time of afternoon 
prayer, another private interview was granted. The Amir then 
apprized himself of their contents and approved them. Next 
day the Khw4ja came (to the palace) and when the levee was 


over lie came into the public court (tdram), ordered it to be 
cleared, and then seated himself. Bu Suhal and Bu Nasr 
brought forward the conditions. The Amir called for ink and 
paper, wrote answers to each of them with his own hand, attested 
them with his seal and signature, and confirmed the whole 
by an oath written at the bottom. The paper was brought 
to the Khwaja, and when he had read the answers, he stood up, 
kissed the ground, went to the throne and kissed the hand of the 
Amir, and then returned to his place and sat down. Bu Nasr 
and Bu Suhal placed the solemn oath before him. The Khwaja 
pronounced the words of it with his tongue and then affixed his 
signature to the paper. Bu Nasr and Bu Suhal were the wit- 
nesses. On the oath being taken, the Amir praised the Khwaja 
and congratulated him heartily. The Khwcija kissed the ground. 
On this he was ordered to retire, and next day to assume the 
robe of office, because all business was in arrear and many 
important matters had to be settled. The Khwaja said, I am 
your obedient servant, kissed the ground, and retired to his house 
taking the articles of agreement with him. The oath was depo- 
sited in the secretary's office (dawdt-khdna). I have inserted a 
copy of the oath and of the articles in another book which I have 
written, and called " Makamdt-i Mahmudi." Not to be prohx, 
I have avoided to repeat them here. Every one knew that the 
post of Wazir was filled, and fear fell upon every heart, for it 
was no common person who had been appointed. Those from 
whom the Khwaja had received an injury were much alarmed_ 
Bu Suhal Zauzani began to boast in the most dreadful manner. 
He told the people that the office of Wazir had been offered to 
him but he did not accept it, and that he had brought forward 
the Khwaja. Those who had any sense knew that it was not so. 
Sultan Mas'ud, May God approve him! was too intelligent, 
wise and well-informed, to bestow the post of Wazir on any 
other person, so long as Khwdja Ahmad was alive, because he 
knew the rank and qualifications of every one, and what they 
were fit for. There is an evident proof of what I have said. 

68 BAIHAKr. 

When Khw4ja Ahmad had gone to Hirdt, the Amir passing his 
various officers in review {in kaumrd mi-did) remembered Khwdja 
Ahmad 'Abdu-1 Samad, and said, — There is none fitter than he 
for this office. When I arrive at the proper period in my 
history, I will give a full account of this incident. I have not 
said this because I received injuries from Bu Suhal, for he and 
all these people are dead, and it is clear also that I have but a 
little time to live. But I speak the truth. I know that wise 
and experienced men who now read this will find no fault with 
me for what I have written. What I have mentioned in this 
matter is correct, and I can answer for it. May God, whose 
name is glorious, keep me and all Muhammadans from fault and 
error, through his grace and wisdom, power and mercy. 

The following day, which was Sunday, the 9th of the month 
of Safar, the Khwaja entered the court. The great men and the 
elders, the generals and the other military officers, all waited upon 
him, and observed the ceremonials of respect. The Amir turned 
his face towards the Khwaja, and said, you must now put on the 
robe of office, because we have many important things to attend 
to. He then said, let it be known that the Khw4ja is my repre- 
sentative (khalifa) in all matters requiring consideration. His 
orders and directions must be executed and observed in all 
things. AVhatever he deems proper, no one must oppose. The 
Khwaja kissed the ground, and professed his allegiance. 

The Amir made a signal to Hajib Bilkatigin, who was chief 
of the guards, to take the Khwaja to the state wardrobe. He 
came forward and took the Kliwdja by the arm. The Khwaja 
stood up and went to the place, and remained there till about 
12 o'clock, because the astrologer had fixed on that time as 
auspicious for his putting on the dress. All the chief men and 
military officers attended the court, some sitting and others 
standing. The Khwdja then invested himself with his official 
robes. I stood and saw what passed. What I say is from ocular 
observation, and according to the list I possess. There was 
a garment of scarlet cloth of Baghdad, embroidered with small 


flowers ; a long turban of the finest muslin, with a delicate lace 
border ; a large chain, and a girdle of one thousand misk^ls, 
studded with turquoises. Hajib Bilkatigin was sitting at the 
door of the wardrobe, and when the Khwaja came out, he stood 
up and offered his congratulations, and presented one dinar, one 
•small turban, and two very large turquoises, set in a ring. He 
wished to walk before him (in procession), but the Khwaja said, 
upon the life and head of the Sultan, you must walk by my side ; 
tell the other guards to go before. Bilkatigin answered, great 
Khwaja, say not so, because you know my friendship, and besides, 
you are now dressed in the robe of my lord the Sultan, to which 
we, his slaves, must show respect. So he walked before the 
Khwaja and two other men of the guards with him, beside many 
officers. A slave of the Khwaja was also appointed a guard, and 
a coloured vestment was given to him, because it was not cus- 
tomary in the army for the guards of Khwajas to go before them. 
When he reached the palace, other guards came to receive him, 
and they conducted him to the Amir, and there seated him. The 
Amir offered his congratulations to the Khwaja, who stood up, 
kissed the ground, approached the throne, and presented a bunch 
of pearls to the king, which was said to be valued at ten thousand 
dinars. The Amir Mas'ud gave to the Khwaja a ring set with a 
turquoise, on which his majesty's name was engraved, and said, 
this is the seal of state, and I give it to you that people may 
know that the Khwaja's authority is next to mine. The Khwaja 
took the ring, kissed the Amir's hand and the ground, and returned 
to his house. He was attended by such an escort as nobody 
recollected to have seen before, so that, except the musicians (who 
play at fixed times every day), nobody remained at the royal 
palace. He alighted at the gate of 'Abdu-1 'Ala, and went into 
his house. The great men and ministers of the state began 
to pour in. So many slaves, presents, and clothes were brought, 
that the like of them no minister had ever received, Some 
brought them with pleasure, and others from fear. A list of all 
the things brought was kept, so that all might be taken to the king. 

70 BAlHAEr. 

He did not keep back even a thread for himself. Such things 
were learnt from him, for he was the most honest and the greatest 
man of the age. He sat till the time of midday prayer, and only 
left his place for that duty. The whole day he spent busily 
among the people. On the following day he went to court, but 
had not the robe on him. He had got a garment made after the- 
old fashion, and a turban of Naishapur or Kain, and in these 
people always saw this great man dressed. May God approve 
him ! I have heafd from his companions, such as Bu Ibrahim 
Kaini, that he had his reception dress and twenty or thirty other 
garments all made of the same colour, and these he used to wear 
for a year, so that people thought that he had only one dress, and 
used to express their surprise that the garment did not wear or 
fade. There were no bounds to his manliness, industry, and mag- 
nanimity. I shall make some mention of them hereafter in their 
appropriate place. When the year had passed, he had twenty 
or thirty more garments made, and put them in the wardrobe. 

This day, when he came to see the king, the court broke up, 
and Sultan Mas'ud held a private conference with the minister, 
which lasted till the time of mid-day prayer. There were many 
who withered with fear, and a muttering arose as of a drum 
beaten under a blanket. Afterwards he (the Khwaja) came out 
and kept silence. Neither I nor any one else could know aught 
of what had passed in the council, still some of the effects became 
manifest. One party had offices and robes bestowed upon them, 
others were dismissed, and their robes were torn oiF; these and 
other transactions were perceived by intelligent men to be the 
results of that private conference.^ When the drum was beat at 

^ [The original translation of this passage, made by a munshi, and revised by 
an Englishman, ran as follows. It is by no means an nnfair specimen of many of the 
translations, and it is inserted to show the quality of much of the assistance received 
by Sir H. Elliot. Another passage is given in page 88. " Some of the councillors 
quarrelled among themselves. There was a drum which was beat under a blanket, 
and a noise issued from it. The conncillftrs and others like me became acquainted 
with what had happened in that councU. But as some signs of the feud were 
becoming public, offices were conferred on one party, and robes of honour granted, 
while another party was expelled and degraded, and aifairs became smooth. The 
wise men knew that all this was the result of one council."] 


the time of noon-day prayer, the Khw^ja came out. His horse 
was sent for and he returned home. All day long, until evening, 
those persons who had been alarmed, came and made presents 
to him. 

Bu Muhammad Kaini, who was his old private secretary, and 
in the days of his misfortune had, by the Amir Mahmud's order, 
served under Khw^ja Abu-1 Kasim and afterwards under Diwan- 
Hasnak in the same capacity, and secretary Ibrahim Baihaki, who 
attended the minister's office ; these two persons were called by the 
Khwaja who said to them — " Secretaries must needs be attentive 
to orders. I place my confidence in you. To morrow you must 
attend the office and engage in writing ; bring also with you 
scholars and assistants." They said we are obedient. Bu Nasr, 
of Bust, a clerk, who is still alive, was an intelligent and good 
man and a fine caligrapher. He had rendered many services to 
the Khwaja in Hindustan, and had been warmly devoted to him 
when he was in need. When the Khwcija got over his troubles, 
he (Bu Nasr) came with him to Balkh, and the Khwaja now 
patronized him, and bestowed a high office on him. His distress 
vanished, and he obtained an ample competence. Bu Muham- 
mad and Ibrahim are departed. May Grod forgive them ! Bu 
Nasr is yet alive at Ghazni, and in honor in the service of this 
family. In the time when Khwaja 'Abdu-r Razz4k was minister, 
he was controller (hdjih) of the Secretary's office. He patronized 
Bu 'Abdu-lla P^rsi, who also served under the Khwaja. This 
Bu 'Abdu-lla, in the time of the ministry of the Khwaja, was 
chief of the royal messengers at Balkh, and lived in great splen- 
dour, but he had endured great hardships during the Khw^ja's 
adversity. At his removal from office, Amirak Baihaki hastened 
from Ghazni, as I have before mentioned, and they took immense 

riches from him. 

The next day, which was Tuesday, the Khwdja attended the 
Court and visited the Amir, and then came to his office. A fine 
cloth of brocade set with turquoises had been spread near his seat 
for him to kneel on. He went through two forms of prayer, and 

72 BAIHAKr. 

then sitting down, but not in his official seat, he asked for an 
inkstand. It was brought to him with a quire of paper, and a 
box of sand, such as are used by ministers. These he took and 
there sat and wrote a thanksgiving in Arabic.^ 

He then ordered the complainants and suitors to be called. 
Several were brought before him. He heard their statements, 
dispensed justice, and sent them away happy. He said, This is 
the minister's Court ; its gates are open, there is no hindrance, 
whoever has business may come in. People heartily prayed for 
him and were inspired with hope. The military and civil officers 
came in with strict decorum and sat down, some on his right 
hand, some on his left. He turned, looked at them, and said. 
To-morrow come so prepared that you may be able to give a ready 
answer to whatsoever I may ask you, make no reservation. Up 
to this time business has been carried on very improperly. Every- 
one has been occupied with his own concerns, and the king's 
business has been neglected. Ahmad Hasan knows you well, 
and will not allow things to go on as heretofore. You must now 
put on a new appearance, every one must attend to his duty. 
No one dared to speak, all were alarmed, and cowered. The 
Khwaja arose and went home ; all that day also presents were 
brought till nightfall. At the time of afternoon prayer he asked 
for the lists and examined them. Those things which the 
treasurers of the Sultan and accountants of the Court had written 
down were all brought one by one before the Amir. There were 
numberless articles of gold, silver, entire pieces of cloth, Turkish 
slaves of high price, valuable horses and camels, and everything 
most suitable for royal pomp and splendour. The king was 
highly pleased. He said, the Khw^ja is empty handed, why 
did he not take them ? So he ordered ten thousand dinars, five 
hundred thousand dirhams, ten Turkish slaves of great price, 
five horses from the royal stable, and ten 'Abdus camels to be 
taken to him. When the camels brought these presents before 

' [Given at full length iu the text.] 


the Khwcija, he rose up, kissed the ground, and gave many- 
blessings. The camels then returned. 

The next day, which was Wednesday, 7th of Safar, the 
Khwaja attended the Court. The Amir was very severe,^ and 
the day passed in great pomp and splendour. When the Court 
broke up, the Khwaja came to his office, engaged in business, and 
arranged matters to the best of his judgment. At breakfast time 
(chasht-gdh) he called Bu Nasr Mishkan, and when he came he 
(the Khwdja) gave him a secret message to be delivered to the 
Amir that, as he had before stated, the business of reporting 
matters was not properly conducted, adding that Bu Suhal 
Zauzani was an honourable and respectable man, and that if his 
Majesty thought proper, he might be summoned and the robe of 
the appointment conferred on him, in order that he might con- 
duct this most important of all duties. The Khwaja himself was 
rendering all the guidance and assistance possible, in order that 
discipline might be preserved in the army. 

Bu Nasr went and delivered the message. The Amir made a 
signal to Bu Suhal, who was sitting, in the court with other 
courtiers. He went forward, and his majesty spoke one or 
two words to him. Bu Suhal bowed and retired. He was 
conducted to the wardrobe by two guards, one of whom served 
outside, and the other inside the palace. A rich khil'at was 
bestowed on him, and a girdle, with seven hundred pieces of 
gold, which had all been prepared overnight. He came back 
and paid his respects to the Amir, who offered him his congratu- 
lations, and ordered him to go to the Khwaja, under whose 
directions he was to act ; he also desired him to give special 
attention to the important matter of military administration. Bii 
Suhal expressed his obedience, kissed the ground, and retired. 
He came directly into the Khwaja's office. The Khwaja made 
him sit by his side, and spoke very kindly to him. He then 
went home. All the great men, elders, and servants, went to 
his house and paid bim great respect, and presented him with 

74 BAIHAKr. 

many valuables. He also ordered that a list should be made 
of all that they had brought, and he sent it to the treasury. 

The day afterwards a very rich robe was conferred on 3n Suhal 
Hamaduni, who had been removed from the post of Wazir, and 
appointed to the duty of controlhng the financial affairs ^ of the 
kingdom. The four persons who had before discharged this 
duty, with all the other accountants of the court, were to act as 
his assistants. He came before the Amir and paid his respects. 
The Amir said, You are an old servant, and a friend who has 
performed great deeds in favour of the State. You must now 
efficiently execute these (new) duties. He consented, and taking 
leave, he went into the office of the Khwaja, who made him sit 
on his left hand according to established custom, and spoke 
very kindly to him. Presents were also given to him, and 
what people brought he sent to the treasury. The whole 
business of administration was arranged, and the dignity of 
minister was such as nobody remembered to have seen before. 
The Amir had conferred great honour on the minister. The 
Khwaja began, even from the first, with vengeance and threats 
He related the story of Khwaja Bti-l Kasim Kasir, who was 
removed from the office of paymaster ('driz) as well as of Abu 
Bakr Hasiri and Bii-l Hasan 'Ukaili, who were courtiers, and 
who had formed a design which I have before mentioned in this 
history. Hasiri was a violent man, and in the time of the Amir 
Mahmiid he quarrelled with the king at a drinking party, and 
twice received blows. Bu-1 Kasim Kasir, had himself been 
minister, and Abii-l Hasan was his purchased slave. I will 
mention, hereafter, what happened to each of them. 

On Sunday, the 11th of Safar, a very magnificent and costly 
robe was prepared for the great chamberlain (hajib), besides fine 
drums and flags, and flag-staffs, slaves, purses of dirhams, uncut 
pieces of cloth, according to the list of things which had been given 
to H&jib 'All Karib, at the gate of Gurgan. 

When the court broke up the Amir ordered Hdjib Bilkatigin 


to be conducted to the wardrobe, and a robe was put on him. 
The kettle-drums were placed on camels, and banners were 
raised at the palace-gate. The flags, purses of silver, and pieces 
of cloth were placed in the garden. He came forward dressed in 
a black garment, with a two horned cap and a golden girdle. 
Advancing he paid homage. The Amir spoke kindly to him, 
and he returned and came into the Khwaja's office. The Khwdja 
spoke very affably to him. He went home, and the grandees and 
chief men all paid him due respect. Thus he obtained distinction 
and honour. A man more liberal, open, and brave, was seldom 
seen. But levity was predominant in him, and his frivolity was 
very disagreeable. However, no man is without blemish. Per- 
fection belongs only to God the great and glorious. 

An extraordinary occurrence happened in these days to the lawyer 
Bii Bakr Hasiri. A fault was committed by him in a state of in- 
toxication, through which the Khwaja got the upper hand of him, 
and revenged himself to his heart's content. Although the Amir, 
like a just sovereign, inquired about the case, the man had disgraced 
himself. I must perforce give an account of this matter for the in- 
formation of my readers. The destiny of God, great and glorious, 
is unavoidable. It so happened that Hasiri, with his son Bli-1 
Kasim, had gone to the garden of Khwaja 'Ali Mikail, which was 
near, and had drunk to excess. They passed the night there and 
the next morning they again drank, and it is bad to drink in the 
morning. Wise men seldom do this. They drank till half the 
interval between the times of the first and second prayers, and 
then mounting, and still continually drinking, they passed through 
the lane of 'Ubbad. As they approached the 'Ashik4n Bazar, 
the father, who was riding a camel and had a cavalcade of thirty 
horse and an escort of thirty slaves, by chance met with a 
servant of the Khwaja, who was also riding. The road was 
narrow, and there was a crowd of people. Hasiri, as drunkards 
will, got a whim into his head, because the servant did not dis- 
mount and pay his respects. He grossly abused the man, who 
said kin<^ ! why do you abuse me ? I have a master who is 

76 BAIHAKr. 

greater than you, and the like of you. That lord is the great 
Khwaja. Hasiri began to abuse the Khwaja, and said, Seize 
this dog. Who is there so bold as to listen to his complaint ? 
He then used stronger language against the Khwaja. The 
slaves of Hasiri flew upon the man, beat him severely on the 
back, and tore his garment. Bii-l Kdsim, his (Hasiri's) son, 
called out loud to the slaves, because he was discreet, far-seeing, 
and intelligent. (He has passed through life so happily that he 
has performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, and has retired from ser- 
vice, devoting himself in seclusion to worship and virtuous acts. 
May this great man and worthy friend long survive !) He (Bii-l 
Kdsim) made many apologies to the man, and besought him not 
to tell the occurrence to his master, lest next day he should 
demand an apology. For the garment that had been torn three 
should be given in return. (After this) they all went away. The 
man arose, but did not find himself capable of forbearance, because 
menial servants are accustomed to carry such matters too far, 
and do not consider the result. 

This event took place on Thursday, the 15th of Safar. He 
went running to KhwAja Ahmad and repeated the matter, making 
it ten or fifteen times worse to him. He displayed his bruised 
head and face, and showed the garment which was torn. The 
Khwdja had eagerly wished for such a chance, and was seeking 
for a pretext against Hasiri, by which he might crush him, so he 
deemed this a fitting opportunity. For the Amir was in every 
way inclined towards him, and as he had given the minister's 
robe to him yesterday, he would not to-day give it to Hasiri. 
He had found dirt and he knew how to wallow in it.i 

Next day the Amir was about to go out hunting in the 
direction of the wine drinkers;^ and the tents, cooking utensils, 
wines, and other necessaries, were all taken out. Next day the 
Khwaja sat down and wrote a petition under his own hand and 

' [Oj^ i..::^*iJ1j iXcL< '-^^■'V. t-^^ u^jJ 


seal, and sent it to Bilkdtigin with a message directing him, if 
the king asked him why Ahmad did not come, to hand the 
petition to him ; or even if he did not enquire, the letter was still 
to be delivered to him, for it was important and ought not to be 
delayed. Bilkatigin promised to obey, as there was great friend- 
ship between them. The Amir did not hold a court, for he wished 
to go out riding, and the insignia and the umbrella had been 
brought out, and many slaves were ready mounted. The call was 
raised for the female elephant with the canopy, and the Amir 
mounted and sat in the howda. The Amir's elephant was driven 
on and all the servants were standing to pay their respects. 
But when his Majesty came to the court gate, and did not see 
Khwdja Ahmad, he said, The Khwaja is not come. Bu Nasr 
Mishkan replied. This is Friday, and he knows that your 
majesty intends to go hunting, for this reason probably he has 
not come. Bilk4tigin then presented the paper, saying that it 
had been sent the previous night, with an intimation that whether 
his Majesty asked for him or not this was to be submitted. The 
elephant was stopped and the Amir took the paper and read it. 
It was thus written — "May my lord's life be prolonged ! Tour 
slave protested that he was not fit to be minister, and begged to 
be excused. Every one has got some vain thoughts in his mind ; 
and in his old age, your slave has not vigour enough to contend 
against hardship and struggle with mankind, making the world 
his enemy. But as your Majesty by your royal words inspired 
him with great hopes and agreed to conditions worthy of a 
prince, he, next to the grace of Almighty God, received a new 
life from your Majesty and felt compelled to submit himself to 
the Imperial orders. Ten days have not yet passed, but Hasiri 
has disgraced your faithful servant. Hasiri was coming in a litter 
from the garden, after draining the cup to the dregs, and in the 
Sa'idi Bazir, not in a solitary place, but in the presence of many 
men, he ordered his slaves to beat one of my trustworthy 
servants. They sorely beat him and tore his garment to pieces. 
When the man said he was my servant, Hasiri uttered a hundred 

78 BAIHAEr. 

thousand opprobrious names against me before the crowd. Your 
servant can on no account come to court and conduct the minis- 
terial duties, because it is hard to endure the insults of such people. 
If your Majesty sees fit to be merciful to him, then let him 
abide in some building or fort which your high wisdom may 
point out. But if he is not excused, then let him receive due 
chastisement, so that he may suffer both in property and person. 
He now aspires too high. His immense riches raise him and 
his son above themselves. Your servant will pay for the father 
and the son three hundred thousand dinars into the treasury, 
and this letter, in the handwriting of your slave, shall stand as a 
bond. Peace be to you ! " 

When the Amir had read the letter, he wrote on it, and giving 
it to one of his personal attendants who carried the inkstand, he 
ordered him to take care of it. The elephant then inoved on. 
Every one said. Let us see what will happen. In the open country 
he ordered the Oommander-in-Ohief of the army, and Ariyaruk 
general of Hindustan, and all the soldiers to return, for they were 
not allowed to accompany the royal hunt. He was followed only 
by some of his personal attendants. Then he called the High 
Chamberlain, Bilkatigin, and spoke a few words to him in the 
Turkish language. The Chamberlain retired and the Amir 
called for Bu Nasr Mishkan. A messenger hastened to him in 
the ministers'' office, and told him that his Majesty was calling 
for him. He mounted and hastened to the Amir. He went on 
a little way with the Amir, and a few words passed ; the Amir 
then sent him back. He did not return to the office, but went 
to the house of the great Khwaja Ahmad, and sent Bu Mansur, 
the keeper of the minister's offices, with orders for the secretaries to 
return. We did so. I followed the steps of my tutor (usidd) to the 
house of the Khwaja, where I saw such a mob of spectators that 
no estimate of them could be made. I asked one person what 
the matter was ? He replied, the Khalifa (governor) in armour 
and boots,! j^^s brought Hasiri and his son to the Khwaja's house, 


and has set them up there and chastised them. Nobody knows 
what is the matter. And a large force is come on duty, and 
horsemen are posted, for this is Friday, and nobody is allowed 
to enter except Khwdja Bu Nasr Mishkan, who came and went 
in. I, Bu-1 Fazl was confounded when I heard this, because I 
had been much benefited by that nobleman and his son. I 
dismounted and went into the court-yard, where I remained till 
near breakfast time {chdsht-gdJi). Now, an inkstand and some 
paper were brought, and I heard 'Abdu-llah Parsl loudly pro- 
claim that the great Khwaja says, "though the Sultan had 
sentenced you and your son to receive one thousand blows each, 
yet I compassionate you and remit the strokes, but you must 
pay five hundred thousand dinars and purchase the stick, other- 
wise the sentence will be enforced. Beware, lest you receive the 
blows and have to pay the money also." The father and the 
son said, we are ready to obey whatever order is given, but we 
beg that some reduction be made, because it is known that we 
cannot afford to pay even the tenth part of it. Abii 'Abdu-llah 
went and returned several times, until three hundred thousand 
dinars were agreed to be paid, and a bond for that amount was 
given. An order was then issued that they were to be kept in 
custody. The Khalifa (governor) of the town put them both 
under guard and detained them. The people then retired. Bu 
Nasr, my ustdd, remained there to take wine, and I returned to my 
home. After an hour Sankui Wakil came to me and said that 
Khwaja Bu Nasr had sent him with a message that I, Bii-l 
Fazl, was to go to the Sultan and report that he (Bii Nasr) had 
according to the royal orders gone to the Khwaja, and agreeably 
to his instructions had poured water upon fire, so that Haslri and 
his son had not been flogged. A bond for three hundred thou- 
sand dinars had been taken from them, and they were kept in 
custody. The great Khwaja was greatly delighted at the order 
which your Majesty gave, and with the new favour bestowed 
upon him, and he had therefore detained him (Bu Nasr) to drink 
wine. It would have been churlish to refuse the favour, and this 

80 BAIHAKf. 

was the cause why he had not come himself. He had sent Abii-l 
Fazl in order that he might not be charged with disrespect and 

I (Abu-1 Fazl) instantly went, and found the Amir at the out- 
skirts of the city, in a garden, engaged in conviviality and drink- 
ing. His companions were sitting round, and the musicians were 
playing. I said to myself, if I cannot gain access to speak to him, 
I must send him the message in writing, that it may come to his 
notice. I wrote down an explicit statement and went forward. The 
Amir asked loudly what it was ? I replied, your slave Bu ISTasr 
has sent a message, and I showed him the petition. He ordered 
his ink-bearer to take it, which he did and gave it to the Amir, 
who having read it, called me before the throne and returning the 
letter to me, and speaking aside, said, " Go back to Bu Nasr 
and tell him that all has gone on well, and that I am much 
pleased with what he has done. To-morrow I will take such 
further steps as may be necessary — tell him also it is good that 
he has not come himself, and that he stayed to be entertained by 
the KhwAja." 

I returned and reached the city at the time of the afternoon 
prayer. I called Sankui, and wrote the message on a paper, 
thus completing my commission. Sankui took it and gave it to 
my ustdd. He read it and became acquainted with its contents. 
He remained with the Khw4ja till the time of the night prayer, 
and returned home very drunk. The next evening he called me 
and I went. He was sitting alone, and he asked me what I had 
done. I related all that had passed, and he said it was all well, 
and added, the Khwaja is about his work. He will exact a fine 
revenge, and will devour up these people. But the king is a 
kind protector and a lover of justice. Yesterday, as he read 
the letter of the minister, he was obliged to control himself by 
saying that it was not right to give him that post, and then 
within a week to overlook such contemptuous treatment of him. 
So the king determined to inflict punishment, and ordered the chief 
chamberlain (hdjib) to go to the palace and direct the governor to 


take Hasiri and his son to the Khwaja's house. "Let him also," 
said he, " take the executioner and whips, and let one thousand 
stripes he inflicted on each of these persons, so that henceforth 
nobody may dare to mention the Khwaja's name except with re- 
spect." Although he gave such an order, and Hasiri had committed 
a very great fault, yet he did not wish that he should all at once 
lose his character and station. A man soon came to me (Bu Nasr) 
and called me. When I went to the Sultan he said to me openly, 
"You did not want to come with me to the feast." I answered, " It 
is the good fortune of your slave to be always before his master. 
But your majesty had ordered me to write some important 
letters to Re and other places in that direction, and told me 
not to come, but to send a secretary at once to him." He smiled, 
and was very gracious in all respects. He said, " I remember, but 
I only joked." There are some other points," continued he, "which 
must be inserted in those letters, and I did not wish to send 
them to you as a message, but to tell them myself to you." He 
then ordered the elephant to be stopped. The driver and his 
assistant descended from the neck of the animal. The personal 
attendant of the Sultan left the howda, and all people kept aloof; 
I stood before him. First he told me the subject of the Khwaja's 
letter, and then said " the chamberlain was good to pacify the 
mind of the Khwdja. I have ordered suitable punishment for 
the fault which Hasiri committed, with the view of giving satis- 
faction to the Khwaja. But of all the courtiers of my father, 
Hasiri has the greatest claims upon me, and in his attachment to 
me he has suffered much hardship. At all events I will not give 
such power to the Khwaja as that he may crush such servants 
for his own revenge. I have told you my views, and you must 
keep secret what I have said. Observe these words, and either by 
using my order or by your own contrivance, provide that neither 
he nor his son be hurt. I have directed the chamberlain, in the 
Turkish language, to frighten them, but to procrastinate. You 
must step in and extinguish the fire." I said "I quite understand 
that you have done what was proper in the matter," and I quickly 

82 BAIHAEr. 

returned. What was the case you have seen. I told the cham- 
berlain to defer executing the royal order till I could see the 
great Khwdja. I said to Hasiri, " Shame on you ; you are an 
old man, and yet for a single thing you have brought this dis- 
grace upon yourself, and have troubled the hearts of your friends." 
He answered, " This is no time for reproach ; destiny has done 
its work; you should rather think of some remedy." I was called 
back, and immediately admitted into the court. On the road I 
saw Abu-1 Fath of Bust dressed in an old garment, and having a 
small water bottle hanging from his neck. He stopped me on the 
road, and said "it is about twenty days sincelhave been set to carry 
water to the stable — please to exert your interest for me. I know 
the great Khw4ja is much pleased (with you) and nothing can be 
done without your recommendation." I told him I was going on 
some very important business, and when it was finished I would 
exert myself for him, and hoped that he would be successfiil. 
Upon reaching the Khwaja I found him in great indignation and 
wrath. I paid my respects, and he eagerly spoke to me and 
said he was told that I had been with the Amir, and asked why 
I had returned. I answered that " he sent me back to attend 
to the Ee business, which was no secret to him (the Khwaja). 
But these letters must be written to-morrow, because at present 
nothing can be done. I have come to take a little wine with 
you on the occasion of this new favour which has been shown to 
you by the Sultan in the matter of Haslrl." He said, "You have 
done quite right, and I am much obliged. But nevertheless I 
do not want you to intercede for him and be disappointed, because 
I will not relent on any account. These rascals ^ havei entirely 
forgotten Ahmad Hasan, and have had the field empty for a 
while ; they have made the great hand of the minister powerless, 
and have degraded him ; but let them now look to the breadth 
of their blanket and awake from slumber." He then turned 
towards 'Abdu-llah P^rsi, and asked if the stripes had been 

' [j^liLs^ "■willing cuckolds," apparently a favourite term of abuse of the 


inflicted. I said, " They will inflict them and execute the great 
lord's command, but I requested the chief chamberlain (hdjib) 
to stop a little, till I had seen you." He said, " You have 
seen me, but I will not listen to your intercession— they must 
inevitably be beaten that their eyes may be opened. Go 'Abdu- 
llah, and give orders to beat them both (Hasiri and his son)." I 
said, " If there is no alternative let me speak a few words to you 
in private, and meanwhile let their punishment be delayed — after 
that let your commands be executed." He called 'Abdu-Uah 
back, and then had the room cleared, so that we were alone 
together. I said, " May my lord's life be prolonged ; it is wrong 
to push matters to extremes in any thing. Great men have 
said, ' Mercy attends His power,' and mercy is considered 
most worthy, even when we have power to take revenge. The 
Almighty God has shown you His might and also His mercy. 
He has delivered you from suffering and imprisonment. It is, 
therefore, right to do good to them who have done ill to us, so 
that shame and remorse may come upon them. The story of 
Maraun and Ibrahim is well known to you. It is foolish for 
me to speak of such a thing to you. It is like carrying dates to 
Basra. The king has bestowed on you this distinction, and is 
mindful of your feelings and position ; he has sent this old man 
here, and has sentenced him to such punishment ; but you must 
know how much it must have afflicted him, because he esteems 
the man his friend in consequence of the hardships suffered on 
his account at the hands of the late king, his father. He firmly 
believes that the Khwaja also will act like nobles and great 
men, and not torture him. It seems much preferable to your 
humble servant that you should consider the feelings of the 
Sultan, and direct these men to be detained and not to be beaten. 
You can take from him and his son an agreement for paying 
(money) into the public treasury, and then inform the Sultan of 
it, and see what he directs. I think most probably he will for- 
give him. And if the Khwdja recommend the measure it will 
be still better, because the obligation will be all from his part. 

84 BAIHAEr. 

The Lord knows I have no interest in these matters. I only- 
desire that peace may be preserved on both sides. I have 
spoken to the best of my judgment. It is for you to order, for 
you know best what is the result of such matters." 

When the Khwdja heard these words from me, he hung his 
head down and remained thoughtful for a while. He knew that 
there was reason in what I had said, for he was not a man of 
that kind from whom such things could be concealed. He said, 
" I remit the beating for your sake ; but whatever wealth the 
father and son possess they must give to the Sultan.'" I bowed, 
and he sent 'Abdu-llah Parsi to settle the matter. A bond of 
three hundred thousand dinars was taken under the hand of 
Hasiri, and father and son were taken to the guard. 

After this the Khwaja called for bread and wine and singers, 
and we began our banquet. When I had drunk some cups of 
wine, I exclaimed, " May the KhwSja live long ! This day is 
propitious, I have another request to make.'''' He said, " Tell me, 
and you shall find a ready compliance." I said, " I saw Abu-l 
Fath carrying a leather water-bag, but he is a shocking bad 
stable-man ; although he deserves punishment, still he has many 
and strong claims for services rendered. The Sultdn knows him, 
and acts upon the principles of Amir Mahmud. If he sees him 
he will pardon him also.'''' He said, "Very good ; do so, let him 
be called.'''' So he was brought, and he came forward dressed in 
the same threadbare garment. He kissed the ground and arose. 
The Khwdja asked him, " Do you repent speaking indecently ?'''' 
He replied, " lord ! the water-bag and the stable have forced me 
to repent." The Khwdja laughed and ordered him to be con- 
ducted to the warm bath and newly clad. When he came back 
he kissed the ground again ; he was told to sit down, and dinner 
was ordered to be brought for him, of which he partook. After 
this, he was asked to take some wine, and was comforted and 
sent home. This being done, we drank deeply, and I then re- 
turned. " O Bu-1 Fazl ! (continued Bu Nasr) this Ahmad is a 
great noble, but he is fond of revenge ; and I am in great distress 


about the course he has taken, for it is impossible that it should 
be approved. The Sultan will not allow him to swallow up his 
servants. I do not know what will be the end of these proceed- 
ings. Keep these words secret : go back and do your work, for 
you have to go to the Amir." 

I came back and prepared to go. Then I went to him again 
and he gave me a sealed letter, which I took and set out for the 
hunting-place. I reached there about the time of evening prayer. 
I found that the Sultan had been drinking all day, and had now 
gone to his private tent. I took the letter to Aghachi, the king's 
attendant, and having given it to him, I went and stood by the 
curtain at the entrance of the tent. In the mornins: a Farrdsh 
having come to call me, I went, and Aghachi took me before 
the Amir; who was sitting in a sedan in his royal tent. I 
saluted him. He said, "tell Bu Nasr that what he has done in 
behalf of Hasiri was quite right. But I am coming to the city 
directly and I will do what is necessary." He threw the letter 
to me, and I took it up and returned. The Amir said the morn- 
ing prayer and set out towards the city. I arrived sooner, and 
I saw near the city, my ustdd and the great Khwaja standing 
with all the officers and ministers of the court to receive the 
Sult&u. Bu Nasr saw me, but said nothing ; I kept in my place. 
The insignia and the umbrella of the Sultan advanced. The 
Amir was on horseback ; the people went forward. My ustdd 
came to me and made a signal, so I approached him. He 
covertly asked me what I had done and what had passed. I 
told him all, and he said, " I understand." The Amir then 
arrived, and all mounted and marched on. The Khwaja was on 
the right of the Amir and Bu Nasr just before his majesty ; the 
other officers and grandees were in front, so that there should be no 
crowding. The Amir kept conversing with the Khwdja till they 
approached the garden. The Amir asked what was to be done 
in respect of that reckless man. The Khwdja said, " Let his 
Majesty deign to alight and then what has passed and what is 
proper to be done his humble servant vall report through Bii 

86 BAIHAKr. 

Nasr." He said, "Very good," and moved on. The Arair'went to 
the Khizra,! and the Khwaja sat down on the ministerial bench ; 
he called my ustdd and gave him this message, " My lord, in his 
magnanimous pleasure, has secured what he considered due to me 
in this case of Hasiri, and I shall be under obligation to him for 
this favour as long as I live. Although Hasiri is a vain, boast- 
ing fellow, yet he is an old man, and has claims for his long 
service. He has always been a dutiful and faithful friend, and 
because of his loyalty he has, like myself, endured many hard- 
ships. His son is wiser and more prudent than himself, and is 
fit for any duty. Two proper men like these will not soon be 
found again, and now my. lord stands in need of many able 
servants. How then can I allow two such devoted followers to 
be overthrown. My object was only this, that all men, great 
and small, might know how far his majesty was favourably dis- 
posed towards me. I have succeeded in that object, and all 
men have learned that they must keep within their respective 
bounds. I was fully aware that they ought not to be beaten. 
But I sent them to be confined so that they may awake a little. 
They have given a bond of their own free will, promising to pay 
three hundred thousand dinars into the royal treasury, but they 
cannot pay this without being reduced to beggary, and a servant 
should not be destitute. If his majesty pleases, my recommen- 
dation in their behalf should not be rejected. Let them be 
excused from paying the money, and send them both home 

Bu Nasr went and delivered this noble message. The Amir 
was highly pleased, and answered, " I accept the Khvvaja's plea 
for them. The matter is entirely in his hands, if he thinks 
proper let him dismiss them, and give back the bond." Bti Nasr 
returned and informed the Khwaja of this. The Amir left the 
public hall and went into his palace. The Khw4ja also returned 
to his house. He ordered two of his own horses to be taken to 
the gate of the prison. The father and the son were both 


mounted on them, and conducted respectfully to the Khwaja. 
When they came before him they kissed the ground and sat 
down. The Khwaja for a little while admonished Hasiri in 
firm but kind words, till he made his apologies. It was a good 
thing that he was old. The Khwaja treated him kindly, took 
him in his arms, and made apologies and comforted him. He 
also kissed his face, and told him to go in the same dress to his 
house. He said, I do not like to. change your clothes, for to- 
morrow the Sultdn will grant you khiPats. Hasiri kissed the 
Khwaja's hand and the ground. His son did the same. They 
then returned home riding on the Khwaja's horses. In their 
passage both father and son were greeted by the people with loud 
acclamations and congratulations. I, Bti-l Fazl, was their neigh- 
bour. I hastened to go to them sooner than the other visitors. 
Hasiri privately told me that as long as he lived he should not 
be able to make a return of Khwdja Bu Nasr's kindness, but that 
he would thank him and pray for him. I, however, did not 
speak a word to him about what had passed, lest he should be 
ashamed, but I gave him my blessing and retired. I told my 
iistdd what had happened, and he mounted to go and congratu- 
late him. I also accompanied him. Hasiri with his son came 
forward to receive him. They sat down, and both expressed 
their thanks. Bu Nasr said, "My efforts in the matter are 
well known to you, but you must thank the Sultan and the 
Khwaja." He said this and took his leave. 

One or two weeks after I heard Bu Nasr say that the Amir, 
while drinking wine in a private party, spoke to Hasiri about 
what had passed. That day Hasiri was dressed in a yellow 
coat, and his son in a Panddri coat, very magnificent and highly 
ornamented. Next day they were again brought before the 
Sultan, and he showed them attention. The Khwcija requested 
that they might be taken to the wardrobe, when, according to 
the king's order, a dress was bestowed on each. They came 
from thence to the Khwaja, and then with great honour they 
were both conducted from the Khwaja's presence to their house. 
The citizens showed them due honour. 

88 BAIHAEr. 

They are all now gone except his (Hasiri's) son Abu-1 Kasim, 
who still survives. May the mercy of God be upon them all. 
Every one who reads this passage must examine it with intel- 
ligence, and draw lessons from it, and not consider it a mere 
story. They will thus learn what great men there were in days 
gone by. 

I have read in the chronicles of the Khalifs, of the reign of 
Mu'tasim, a story very similar to this which I have just related, 
only much more terrible. I deemed it the more necessary to 
record this, that my book of the notabilities of the day might 
with such matters be made more acceptable. Words blossom 
into words, that the pleasures of readers may be enhanced, and 
that reading may increase. 

Execution} of Amir Hasnak, the Minister? 
I intend to write a chapter on this subject, and it thus begins : 
I begin to write this narrative to-day, in the month of Zi-1 
Hijja, A.H. 450 (January, 1059, a.d.), in the prosperous reign of 
the great Sultan, Abu-1 Shuja Farrukh-zad bin Nasir-i din: May 
the Almighty God ever preserve him. Of the people (kaum) of 
whom I am now about to speak, only one or two individuals 
survive in obscure circumstances. It is some years since Khwdja 
Bu Suhal Zauzani passed away, and was placed in prison for the 
answer which he gave.^ But we have nothinsr to do with that 
business, although I was ill-treated by him in every way. I 
have now arrived at the age of sixty-five, and I must act as 
becomes my years. In the history which I am writing I will 
allow no partiality or prejudice to mingle, so that the readers of 
my work should say. Shame on this old man ; but I will speak 
so that they may agree with me on the subject, and censure me 

' \Barddr~lcardan, " lifting up" by hanging, impalement or crucifixion.] 
2 [Page 207 to 221 of Text.] 

" ij\:.ij i^ij ^jj] ijUT ^Lj j] 

* [Original translation (see note, page 70). — "I have arrived at the age of sixty- 


This Bu Suhal was the son of an Imdm, and a powerful, 
clever, and accomplished man ; but malignity (shardrat) and 
ill-temper were predominant in his nature. "And there is no 
changing what God has made." On account of his malignity he 
had no friend. He was always on the alert, and if the great and 
glorious king was angry with a servant, and directed him to be 
beaten or bastinadoed, this man would jump up from a corner, 
seize the opportunity, add to the beating, and aggravate the pain 
of the unhappy man. Then he would boast that he had paid out 
such a one. When he did (anything of this sort) he looked on 
and enjoyed it.^ Wise men knew that he was not what he pro- 
fessed to be ; they shook their heads and secretly laughed, and 
said he was not such a man. But he could not humble my 
ustdd, notwithstanding all the arts he used against him. He 
was never successful against him, because the destiny of God did 
not accord with his schemes. Besides, Bu Nasr had been a man 
of great discretion during the reign of Amir Mahmiid, and he had 
never acted dishonestly towards his master, but he was careful 
to please the Sultan Mas'ud in all things, because he knew 
that he would succeed his father on the throne. It was just the 
reverse with Hasnak, who was wholly devoted to Mahmud, and 
always obliged and pleased him, but often offended the prince ; 
and did and said things which his equals would not endure ; 
how then could a king? The same was the case with Ja'far 
Barmaki, whose family held the post of Wazir in the time of 
Harunu-r Eashid, and the result of their Conduct was the same 
as befel this minister. Servants and officers should keep control 
over their tongues when speaking to their masters, because it is 
impossible for foxes to face lions. 

Bu Suhal, in rank, wealth, and manliness, was like a mere 

five, and I should act as behoves me now. In the narration which I am now 
going to give, I shall mention a topic on which I may be prejudiced, and the 
readers of this compilation will say,; Shame on this old man, nay, I fear they 
may censure and reproach me for it.] 

1 isJSjj>-j Jl.;J ^jj\i\ 

90 BAIHAKr. 

drop by the side of Amir Hasnak, and in point of ability he 
held a very different rank. He was guilty of many tyrannical 
actions as I have before mentioned in this history, and the 
following is an instance. He said to 'Abdus, " Tell your lord that 
all that I do is in obedience to my master's order ; if hereafter 
the throne devolves upon him he must cause Hasnak to be 

When the Sultan became king, Hasnak mounted the scaffold. 
But who was Bu Suhal, and the like of Bu Suhal that Hasnak 
should at last feel the effects of his malevolence and injustice. 
A king should never shut his eyes against three things, viz., dis- 
turbances in the country, divulging of secrets, and opposition. 
God save us from wickedness ! 

When Hasnak was brought from Bust to Hirat, Bu Suhal 
Zauzani placed him in charge of his servant, 'All Eaiz. 
Hasnak suffered all kinds of indignities, which could not be 
avenged, and for which no satisfaction could be made. On this 
account all people uttered reproaches against Bu Suhal, saying, 
A man does not strike one who is beaten and fallen ; the man is 
is he who acts according to the words — " Mercy accompanies 
power." The Almighty, whose name is glorious, says, " Those 
who restrain their anger, and who are merciful towards men ; 
and God will reward the beneficent." 

When Amir Mas'iid marched from Hirat towards Balkh, 'Ali 
E.aiz carried Hasnak there as a prisoner, and treated him with great 
rigour and indignity ; yet I privately heard from 'All's own lips 
that it would have been much worse for Hasnak if he ('All) had 
carried out a tenth part of what Bu Suhal had ordered, but much 
had been omitted. He (Bu Suhal) stopped in Balkh, and insti- 
gated the Amir to put Hasnak to death. The Amir was very 
gentle and generous, and he told this to his trusty 'Abdus, — One 
day after the death of Hasnak I heard from my usMd that the Amir 
told Bu Suhal he must have some reason and justification for 
destroying this man. Bu Suhal said, " What greater reason can 
there be than this, — that he is a Karmatian, and that he received 



a khil'at from the Egyptians, which displeased Kadir Bi-Uah, the 
commander of the faithful, and induced him to reject the letter 
, of Amir Mahmud. He still speaks continually about this. 
Your Majesty must remember that at Naish&ptir an ambassador 
came from the Khalif and brought a flag and a khiPat. But what 
was the mandate about this matter? The injunctions of the 
Khalif in this behalf must be observed." The Amir said, " I will 
not hesitate in this case." After this, 'Abdus who was much 
against Bu Suhal, told my tutor that when Bti Suhal importuned 
him much in the matter, the Amir one day desired KhwSja 
Ahmad Hasan, as he was departing from the palace, to remain 
alone in his court because he had a message to send him through 
'Abdus. The Khwaja obeyed, and the Amir called 'Abdus and 
said — " Tell Khwaja Ahmad that he knows the history of Hasnak, 
how in the time of the late king, my father, he (Hasnak) had 
given me several causes of oflfence, and when the Sult4n departed 
this life, what great efforts he made in behalf of my brother. 
Still he did not go to him. As the Almighty has given me the' 
throne and country with such ease, it is right that I should 
accept the excuses of the guilty and not trouble myself with the 
past. But with respect to this man they say that he received 
a robe from the Egyptians to the annoyance of the Khalif, the 
commander of the faithful, who was displeased and tore the letter 
of my father. It is also said that the ambassador who came to 
Naishapur bringing a letter, a flag and robe, was charged with 
the message that Hasnak was a Karmatian, and should be put 
to death. I heard this in Naishapur, but do not remember well. 
What does the Khwaja think and say about this matter." When 
this message was delivered the Khwaja reflected for a long time 
and then asked, " What has been done to Bu Suhal Zauzani by 
Hasnak, that he makes such efi'orts to shed his blood." I ('Abdus) 
replied, " I do not know well, but I have heard this much— that 
one day he went on foot wearing a coarse garment to the house 
of Hasnak while the latter was minister. A porter insulted him 
and threw him down." The Khwdja said, " holy God ! why 

92 BAIHAKr. 

should he cherish such hatred in his mind." He then directed 
me to speak thus to his Majesty — " At the time I was detained 
in the fort of Kalinjar an attempt was made to destroy my life, 
but the Almighty preserved me. I then vowed and swore never 
to speak a word, right or wrong, in the matter of shedding any 
one's blood. At the time Hasnak came to Balkh, after his pilgrim- 
age to Mecca, we marched towards M4war4u-n Nahr, and visited 
it with Kadar Khan. After our return I was left in Ghazni. I 
do (not) know what happened to Hasnak, nor what the late king 
said to the Khalif. Bu Nasr Mishkdn knows the facts, and he 
should be asked. The Amir our lord is sovereign, and it is for 
him to order. If it be proved that Hasnak is a Karmatian, 
I will not say a word as to his death, although he has had 
his own designs in this troublesome matter which now engages 
me. I have told you my thoughts, that he may not have any- 
thing to speak against me. I am averse to shedding the blood 
of any man ; but still I must not withhold my counsel from the 
king, for I should act dishonestly (in advising) that neither his 
nor any one else's blood should be shed, although the spilling of 
blood is assuredly no child's play." When I took this reply, the 
king remained thinking for a long while ; and then said, " Tell 
the Khw4ja to issue such orders as may be proper." The 
Khwaja rose up and went towards the office. On the way he 
said to me, " 'Abdus, do what you can to induce his Majesty not 
to shed Hasnak's blood, because it will bring infamy on him." 
I said, " Yery good," and returned and communicated the same 
to the Sultan. But fate was on the watch and accomplished 
its object. 

After this (the Saltan) consulted with my ustdd, who told me 
what passed in the conference. The Amir asked about Hasnak 
and then about the matter of the Khalif, and wanted to know 
what was his opinion about the religion and belief of this man, 
and of his receiving a robe from the Egyptians. Bu Nasr stood 
up and related before him the whole account of Hasnak, his going 
on pilgrimage to Mecca, his returning via. Medina and Wadia-I 


Kara on the way to Syria, his receiving the khil'at from the 
Egyptians and the necessity of the act ; his changing his route 
to Musal and not going hack to Baghdad ; and the Khalifs thinking 
that perhaps he had been ordered to do so by the Amir Mahmud. 
All this was stated in full detail. The Amir asked how 
Hasnak was in fault in the matter. Had he come through the 
desert he would have caused the death of many people. Bu Kasr 
replied, " It would have been so. But such representations were 
made to the Khalif as made him very angry and disturbed, so 
that he called Hasnak a Karmatian. Much correspondence 
passed about the matter, and the late king being greatly annoyed 
and vexed, said, one day, ' Write to this doting old Klialif, that 
out of regard to the 'Abbasides I have meddled with all the 
world. I am hunting for the Karmatians, and whenever one is 
found who is proved to be so, he is impaled. If it were estab- 
lished that Hasnak is a Earmatian, the commander of the faith- 
ful would soon learn what had happened to him. But I have 
brought him up and he stands on an equality with my sons and 
my brothers. If he is a Karmatian, so am I also.' (He said 
this though) it was not becoming in a king. I (Bu Nasr) came 
into the minister's ofH.ce and wrote a letter in the style in which 
servants address their masters. After much consideration it was 
determined that the robe which Hasnak had received, and the 
presents which the Egyptians had sent to Amir Mahmud, should 
be sent with a messenger to Baghdad to be burnt there. When the 
messenger returned, the Amir asked in what place the robe and 
the presents were consumed, because he was sorry that Hasnak 
had been called a Karmatian by the Khalif. Notwithstanding 
this, the suspicion and bigotry of the Khalif increased more and 
more, but secretly not openly, until at length Amir Mahmud re- 
ceived the Farman. I have related the whole of what had passed" 
(said my ustdd). The Amir answered, " Yes, I understand it." 
Even after this Bu Sahal did not desist from his object. 

On Tuesday, the 7th of Safar, when the Court broke up, the 
king ordered the Khwdja to sit in his Court (tdram) because 

94 BAIHAXr. 

Hasnak was to be brought there, with the judges and assessors,^ 
that a bond in favour of the Amir might be taken from him 
for all things he had purchased and brought with him. The 
Khwaja obeyed and went into the Court. All the Khwdjas, 
the principal men, and ministers of the State, Khwaja Bu-l 
Kasim Kasir (though he had been dismissed), Bu Suhal 
Zauzani, and Bu Suhal Hamadunl came there. The wise 
Amir also sent there the commander-in-chief of the army, 
and Nasr Khalaf, the K4zis of Balkh, nobles, learned men, 
lawyers, just men, religious men, and all who were renowned 
and famous were present, and took notes. When this assembly 
was convened, I Bii-l Fazl and other people sat out of the 
court-hall, in shops, expecting to see Hasnak ; and after a 
while he appeared unshackled. He wore a coat of some blackish 
colour, a vest, an upper garment, an exceedingly white shirt, a 
Naishapur turban, and a new pair of Mikaili boots on his 
feet, and his hair was smoothed down and hidden under the 
turban, except a few locks which were visible. The governor of 
the prison was with him, and 'AH E.aiz and many soldiers from 
every band (dasti), and they took him into the Court. He was 
there till near the time of mid-day prayer; and then he was 
brought out and taken again to the prison. He was followed 
by the Kazis, and the lawyers. I heard two persons con- 
versing and asking each other what could have brought Khwaja 
Bii Suhal to this act, for it would bring disgrace upon himself. 
Afterwards, Khwaja Ahmad came out with the chief men, and 
went to his house. Nasr Khalaf was my friend ; I asked him 
what passed there. He said : When Hasnak came in, the Khwdja 
rose up, and when he showed him this respect, all the others, 
whether they liked it or not, did the same. Bu Suhal Zauzani 
could not control his anger, albeit he stood up, though not quite 
straight, and kept muttering to himself in his rage. Khwdja 
Ahmad said, "In all things there is imperfection; he is greatly 


fallen"! (?) Although Khwaja Amir Hasnak desired to sit before 
the Khwaja, yet he did not allow him. He made me and 
Khwaja Bu-1 Kasim Kasir and Bu Nasr Mishkan sit on his 
right hand ; for although Bu-1 Kasim Kasir had been dismissed 
from his office yet his reputation was very great. Bu Suhal sat 
on the left of the Khwdja, and this offended him still more deeply. 
The great Khwaja turned his face towards Hasnak and asked 
him how he was, and how he passed his time? He replied, "I 
have reason to be thankful." The Khwaja said, "Do not be 
broken-hearted. Such accidents often befall mankind ; you must 
submit to whatever his Majesty commands, for while life re- 
mains in the body, there are a hundred thousand hopes of hap- 
piness and comfort." 

Bu Suhal now recovered himself, and exclaimed, " Who shall 
reconcile our lord to this dog of a Karmatian, who must be 
gibbeted as ordered by the commander of the faithful." The 
Khwcija looked angrily at Bu Suhal, and Hasnak exclaimed, 
"Who this don; is I do not know; but all the world knows to 
what family I belong, and what state, grandeur, and luxury have 
been mine. I have enjoyed this world, I have directed its 
affairs, but the end of man is death ; and if the destroying angel 
has now approached me, no one can withstand him — whether the 
gibbet or any other be the appointed means. I am not greater 
than Imam Husain 'Ali. The Khwaja who tells me this, and 
has called me a dog^ once stood at my door. The charge of 
being a Karmatian is more applicable to him than to me — for it 
is well known that I do not understand such things." Bti Suhal's 
bile was stirred ; he called out and was about to abuse him, 
but the KhwcLja restrained him, and said, " Is no respect due to 
this assembly of the Sultan in which we are sitting ? We are 
called to settle the question, and shall soon finish it. This man 
has been five or six months in your hands ; do what you like." Bu 
Suhal was silent, and spoke not a word till the assembly broke up. 


Two bonds were written out on behalf of the king, which 
contained an inventory of all the chattels and estates of Hasnak. 
The name of each estate was read out to him, and he agreed to 
sell them of his own pleasure and free will at the prices set upon 
them, and accept the money. All the people affixed their signa- 
tures as witnesses. The Chief Judge affixed his seal to them, 
and so did the other Kazis one after the other in their turns. 
When this was done, Hasnak was told to retire. He looked at the 
Khw^ja, and exclaimed, " May the life of the great Khwaja be 
prolonged ! In the time of Sultan Mahmud and by his instruc- 
tions I ridiculed the Khwaja ; it was a fault, but I had no help 
but to obey. The post of Wazir was given to me, though it was 
no place for me. Still I formed no design against the Khwdja, 
and I always favoured his people. I committed a fault, con- 
tinued he, and deserve whatever punishment my Lord may order. 
But the all-merciful master will not reject me. I am weary of 
life. Some care ought to be taken of my family and children, 
and the Ehwaja must forgive me." He burst into tears, and 
all those who were present pitied him. The Khwaja's eyes 
filled with tears, and he said, " You are forgiven, but you must 
not be so dejected, for happiness is still possible. I have con- 
sidered and I accept it of the Almighty, that if he is doomed I 
I will take care of his family." 

After this Hasnak rose up, and the Khwaja and the other 
people also rose. When all had gone away, the Khwaja greatly 
censured Bu Suhal, who earnestly begged to be excused, saying 
that he could not suppress his anger. An account of this assem- 
bly was given to the Amir by the governor of the city and the 
lawyers. The Amir sent for Bu Suhal and reprimanded him 
sharply, saying, " Granting that you thirst for this man's blood, 
still respect and honour is due to the assembly of my minister." 
Bu Suhal said, " I remembered the impudence which he exhibited 
to my Lord at Hirat, in the reign of Amir Mahmud, and so I 
could not restrain myself and deal tenderly with him." 

And I learnt frorii 'Amid 'Abdu-r Razzdk that on the night 


preceding the day on which Hasnak was executed, Bu Suhal went 
to 'Abdu-r Razzak's father at the time of the night prayer, and 
when he was asked why he had come, he replied, I will not leave 
you until you go to sleep, lest you should write to the Sultdn 
interceding for Hasnak. He was told that a letter had already 
been written, but that he had effected Hasnak's ruin, and had 
acted very badly. 

That day and night preparations were made for Hasnak's 
public execution. Two men were dressed up as messengers 
coming from Baghdad, bearing a letter from the Khalif to the 
effect that Hasnak, the Karmatian, should be executed and stoned, 
so that no one else in contempt of the Khalif might dare to 
wear the khil'at of the Egyptian and lead pilgrims to Egypt. 
When everything was ready, the next morning, on Wednesday, 
two days before the last day of Safar, Amir Mas'ud mounted 
his horse, intending to go out hunting for three days, with his 
courtiers, attendants, and singers. He ordered the governor of 
the town to put up a scaffold by the side of the mosque of 
Balkh, below the city. People repaired to the place. Bti Sahal 
Zauzani rode to the gibbet and there stood overlooking it. Horse- 
men and foot soldiers were sent to bring Hasnak. When he 
was carried through the 'Ashikan Bazar and had reached the 
centre of the city, Mikail, who was riding, pushed his horse 
in front of him, called him names and abused him. Hasnak did 
not look at him, nor give him any reply. But all people 
cursed him for this disgraceful act, and for the abuse he had 
uttered. The respectable people could not, however, say what 
ought to be done to this Mikail. But after Hasnak's death he 
took the sister of Ayaz for his wife, and he suffered great mis- 
fortunes and endured many hardships. He still lives, engaged 
in devotion and in reading the Kuran. When a friend mis- 
behaves what is the good of dilating about it ? 

Hasnak was brought to the foot of the scaffold. May God 
save us from a disgraceful death ! The two messengers who 
were declared to have come from Baghdad were stationed there 

98 BAIHAEr. 

and they whose business it was were reading the Kurdn. Hasnak 
was ordered to put ofF his clothes. He fastened the string of his 
trowsers and tied up his drawers. He took off his coat and shirt 
and threw them away, and there he stood naked with only his 
turban and trousers on, and his hands clasped together. His 
body was as white as silver, and his face like hundreds of thou- 
sands of pictures. All men were crying with grief. An iron 
helmet and visor was brouglit, which had been purposely made 
small, so that it did not cover his face and head. Men cried 
aloud for his head and face to be covered, that they might not 
be battered by the stones, because his head was to be sent to the 
Khalif at Baghdad. Hasnak was held m this state, and his lips 
kept moving, repeating something, until a larger helmet was 
brought. At this juncture, Ahmad, the keeper of the wardrobe, 
came riding and, looking at Hasnak, delivered this message. 
His Majesty says, " This is your own wish, for you desired me 
to bring you to the scaffold whenever I became king. I wished 
to have mercy on you, but the Commander of the Faithful has 
written, that you have become a Karmatian, and by his order you 
are led to the scaffold." Hasnak made no reply whatever. After 
this his head and face were covered with the larsre helmet that 
was just brought. They then spoke to him, but he gave no 
reply, and did not heed them. Every one exclaimed, Are you 
not ashamed to slay such a man upon the scaffold ? A great 
uproar was just about to commence, when the horsemen moved 
hastily towards the populace, and repressed the noise. Hasnak 
was then taken to the gibbet and led to the spot, and placed on 
that steed on which he had never sat before. The executioner 
fastened him tight, and the robes hung down. It was proclaimed 
that he was to be stoned, but nobody touched a stone. All were 
bitterly crying, particularly the Naishdpurians. At last a parcel 
of vagabonds were hired with money to throw stones ; but the man 
was already dead, for the executioner had cast the rope round his 
neck and had suffocated him. This was the end of Hasnak, his life 
and story. May God be merciful to him ! He used to say, Let 


the prayers of the Naishdpurians be made far rae, but they were 
not niade.i If he did take the land and water of the Muham- 
madans by "violence, neither land nor water remained with him, 
and all the slaves, the estates, and goods, and silver and goldj 
and valuables were of no use to him. He departed, and those 
people who laid this plot have also pursued the same path. May 
God's mercy be upon them all ! This story affords a striking 
warning, that the causes of disputes and quarrels on account of 
the vanities of this world should be set aside. Foolish is the 
man who sets his heart on this world, for it bestoweth a gift and 
taketh it away again harshly. 

When all was done, Bu Suhal and the others retired from the 
scaffold, and Hasnak was left alone as he came alone from the 
womb of his mother. Afterwards I heard from Bu-l Hasari 
Jazili, who was a friend of mine, and one of the associates of Bu 
Suhal, that he was in Bu Suhal's society one day when he was 
drinkinc wine. It was a goodly assembly, and many servants 
were waiting, and melodious singers were present. By his order 
the head of Hasnak was brought in unknown to the guests, 
placed in a dish with a cover over it. He then said. Some fresh 
wine has been brought in ; let us partake of it. All cried, Let 
us have some. He ordered it to be brought forward, and at a 
little distance the cover was removed from the vessel. All were 
shocked when they saw the head of Hasnak. The narrator of 
the story fainted, but Bu Suhal Zauzani laughed, and threw away 
some wine which he happened to have in his hand. The head 
was then removed. Another day, my informant continued, when 
there was nobody else present, I reproached him seriously ; but 
he said, Abu-1 Hasan ! you are a chicken-hearted fellow — this 
is the rioht way of dealing with the heads of our enemies. These 
facts became generally known, and all men condemned and cursed 


The day on which Hasnak was led to the scaffold, my ustdd 

loo BAIHAKr. 

Bu Nasr did not break his fast, and was exceedingly sorrowful 
and pensive ; I had never seen him b^ore in such a state. He 
exclaimed, What hope is left ? The same was the case with 
Khw4ja Ahmad, who did not go to his office that day. Hasnak 
remained seven years on the gibbet. His feet dropped off and 
his corpse entirely dried up, so that not a remnant of him was 
left to be taken down and buried in the usual way — no one 
knew where his head was or where his body. His mother was a 
woman of great courage. I was told that his death was con- 
cealed from her for two or three months, and when she did hear 
of it she did not weep as women usually do ; but she cried aloud 
with such anguish that those who were present shed tears of 
blood. She then exclaimed, What a fortune was my son's ! a 
king like Mahmud gave him this world, and one like Mas'ud the 
next ! She made great mourning for her son, and every wise 
man who heard of it approved, and it was all proper. 

One of the poets of Naishapur composed an elegy upon his 
death, which I call to memory : — 

" They cut off the head of him who was the head of heads, 
The ornament of his country, the crown of the age. 
Whether he was Karmatian, Jew, or infidel, 
'Twas hard to pass from the throne to the scaffold." 

Capture of All Ariydruk, the Hdjib and Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army of India, and the circumstances which hefel him from 
this time till his Execution at Ghor. May God he merciful 
to him .''■ 

I have already given an account of Ariydruk, commander of 
the army of Hindustdn, how presumptuous he grew, even in the 
time of Amir Mahmud, and how, when he was arraigned^ in the 
reign of Muhammad, he did not submit. In these days the 
great Khwaja, Ahmad Hasan, with great cleverness allured him 

1 [Page 261 to 286 of the Text.] ^ [-|^^| ^^^^ ^j^ .-j 


from Hindustan, and when he saw him he told the Amir that if he 
valued Hindustan, Ariy^ruk ought not to be there. The coming 
of Ariydruk every day into the court with so many retainers and 
arrogant followers along with Ghazi, the commander-in-chief of 
the army, was oifensive to the Amir. The officers of his father 
Mahmud's time looked with disgust upon their arrogance and 
superciliousness. And as this was the case with every one, there 
was no person to give one word of advice to these two grandees, 
Ariyaruk and Grhazi.'^ It was observed that these two generals 
had two clever, wise, and experienced men to conduct their house- 
hold affairs, and it was clear that little could be done by Sa'id, 
a mere money changer, and others like him — ^mere servants of 
little worth, and no position. These Turks did just as these men 
prescribed, without considering the result or the possibility 
of evil befalling them. They had no experience, 'and although 
personally they were daring and ready, and their goods and effects 
ample, yet they had no knowledge of household management, 
and made no distinction between to-day and to-morrow. What 
defence had they against mishaps ! 

When the Mahmiidians perceived this, and found an opening 
by which they might assail them, they conspired together to 
ruin the generals, and to involve them in trouble and danger. 
This was one of their plans. 'Abdus, by direction of the Amir, 
inveigled the stewards of the two generals to come secretly to the 
Amir's council. The Amir was very gracious to them, held out 
prospects of pi'omotion, and directed them to reckon the very 
breaths of their masters, and to tell every thing that passed to 
'Abdus, who was to report it to him. These two despicable base 
persons were gained over by the favour shown to them, the 
like of which they had never dreamed of They did not know 
that when their masters should be cast down they would be 

' [The whole of this passage is confused and ambiguous, and there are omissions 
in Morley's edition of the text, which make it more so. In Sir H. Elliot's MS. the 
words " He said to his wazir in private," have been crossed out ; but these words, 
or others equivalent, are necessary, as the passage is clearly conversational, not 

102 BAIHAKr. 

" viler than the dust — lower than the ground." How were they 
to know this ? they were not scholars, and had never read books. 
They set about their business ; and whatever passed, right or 
wrong, they observed and reported to 'Abdus. From what the 
Amir heard, his heart and mind became disgusted with Ariydruk ; 
Ghkzi also was somewhat depreciated in his eyes. The Mah- 
mddians became bolder in their statements ; and as the king 
listened and attended to all they had to say on the matter, they 
persevered in their conspiracy, and determined first to effect the 
downfall of Ariydruk, for when he had fallen, and Ghazi 
remained alone, it would be possible to overthrow him also. 
The Mahmudians once got information that these two servants, 
while in their cups, had boasted that they were servants of the 
king, and that they had been corrupted. So they began to 
flatter them and to make them presents, and they held out to 
them the prospect of being employed in some important duties by 
the Sultan, if their masters were disgraced. Another difficulty 
was that Ghazi, the general of the army, was a very cunning 
fellow,! gQ ^jjg^^ Iblis himself (may the curse of God be upon 
him !) could not weave his toils over him. He had never drunk 
wine, but when all his work was finished and his object gained he 
took to drinking. When the Amir was told of this, he gave wine 
to both the generals. Wine is a great evil, and when drinking 
is carried to excess, one can do as one pleases with the wine- 
bibber and excessive drinker. GhS,zi being commander of the 
army also began to lavish favours upon the soldiers, and kept 
every day one division of it at his house, to which he gave wine 
and presents. Ariydruk and Ghazi were frequently the guests of 
each other. In their parties, when M'ine had taken effect, the 
chief men used to praise them in the Turkish language, and used 
to call the great Hajib Bilkatigin an eunuch; 'Ali Ddya an old 
woman; Bagtaghdi, the commander of the guards {ghuldm) of 
the palace, blind and lame ; and similarly they derided and re- 
viled everybody. 

1 \_Kurbu2e, " a great cucumber."] 


I heard from 'Abdu-llah, who after the downfall of the two 
generals, was manager of the affairs of Bagtaghdi, that one day 
the king did not hold his court, but drank wine. Ghdzi returned 
home with Ariyaruk and they took many persons with them, and 
all sat down to drink. The commander, Bagtaghdi, secretly sent 
me to Bilkdtigin and 'All, with this message, " These two con- 
ceited persons exceed all bounds ; if you deem it expedient, ride 
out with twenty guardsmen on pretence of going a hunting." 
This was done, that he, with Abu 'Abdu-llah and some guards, 
might meet him and consult about the plans to be adopted. He 
(Bilkatigin) approved and said he would go on towards Manjuran 
until the commander should arrive. They all mounted and rode 
on. Bagtaghdialsomountedand took me with him. He also took 
hawks, panthers, and every requisite with him. When we had 
gone two parasangs, these three persons stood on a rising ground 
with their three stewards, viz., myself, Bu Ahmad Takalki, who 
was steward to the great Hajib, and Amirak, deputy of 'All ; 
and they sent away the guards with the falconers hunting, and 
we six persons remained there. The chiefs conversed with each 
other, and for a while expressed their disappointment at the 
Amir, on account of the ascendancy of these two generals. Bag- 
taghdi observed, " It is very surprising, for in the palace of 
Mahmiid there was no one of less repute than these two per- 
sons, thousands of times they have kissed the ground before me ; 
still they have both turned out hardy and brave. Ghazi is the 
most artful of the artful {Kurhuze az kurhizdn), but Ariy4ruk is 
an ass of asses. Amir Mahmud promoted them and placed them 
in a high position, so that they are become nobles. Ghazi 
rendered a very meritorious service to our Sultan in Naishapur, 
and thus he obtained this high rank. Although the Sultan 
dislikes Ariydruk and likes Ghdzl, yet when they drink wine and 
carouse familiarly we may divert his mind from the latter also. 
But it will be no use to attempt anything against Ghazi until 
Ariyaruk falls. They are held together by a single tie, and both 
will fall together : we shall then be delivered from their annoyance." 

104 BAIHAKr. 

The great H^jib and 'All said, " Some drink must be concocted, 
or some one must be sent openly to kill Ariyaruk." General 
Bagtaghdi said, " Both these plans are worthless, and will not 
succeed. We shall be disgraced and they will acquire greater 
stability. The best plan is for us to abstain from such schemes, 
and to make a show of friendship to them ; we may then 
employ certain persons to tell tales of them, and to exaggerate 
what the Turks and these two generals say, and to spread it 
abroad. We shall then see how far matters will go." They so 
determined. The guards and falconers returned, bringing much 
game, and as the day was far advanced, the hunting-boxes were 
opened and they partook of food — servants, guards, inferiors and 
all. They then returned, and, in accordance with their resolu- 
tion, they busied themselves about those two persons. 

Some days passed. The king was incensed with Ariyaruk, 
and secretly designed to arrest him. He complained of him 
to the minister, saying, that matters had reached such a pitch 
that Ghazi was getting spoilt by him. No king could endure 
such things. It was not right for generals of the army to 
be disobedient, and for children to exhibit such boldness. It 
was indispensably necessary to arrest him, because Ghazi would 
then come to a right understanding. What had the Khwdja to 
say to this ? 

The Khwaja considered awhile, and then said, " May my 
lord's life be prolonged, I have taken an oath not to fail of my 
duty in any case concerning the prosperity of the country. The 
duty of commanding an army is very difficult and delicate, and 
it is. entrusted to the king. May it please His Majesty to 
excuse his slave from pronouncing an opinion in this particular 
matter, and to do what may seem to him right, for if I should 
say anything about this affair, it might seem inappropriate to 
his Majesty, and cause him to be displeased with me." 

The Amir answered, " Khwaja, you are my khalifa, and the 
most trusted of all my servants. I must of necessity consult 
you in such affairs, and you must give me your advice according 


to your knowledge. I will listen to it, and after pondering over 
it to myself, whatever seems to be reasonable, I will direct to be 
done." The Khwaja replied, "Now I cannot say anything. 
What I expressed with respect to Ariy^ruk on a former occasion 
was advice applicable to Hindustan. This man had there acted 
tyrannically and rashly. He had acquired a great name in that 
country, but spoiled it. The late king summoned him, but he 
was tardy and remiss in obeying, and made frivolous excuses. 
Neither did he attend when Amir Muhammad called him, for he 
answered that Amir Mas'ud was heir-apparent of his father, but 
that if Mas'iid would acquiesce in the succession of his brother and 
not march from 'Irak to Grhazni, then he would come to pay his 
allegiance. When he heard your name and I told him what I had 
to say, he came with me hither. Up to this time I have never 
heard that he has been guilty of any presumption or disobedience 
worthy of notice. It is a very simple matter to make a great dis- 
play with boundless means, and to drink wine without permission 
with Gh4zi and the Turks. In one interview I will set him 
right, so that you need not speak one word about the matter. 
Your Majesty's dominions have been extended, and useful men 
are required. It will be long before you find one like Ariydruk. 
I have said what occurs to me, but it is for you to command." 

The Amir said, " I understand. It is just as you say. But 
you must keep this matter secret, and we will consider it more 
carefully." The Khwaja expressed his obedience and retired. 

The Mahmiidians did not desist from their representations, 
but went so far as to insinuate to the Amir that Ariyaruk had 
o-rown suspicious, — he had proposed to Ghazi that they should 
raise a disturbance, and if they did not meet with support to 
take their departure. More than this the greater part of the 
army was willing to obey Ariyaruk. 

The Amir one day held a Court, and all men assembled. 
When the Court broke up, he said, " Do not go away, but stay 
and we will take some wine." The great Khwdja, the 'Ariz, 
and the Biwdn also sat down, and the dishes were brought in : 

106 BAIHAKr. 

one was placed before the Amir on his thi'one, one before Amir 
Gh4zi and Ariyaruk, one before the 'Ariz Bu Suhal Zauzani and 
Bu Nasr Mishkan, and one before the officers of these two 
persons (Ariyaruk and Ghazi). Abii-l Kasim Kasir was sitting 
there like the courtiers. Various dishes were ordered and 
were brought in. When these great men had dined, they arose 
and came back into the court-hall (tdram), and there sat and 
washed their hands. The great Khwaja praised both the generals 
and spoke very graciously. They said " Our lord is always kind 
and gracious, and we are ready to sacrifice our lives in his service ; 
but people have produced anxiety in our minds, and we do not 
know what to do." The Khwaja observed, " This is absurd, and 
is a vain fancy which you must banish from your minds. Wait 
a little till I am at leisure ; I will then call for you." So he 
went in alone, and seeking a private interview with the king, he 
brought up this matter, and begged that they might again 
receive the royal regard, but it was for his Majesty to decide. 
The Amir answered, "I understand:" and then he called all the 
party back agaip, The minstrels came and began to play. 
Pleasure was at its height, and everything went on merrily. ' 
When the time of the first prayer arrived, the Amir made a sign 
to the singers and they kept silence. He then turned towards 
the minister and said, " I have hitherto observed, as I ought, 
the obligations I owe to these two generals. As to Gh^zi, he 
rendered me a service at Naishapiir which no man of the army 
I had with me did, and he came from Ghaznin. And when 
Ariyaruk heard that I had reached Balkh, he hastened thither 
with the Khwdja and tendered his services. I hear that some 
people are jealous of them, and speak ill of them and make their 
minds perplexed. They must not be alarmed, but must place 
full reliance in my words, for I will not listen to what anyone 
may say against them." The Khwaja observed, " Nothing now 
remains to be said, for what greater favour can there be than that 
which has been expressed by His Majesty's words." Both the 
generals kissed the ground and the throne also, and returning to 


their places sat down very happy. The Amir ordered two fine 
garments to be brought, both wrought with gold, with two sword- 
belts set with jewels, said to be of the value of fifty thousand 
dinars each. He again called them both forward, and ordered 
them to put on the garments and fasten them. The A mir placed 
the sword-belt round their necks with his own hands. They 
then kissed his hand, the throne, and the ground, and having 
returned to their places they sat down, and afterwards departed. 
All the dignitaries of the Court went away with them to their 
own abodes. To-day, it was my, Bu Fazl's, turn of service, and 
all this I witnessed and noted down in the calendar of the year. 

After they had gone away the Amir ordered two golden cups 
with bottles of wine, plates of sweetmeats, and vases of flowers to 
be prepared. He directed one of his courtiers, Bii-l Hasan 
Karkhi, to go to Ghazi, saying that these things should be 
carried after him, and that three singers should accompany him. 
He also instructed him to tell G-hazi that he had left the Court 
too early, and that he must now drink wine with his companions 
and listen to the minstrels. Three singers accordingly went 
with Bu-1 Hasan, and the porters carried the things. Muzaffar, 
a courtier, was ordered to go with the three singers, and with 
the same kind of presents to Ariyaruk. The Khwaja made many 
remarks, and said what he deemed right on the subject. About 
the time of afternoon prayer he returned home, the others also 
took their leave. The Amir was there till about evening, and 
then he rose up and went into the palace. 

The Mahmudians were much grieved by what had just passed. 
Neither they nor any one else knew what the future would bring 
forth. Time spake with an eloquent tongue, but no one regarded. 

The two courtiers went to the generals with those things and 
the singers. The generals expressed their obligations, and when 
the message of the Sultan was delivered to them they drank the 
wine with pleasure and rejoiced greatly. When they became elated 
with wine, they gave to (each of) the royal messengers a horse, 
a saddle inlaid with gold, a robe, some silver, and a Turkish 

108 BAIHAEr. 

slave, and sent them away delighted. In the same manner they 
rewarded the singers with garments and silver, and sent them 
away. Ghazi then went to sleep, but Ariydruk had the habit 
that when he once sat down to drink he would continue boozing 
for three or four entire days. This time he drank for two days, 
rejoicing over the favour which had been shown to them. The 
king held his Court again the next morning, and the commander 
of the army, Ghazi, came with a different air and great display. 
When he sat down the Amir asked him why Ariyaruk had not 
also come. Ghazi replied, " It is his habit to drink successively 
for three or four days, and he will especially do so now in his 
delight and gratification." The king smiled and said, We must 
also drink to-day, so we will send some one for Ariydruk. Ghazi 
kissed the ground and wished to retire, but he bade him remain, 
and they began to drink. The Amir commanded the attendance 
of Amirak Sipah-dar Khumm^rchi, who also used to drink, and 
for whom Ariyaruk had great friendship. Amir Mahmud had sent 
this man to Ariydruk in Hind with a message for him to come 
to Court, and he returned in the month in which (Mahmud) 
died as I have before stated. Amirak came before the Amir, 
who said to him " Take fifty flagons of wine to Hdjib Ariya- 
ruk and stay with him, as he is a great friend of yours, until 
he gets drunk and goes to sleep ; tell him also that I excuse his 
attendance at Court, and that he is to drink according to his 
wont." Amirak went and found that Ariyaruk had become like a 
ball.'^ He was rambling about in the garden and drinking wine 
and the singers were singing. The message was delivered to 
him, on which he kissed the ground and wept much. He gave 
much wealth to Amirak and the porters. The latter returned, 
but Amirak remained with him. The General Ghazi remained 
in the same place with the king till the next morning, when he 

1 [^jii ^c^ ,,,^s>- Goi-shudan, according to the dictionaries, signifies "to 

place the head on the knees, to watch narrowly," the text would rather seem to mean 
" Eestless as a hall that is tossed ahout."] 


returned home taking several military officers and Hajibs, and 
there sat down to drink. That day he gave away immense 
riches in dinars and dirams in cash, horses, clothes, and slaves. 
Ariy^ruk, as he was wont, continued dozing and rousing up, 
sipping soup^ and again drinking wine, without knowing in the 
least what he was doing. That day and night, and the day after 
it, he never ceased. The king did not hold his Court next morn- 
ing, but was prepared to arrest Ariydruk. He came out and sat 
on a green (khazrd) close to the minister's office. We were in 
the office. Somebody secretly went and brought accounts of 
Ariyaruk. When noon arrived, 'Abdus came and whispered some- 
thing in the ear of Bu Nasr Mishkan, who rose up and ordered the 
writers to leave, because the garden was to be cleared. With the 
exception of myself all rose up and went away. Me he privately 
told to send his horse back to his house and to seat myself at the 
portico of the office, for there was something important to be 
done. I was to carefully ascertain all that passed, and then come 
to him. I undertook to do so, and he went away. The minister, 
the 'Ariz, and all the other people also left. Baktagin Hajib, 
son-in-law of 'All Daya came into the portico and went to the 
king. He was there only for a minute (sd'af) and returned. 
The king called MuhtAj, chief of the guards, and said something 
to him privately. He went away, and returned with five hundred 
soldiers completely armed from every division, and sent them 
into the garden where they were to sit concealed. The Hindu 
officers also came, bringing with them three hundred soldiers, and 
they also were posted in the garden. One of the chamberlains 
and a general went to Ariyaruk and told him that the Sultan was 
enjoying his wine, and invited him to join him. Some people 
had also been sent to invite General Ghazi. He (Ariyaruk) 
was in such a state of drunkenness that he could not use his 
hands and feet. He said, " How can I go in this condition, and 
what shall I be able to do V Amirak, sipdh-ddr, whom the king 

110 BAIHAKr. 

had trusted said, "May the general's life be prolonged, the king's 
order must be obeyed, and you must attend the Court. When 
he sees you in this state, he will excuse you and send you back. 
But it will be very bad for you if you don't go ; and remarks 
will be made upon you." He also made Ariyaruk's hdjib, Altuti- 
gin"^ second him, and say that the general must of course go. 
So Ariyaruk called for garment, stockings, and cap, put them on, 
and summoned a large number of guards (ghuldm) and two 
hundred soldiers. Amirak said to his hdjib, "This is bad; he is 
going to drink wine. Ten guards (ghuldm) with shields and 
a hundred soldiers are sufficient." So he sent the other 
soldiers back, and Ariyaruk himself knew nothing of what 
was passing in the world. When he reached the court, Hajib 
Baktigin advanced, and the captain of the guards made him 
alight, and they walked before him to the court-house, where 
they made him sit down. Ariyaruk, after a moment, stood 
up and said, " I am drunk, and can do nothing, I must go 
back." Baktagin told him it was improper to go away 
without permission, and that they were going to inform the 
king. So he sat down in the portico, and I, Bu-1 Fazl, was 
looking at him. He called Haji, water carrier, who came 
and put a pitcher of water before him. He put his hand 
in, took out the ice and ate it. Baktagin said, "Brother, this 
is wrong. You are a general, and yet you are eating ice here in 
the portico ; go into the court and do there what you like." So 
he went in. If he had not been drunk, and they had wanted to 
take him, they would have found it a difficult matter. While 
he was seated in the inner apartment, fifty brave soldiers, on 
hearing the signal, suddenly rushed in. Baktagin also entered 
and took Ariyaruk in his arms. The soldiers came up on both 
sides and held him so that he could not move in the least. He 
cried out to Baktagin, " O brother, you coward ! Was it for 
this purpose that you brought me here?" Other slaves came 
and pulled off the boots from his feet. In each boot there were 

' [Variously written "Altarniyitigia" and " Altiibatigin."] 


two daggers.^ Muhtdj also came, and heavy chains were brought 
which were put round his legs. His coat was also taken off, and 
in it some poison was found, and also some charms. They were 
all taken away, and he was carried out. Fifty soldiers sur- 
rounded him, and other men rushed and seized his horse and trap- 
pings and his guards. The head of his escort with three guards 
escaped. The other guards seized their arms and got upon a roof, 
and a great tumult arose. The A mir was engaged with Baktagin 
in securing Ariyaruk, and people had run to Bagtaghdi, the chief 
Hdjib Bilkatigin, and the officers of the army, to tell them what 
was going on, and to summon them. They were all mounted 
ready. The guards and attendants of Ariyaruk, seeing him thus 
bound, made a great outcry, and, collecting together, went towards 
his house. Numerous other horsemen of all classes also joined 
them, and a great and obstinate strife arose. Amir 'Abdus was 
sent to Ariyaruk's party to say, "Ariyaruk was a self-con- 
ceited man and a hard master. To-day it has been deemed 
expedient to suppress him. We are your masters, do not act 
like children ; give up the strife, for it is clear you are too few to 
resist. You will all be slain in an instant, and Ariyaruk will 
gain nothing by it. If you restrain yourselves you shall be 
suitably rewarded." To the commander of these people a friendly 
and comforting message was sent. When 'Abdus delivered the 
message, it acted like water thrown on fire — the leader and the 
guards kissed the ground and the tumult instantly subsided. 
The house was attached and seals were affixed to the doors ; 
night fell, and no one would have said he had ever been there. 
I returned and related to my preceptor all that I had seen. Then 
I said my night prayers. Ariyaruk was taken from the Court 
to Khunduz, and after ten days he was sent to Ghazni, and given 
into the charge of Bu 'All Kotwal, who according to orders kept 
him some time in the fort, so secretly that nobody knew that 
he had been dismissed. Afterwards he was sent to Bii-l Hasan 
Khalaf in Ghor, who kept him in some place there. Here ends 

his story. 

' "Worn as Highlanders wear their knives. 

112 BAIHAKr. 

1 will now relate according to my own information what was 
his end and how he was slain. He was captured in Balkh, on 
Wednesday, the 19th of Rabi'u-1 Awwal a.h. 422 (March 1031). 
On the day after his arrest, the Amir sent to his house, Piroz 
Waziri Khadim, Bu Sa'id Mushrif, who still survives and lives at 
the Kandi inn, who had not then obtained the rank of a Mushrif, 
but was one of the grandees of the Court, and was known by 
the name of K4zi Khusru Hasan ; Bii-l Hasan 'Abdu-l Jalil, 
and Bii Nasr Mustaufi (commander of a detachment). They 
also brought with them the Mustaufi and steward of Ariyaruk 
(whom they had caught), and opened the doors. They appro- 
priated immense wealth, and reported that there was much pro- 
perty in Hindustan. Three days were occupied in the work of 
completing an inventory of all that belonged to Ariyaruk, and it 
was taken to the court. His best slaves were made captives, 
those of the second order were given to Gh^zi, the commander, 
and the king''s attendants. Bti-l Hasan 'Abdu-l Jalil, and Bii 
Sa''id Mushrif were ordered to go to Hindustan to fetch the 
property of Ariyaruk. They proceeded with great speed, but 
before Ariyaruk was captured, officers had been hastily de- 
spatched thither with letters directing that Ariyaruk's party 
should be carefully watched. 

Ghdzi came to the Court the day after the seizure of Ariyaruk, 
greatly troubled and alarmed. He was admitted, and when the 
court broke up, the Amir privately observed to the minister and 
Ghazi that " the conduct of this man (Ariyaruk) was very dif- 
ferent from that of my other servants. He had grown dis- 
obedient and had become so arrogant in the time of my father, 
that he shed much innocent blood. The reporters of the news 
dared not expose his conduct, they were afraid of their lives, 
because he had taken possession of the roads and nobody could 
pass without his permission. He did not come from Hindustan 
when he was summoned by my father, and would never come. 
If coercive measures were taken against him he used to create 
a great disturbance. The Khwaja showed great adroitness in 


contriving to bring him here. Such a servant is of no use. I 
have spoken thus that the commander-in-chief may not entertain 
any fear in his mind from what has just passed. His case is quite 
different. Different also was the service he rendered me at the 
time I was in Ispahan when I started from thence to Khurdsdn." 
He kissed the ground and said, " I am your slave, and T should 
even consider it an honour if the king were to make me keeper 
of his stable. The power of command is his and he well knows 
every one's worth." The Khwaja also spoke a few appropriate 
words to the same effect about Ariy^ruk, and for the comfort of 
Ghazi. He said what he thought suitable, and then they retired. 
Both the Khwajas^ sat with him in the court-room, and he called 
my preceptor, Bii Nasr, who told them all the acts of hardship 
and inj ustice which were committed by Ariyaruk as they had been 
reported by his enemies. Ghazi was surprised and said, " Of 
course it is on no account proper to set him free." Bii Nasr went;, 
in and reported this to the king and brought satisfactory answers : 
from him. Both these nobles spoke pleasant things to each other; 
so Ghazi was much gratified and retired. I heard Bu Nasr 
state that Khwaja Ahmad said "This Turk is very suspicious, 
for he is very cunning and sly {kurhiiz o ddhi), and these things 
will be all stored up in his memory. But alas ! for a man like 
Ariyaruk who might conquer another region besides Hindustan, 
and for whom I would be surety. The king has heard enough 
about him and will not release him. He (the king) will ruin 
everything. Ghazi also will fall ; Mark my words." He then 
arose and went into his office, very disturbed in mind. And 
this old wolf said,^ There is a conspiracy of the men of Mahmiid's 
and Mas'ud's time, and they are prosecuting their designs. God 
grant it may end well. 

114 BAIHAKr. 

Account of an Inundation at GhaznL — Mahmiid Warrdk and 

his Sons} 

On Saturday, the 9tli of Eajab, between the morning and 
afternoon prayers, there were some slight showers which sufficed 
to wet the ground. Some herdsmen were encamped in the dry 
bed of the Ghazni river with their droves of cattle. Although 
they were told to decamp, as in the event of a flood they would 
be in danger, they would not listen, till at last, when the rain 
fell heavier, they began to take their departure, but slowly, and 
removed toward the wall near the suburb of the ironmongers, 
where they sought shelter and rest, but were again at fault. In 
another direction, where the stream flows by Afghanshala, there 
were several of the Royal mules stabled. Trees extended from 
the stream as far as the walls, and the stable keepers raised 
mounds of dung and other refuse to protect themselves against 
the flood, but without any efiect, for they were direct in the path 
of the flood. Our prophet Muhammad says, (God's mercy be on 
him !) " Defend us from the two dumb and the two deaf," 
meaning thereby water and fire. 

The bridge which stood at that time was a massive structure, 
supported by strong buttresses. The top was securely covered, 
and on each side of the roadway, there was a row of shops, just 
as there is now. When, in consequence of the flood, the bridge 
was so destroyed that no one could pass over it, that holy per- 
sonage (Amir Mas'ud) God's mercy on him ! constructed the 
present bridge, of one arch, of such excellence and beauty, that 
may he be long remembered for his goodness and humanitv ! 

At the time of afternoon prayers the bridge was in such a state 
as no one ever remembered, and when about one watch of the 
night had passed, such a flood came, that the oldest inhabitants 
agreed that they had never seen the like. Many trees, torn up 
by the roots, came rushing down towards the bridge. The cattle 
and the mules endeavoured to save their lives, but the flood 

^ [This extract was translated by Sir H. Elliot. Pages 315 to 318 of the Text.] 


carried many of them down ; and as the waterway of the bridge 
was narrow, it was impossible that trees and animals together 
could pass through it at the same time. They filled up the 
arches, so that even the water could not escape through them. 
Then the water rose over the roadway, and carried away every- 
thing, like a dispersed army, and entering the Bazars reached as 
far as the Bankers' quarters, and did a great deal of injury. 

What showed the great force of the water more than anything 
else was, that it carried away the bridge from its foundations, 
with all its shops. It carried away many caravanserais in its 
way, destroyed the bazars, and came rushing in a flood against 
the old fort, which stood then as it stood before the time of 
Ya'kub Lais, whose brother, TTmru, built this city and fort of 

All these matters the learned Mahmiid Warrd,k has de- 
scribed most excellently in the history which he wrote in the 
year 450 h. He composed a history of several thousand years 
ending with 409 h. As he ended there, I determined to con- 
tinue his history from that period. This Mahmud Warrak is 
a true and faithful historian. I have seen ten or fifteen of his 
excellent compositions on every subject, and I intended to write 
something in his praise, but when his sons heard of it, they 
exclaimed and said, " are not we, his sons, able to write an ac- 
count of him, that you should undertake it, as you have declared 
your intention of doing ? Let it alone." Being helpless, I 
abandoned my intention. 

This inundation did so much injury that there is no computing 
it. The next day, men stood on each side of the river looking on. 
About twelve o'clock the flood began to abate. But for several 
days there was no bridge, and men found it difficult to pass from 
this side to that and from that side to this, until the bridge was 
ao^ain mended. I have heard from several Zawalii narrators that, 
after the subsidence of the flood, many wretched sufferers found 
gold, silver, and garments that the water had swept away, and 
1 Of Z&bulistan, or the country about Ghazni. 

116 BAIHAXr. 

God Almighty knows what the destitute did not meet with from 
his goodness. 

The Amir returned from his hunting ground to the Sadhazdr^ 
garden, on Saturday the 16th of Eajab, and remained there seven 
days, pleasuring and drinking. ' 

Ahmad Nidltigin appointed Governor of Hindustan? 
The Amir, addressing the Khwdja, said, " Hindustan must not 
be left without a governor, but who is to be sent there ?" He 
answered, " You, my lord, know all the servants and you must 
have thought about the person to be appointed. The office is 
very important and honourable. When Ariy^ruk was there he 
kept up great state, and now a man ought to be sent of the same 
dignity. Although under the authority of your Majesty matters 
may go on well, still a trained and experienced general is required." 
The Amir said, " I have fixed my heart upon Ahmad Nialtigin, 
though he has not been trained under generals ; he was treasurer 
to my father, and accompanied him in all his journeys. He 
studied and knew the ways and habits of the late king." The 
Khwdja remained thinking for a while.^ He had an ill feeling 
towards this man, because he had formed many designs when he, 
the Khwaja, was discharging the fine imposed upon him.* Ah- 
mad had also purchased his goods at the very lowest prices. But 
the Khwdja had been restrained, and had never taken revenge, 
until the present time when he had directed that a reckoning 
should be held with him. His excesses were searched out and 
close calculations were made so that money might be exacted 
from him. But the king had now selected him, and so the 
Khwaja wished to cure the wound of his heart. The Khwaja 

^ Literally 100,000 — from its containing as many shrubs or flowers. 

2 [Page 323 to 329 of the Text.] 

' [The whole of the following passage is very obscure and doubtful.] 

* [Morley's edition says jIj ^ <Uily« is-ljri. but EUiot's MS. has the 

words y.jUa^ Jt« before the verb.] 


also was very inimical to Kazi Shirdz Bu-1 Hasan 'All, because 
Amir Mahmud had often said in his usual way, "How long 
shall I bear with the airs of this Ahmad, he is not so indis- 
pensable, for there are other persons fit for the ofiice of Wazir. 
For example, there is one, Kdzi Shirdz." Now this Kkzi 
Shiraz did not possess even one-tenth part of the abilities of 
that great man (the Khwaja). But kings say what they hke, 
and no one can argue with them. At all events in this counsel 
the Khwaja deemed it allowable to set a great man like Ahmad 
Nidltigfn against Kazi Shirdz, as the latter might thus be dis- 
graced. He replied, " May my lord's life be prolonged, it is a 
very good selection, and there is no one so fit as Ahmad. But 
promises must be taken from him on oath, and his son must be 
left here with other sureties." The Amir coincided, and directed 
the Khwaja to send for Ahmad to tell him all that was proper 
and to do what was needful. The Khwaja came into the minis- 
ter's office and called for Ahmad, who was terribly afraid he 
might have to suffer another punishment. However, he came. 
The Khwaja made him sit down and said to him, " Don't you 
know that you have to render several years' account, and that I 
am bound by oath to do my utmost in the king's business. 
Your demeanour must not be such as to aggrieve me, and I must 
not take such proceedings as to irritate you. When a king has 
determined upon a matter, nothing remains for his servants but 
to give counsel and show kindness (to each other)." Ahmad 
kissed the ground and said, " I can in nowise consider this as 
difficult, for I have not seen the king to-day, nor have I seen 
him for years. We servants must agree with what the king 
orders, and with what you, the great Khwdja, considers best." 
The minister observed, "The Sultdn consulted with me in 
private to-day on different topics, of which the most important 
was that of Hindustan. He said, ' There is a man there like 
JLkzi Shiraz, who wears a soldier's garment, but who is no com- 
mander. A general is needed there, one of renown and dignity 
to lead the forces and to exact tribute. It is the K^zi's 

118 BAIHAKI'. 

business to carry, on civil aiFairs and collect the revenue, but tbe 
general at his convenience makes war, takes tribute, seizes 
upon elephants, and chastises the refractory Hindus."' The 
Khwaja continued — " When I said to him 'Your Majesty knows 
the merits of all your servants, whom do you choose for the duty?' 
he replied, ' I have fixed my mind upon Ahmad Nialtigin,' and 
I saw he had a very high opinion of you. I also spoke what I 
knew regarding your bravery and experience. He directed me 
to send for you to acquaint you with his majesty's will and to 
arrange matters. What have you to say aboat it ?" Ahmad 
kissed the ground, rose up and said, "I have no words to express 
my thanks for this favour, nor do I think myself deserving of 
it ; but I will perform the duty which may be assigned to me to 
the best of my power." So all was settled, and neither kindness 
nor counsel was wanting. The Khwaja gladdened him and 
praised him, and sent him away. He then called Muzaffar, 
chief of the royal attendants, told him all that had passed, 
and directed him to request the Amir to order a khil'at to be 
prepared, more magnificent than that which was granted to 
Ariydruk, the late governor of Hindustan, and that Bu Nasr 
Mishkan should write out the royal diploma for him, and get it 
impressed with the royal signet, so that at the time of granting 
the robe all the necessary orders might be given to him to enable 
him to assume his command at once, and enter on his expedition 
in time. Muzaffar went and delivered the message. The king- 
gave the order, and a robe of honour was prepared for Ahmad, 
together with kettle-drums, flags, and all things usually given to 
generals of the army. 

On Sunday, the second of Sha'ban, of this year, the Amir 
ordered Ahmad Nialtigin to be taken to the wardrobe and he 
was invested with the khil'at. It was very splendid: first 
came the golden girdle, which was of the value of one thousand 
kanis, and with it was also given a cap with two points, which 
was also prepared at the expense of the same sum. He observed 
the ceremonials of respect, and the Amir received him graciously ; 


he then returned home with great honour. People offered him 
presents according to custom. The next day he again came to 
the Court. The Amir held a private consultation with the great 
Khwdja and Khwdja Bu Nasr, Secretary of State; Ahmad was 
also called, and he received orders from the king's own tongue. 
From thence they came into the court-hall, and all three sat 
there alone. The Koyal diploma and the articles and agree- 
ment^ were written out, and both the papers were duly sealed. 
They were taken to Ahmad, and the writings and a solemn oath 
were put before him. He took the oath according to custom, 
and put his signature to it. Then the papers were shown to the 
king, and given into the charge of the record keeper. 

The Khwcija said to Ahmad, "that self-sufficient fellow of 
Shiraz wishes the generals to be under his command, and when 
he had to deal with such a weak man as 'Abdu-llah Karatigin, he 
governed all. On hearing the name of Ariyaruk he knew that 
a man who had teeth was coming ; he wished to have a revenue- 
collector and and an accountant-general sent there, so Abu~l Fath 
and Damaghani were sent with Abu-1 Faraj Kirmani, but they 
could not cope with Ariyaruk. However, what happened to 
Ariyaruk happened in" consequence of his conducting matters for 
his own benefit ; but you who are a general, must act according to 
the articles and your agreement. You must not say anything to 
any person respecting the political or revenue matters, so that no 
one's word may be heard against you, but you must perform all the 
duties of a commander, so that that fellow may not be able to 
put his hand upon your sinews and drag you down. Bti-l Kasim 
Bu-1 Hakam, the superintendent of the news carriers, a most 
confidential officer, reports in due time all that occurs, and the 
imperial and ministerial orders are regularly sent to him. You 
two persons must not give trouble to the Court. What you 
have to write to me you mast state in full detail, that a distinct 
reply may be sent. His majesty deems it advisable to send 

1 [l^ly^ %K^\y4 ^ jyi^^ and below lJ\^ ^ <Uj|^] 

120 BAIHAXr. 

with you some of the Dailami chiefs, such as Bu Nasr Taifur and 
others, in order that they may be at a distance from the Court, 
because they are strangers ; he also sends some others of whom 
apprehensions are entertained, such as Bu Nasr Bamianl, brother 
of the Prince of Balkh and nephew of the chief of Sarkhas ; also 
some refractory slaves who have committed many disloyal actions, 
which have been proved against them. They are to be set at 
liberty and some assistance is to be given to them, so that it may 
appear that they belong to your army. You must take them 
all with you and treat them very kindly and well. But, of course, 
none of them must be allowed to go beyond the river Chandraha,^ 
without the king's order, or without your knowledge and per- 
mission. Whenever you march on an expedition you must take 
these people with you, and you must be careful not to let them 
mingle with the army of Lahore and not allow them to drink 
wine or play at chaugdn. You must keep spies and observers 
to watch them, and this is a duty which must in no case be 
neglected. Injunctions also will be sent to Bu-1 K^sim Bii-l 
Hakam to give you a helping hand, and to do everything that 
may be necessary in this matter. In other affairs he is to act 
under the orders of the Court, and in accordance with the royal 
mandate and the conditions of his appointment. What you 
have just heard are the secret orders of the king, and you must 
not divulge them. When you reach the station you must report 
all circumstances which occur, also what reliance is to be placed 
on each individual, and whether he acts upon the royal orders 
which he has received." 

Ahmad Nialtigin said, " I will do all this, so that no harm 
may be done." Then he retired. Close at his heels the Khw4ja 
sent him a message by Hasan, his Hajib, to say that his Majesty 
had directed that his (Ni^ltigin's) son was to remain behind, 
though he would no doubt take with him his wife and children 
who lived in privacy. The son was to be left at home under the 
care of a tutor, a friend and a confidential person, in order that 
1 [The Chinib, see Vol. I. p. e3.] 


the father might feel himself more at liberty. This was an 
arrangement made by his Majesty out of regard to Ahmad, for 
he did not wish to see his son associating with the body guards. 
The Khwdja added, " I was ashamed to tell you this, for it is 
not right to require a pledge from you ; but although the Sultan has 
not given a distinct order about it, yet the conditions and the cus- 
toms must not be departed from. I have no option, but to look 
after all the affairs of the country, great and small, and to protect 
the interest of you and the like of you." Ahmad answered, " I 
am obedient and think it best both now and henceforth to do 
that which the great Khwaja approves and directs." He gave 
a handsome present to the Hajib and dismissed him. He also 
made proper arrangements for his son. His equipment as a 
general, retinue, arms, guards, and everything else he carefully 
prepared in the manner which he had seen and had learnt to be 
the rale in such cases. When all was done he got leave to set 

On Saturday, five days before the end of Sha'b^n, the king 
rode and came to the desert of Shabahdr with many attendants 
and riding under a canopy on an elephant. He stopped there, 
and Ahmad Niciltigin came before him, dressed in a red garment, 
and paid his respects. A very fine calvacade, many armed men, 
military officers, the Dailamis, and others, who were placed 
under his command, passed by. They were followed by one 
hundred and thirty royal slaves whom the Amir had set free, 
who carried their letters of freedom, and delivered them to him. 
These were under three of the king's own officers, and had with 
them three flags, bearing the device of a lion and spears, according 
to the fashion of royal slaves. After them came kettle drums, 
and the banners of Ahmad of red cloth and with gilded balls on 
their tops, accompanied by seventy-five slaves, richly caparisoned 
camels and dromedaries. The king said, " Ahmad, rejoice, and 
be happy; be careful to understand the value of this favour- 
Keep my image ever before your eyes and do good service, so 
that you may attain to greater honour." He promised to do all 

122 BAIHAXr. 

that could be required of a servant, and saluted. The horse of 
the commander of the army of Hindustan was called for ; and he 
mounted and rode away. 

In the end, this Ahmad Nialtigin was ruined ; he turned 
away from the the path of rectitude, and took a crooked course, 
as I shall have to relate in the proper place. 

Ahmad Nialtigin at Benares}- 

In this summer [424 h., 1033 a.d.J another event took place 
in which Ahmad Nialtigin, the commander of Hindustan, was 
concerned. A certain man was driven to rebellion by tyranny, 
and this was the cause of the rise of disturbances in Khurasan, 
and of the Turkomans and Saljukians becoming powerful, accord- 
ing to the decree of God, whose n^me is glorious. There is a 
cause for everything. The great Khwaja, Ahmad Hasan, was 
badly disposed towards this Ahmad, for the reason we have before 
stated, that is, he had formed designs against the Khwija's goods 
and effects, at the time when he was involved in law troubles. 
The Khwaja was also at variance with KazI Shiraz, because 
Amir Mahmud had often declared him to be fit for the office of 
Wazir. Ahmad Hasan, at the time of dispatching Ahmad 
Nialtigin on the command to Hindustan, had instructed him to 
be watchful against Kazi Shiraz, saying, you are by the Sultan's 
order appointed generalissimo in Hindustan, and the Kazi has no 
control over you. Let him not cast his spell over you and bring 
you under his control. Ahmad Nialtigin went boldly and 
proudly ; he did not heed the Kcizi in the least in his duties of 
commander. This Ahmad was a bold man. He was called the 
alter ego^ of Amir Mahmud, and well knew the distinction be- 
tween right and wrong. People used to tell stories about his 
mother, his birth, and Amir Mahmud. There was certainly a 
friendly relation between that king and his mother, — but God 
knows the truth. This man thoroughly understood the affairs 

1 [Page 495 to 497 of the Text.] 

2 \^Atsat, lit. " the sneeze," or as we have it in the vulgar tongue, " the spit."] 


and habits of Amir Mahmud, by association and converse with 
him. When he reached Hindustan, he kept several sturdy- 
slaves, and had a fine equipage and retinue. A difference took 
place between him and Kdzi Shirdz with respect to the command 
of the army. The Kdzi said, " The command ought to be given 
to 'Abdu-Uah Karatigin, as was expressed in his farman." Ah- 
mad protested he would not agree to anything of the kind, 
saying, " The Sultdn conferred this office on me, and I am in 
all respects better and greater than 'Abdu-llah : he and others 
must march under my banners." The matter went very far. 
The army of Lahore and the warriors sided with Ahmad ; and he 
with his followers irritated the Kdzi, and formed a plan of going 
to some distant place. The Kdzi sent messengers complaining 
of him, who reached Bust just as we were about to go toward 
Hirdt and Naishapur. Amir Mas'tid asked the great Khwdja, 
Ahmad Hasan, what he thought most advisable, and he replied, 
" Ahmad Nidltigin is a fitter person to be general than anyone 
else. An answer must be written to the Kdzi that his business * 
is to manage the revenue, and that he has nothing to do with 
the command or with the army. Ahmad must himself do what 
he oufiht to do, and take the revenue and the tribute from the 
Thakurs, go on expeditions and bring large sums into the 
treasury. There is a proverb — ' There must be no contention 
between the door and the house.' " 

The Amir approved of this, and an answer was written to the 
above effect. Ahmad Nidltigin was much encouraged, because 
the Khwdja wrote to inform him of what Kdzi Shirdz had written, 
and what reply had been sent. He marched out with his 
warriors and the army of Lahore, and exacted ample tribute from 
the Thdkurs. He crossed the river Ganges and went down the 
left bank. Unexpectedly {nd-gdh) he arrived at a city which is 
called Bandras, and which belonged to the territory of Gang. 
Never had a Muhammadan army reached this place. The city 
was two parasangs square, and contained plenty of water. The 
army could only remain there from morning to mid-day prayer, 

124 BAIHAKr. 

because of the peril. The markets of the drapers, perfumers, and 
jewellers, were plundered, but it was impossible to do more. The 
people of the army became rich, for they all carried off gold, 
silver, perfumes, and jewels, and got back in safety. 

The Kazi, on the achievement of this great success, was likely 
to go mad. He speedily sent messengers, who reached us in 
Naishaptir and represented that Ahmad Nialtigin had taken im- 
mense riches from the Thakurs and tributaries. Enormous 
wealth had been obtained, but Ahmad had concealed the greater 
portion of it, and had sent only a little to the Court. The Kdzi 
went on to say that " his confidential agents had secretly accom- 
panied Ahmad, who knew not of their presence. Some accountants 
and the chief of the couriers were also there, and these had kept 
an account of all that he had exacted. This account he had now 
sent for the information of his Majesty, without the knowledge 
of that base dishonest man. Ahmad had also clandestinely sent 
men to Turkistan via, Banjhir (Panjshir ?) to procure Turkish 
slaves for him. That up to this time about seventy slaves 
(hdftad and) had been brought and others were expected. That 
he had made all the Turkomans who were there his friends, and 
they were disaffected ; what his intentions are nobody knows, 
but he calls himself son of Mahmud. Your slaves have duti- 
fully given the information. Your Majesty's will is supreme." 

These letters took effect on the Amir's heart, and produced a 
deep impression. He ordered my instructor, Bu Nasr, to keep 
the matter secret, and let no one be informed of it. Bearers of 
good tidings also soon arrived, and brought letters from Ahmad 
Nialtigin, Governor of Hindustan and general of the army, 
reporting the news of the conquest of Benares, which was a very 
great achievement, and by which the army had become rich. 
Immense wealth had been obtained, and tribute had been exacted 
from the Thakurs. Several elephants had also been taken. His 
Majesty's servants wrote these letters from Indar-dar-bandi,^ 

' [This is the reading of Morley's edition. Sir H. Elliot's MSS. have ludar-bedi.] 


and were returning towards Lahore very tappy : what had passed 
they had reported.^ 

Tilak the Hindu appointed General? 

One day the Amir went to the garden of Sadhaz^ra with the 
intention of staying there a week, and all necessary furniture was 
taken. In this interval letters were constantly arriving with the 
information of Ahmad Nialtigin having; reached Lahore with the 
Turkomans, and that numerous turbulent fellows of Lahore, from 
all cl&isses of people, had flocked around him, and that if his pro- 
ceedings were not soon taken notice of, the afl'air would reach an 
awkward length, for his power and dignity were increasing every 
day. The Amir, in the garden of Sadhazdra, convened a 
private council of the commander-in-chief and the generals and 
officers of the army,^ and asked their opinions as to what ought 
to be done in order to extinguish the fire of this rebellious general 
so that their hearts might be relieved of all concern on his ac- 
count. The commander-in-chief said, "When one runs away 
from Ahmad there cannot be much honour left, but whatever 
general is sent against him, he will have enough to do, for there 
is a strong force at Lahore. If my lord orders me to go, I can 
set out in a week, although the weather is very hot." The Amir 
observed, " It is wrong and impossible for you to go on such an 
insignificant duty, because there are disturbances in Khurasdn, 
and insurrections have also broken out in Khatlan and Tukha- 
ristan. Our minister has gone there and he is sufficient, yet 
as the autumn has passed, it is expedient for me to march to Bust 
or Balkh, and you must accompany my standard. We will 
send a general, to Sind it may be." The commander-in-chief 
said, " It is for my lord to order, the generals and officers are 
present here in your council, and others are at the court ; whom 
do you order to go." Tilak Hindu said, " May my lord's life 

■ [Here occurs the lacuna mentioned in the Bibliographical notice at page 54.] 

2 [Page 500 to 503 of the Text.] 

3 [Khw&ja Ahmad, the wazir, was ahsent on a journey.] 

126 BAIHAKr. 

be prolonged ! Be pleased to let me go and perform this service 
that I may make some return for favours received and obligations 
incurred. Besides, I am a native of Hindustan, the weather is 
hot, and I can travel in that country with greater ease. If your 
high wisdom deems me fit for this service, I will not fail." The 
Amir admired him for the readiness he thus showed ; and asked 
those who were present for their opinions. They replied, he was a 
famous man and was fit for any duty, for he had a sword, equip- 
ments, and men, and as he had received the royal favour he 
might accomplish the object. The Amir told his councillors to 
retire and leave him to consider about it. So they left. The 
Amir said to his private councillors, "None of these ofiicers have 
their hearts in the business, and in fact they have not exhibited 
their wonted devotion. So Tilak, perhaps, felt ashamed and 
stepped forward." The Amir sent a Persian secretary to Tilak, 
secretly, with many kind messages, saying, " I am fully alive to 
what you have said and have promised to perform, but the people 
around me did not at all like it. You have shamed them all, 
and your words shall be proved true, for to-morrow you shall 
be named for the service. I will do whatever is possible in this 
matter, and I will give you much money, a strong force, and 
everything necessary, so that the work may be accomplished by 
your hands, and the insurrection may be put down without any 
thanks or obligations to these people. You shall be raised to 
higher rank ; for these people do not at all like that I should 
exalt a man, but wish me to remain always dependent on them, 
though they do nothing. They have been greatly annoyed at 
your exaltation, Now you must be resolute in doing what you 
have said. The fault has been committed : it was manifest in 
their talk and observations ; and what is passed cannot be re- 
called." Tilak kissed the ground, and said, " If this undertaking 
were beyond the powers of your slave, he would not have 
ventured to speak with such boldness before your majesty and 
the assembly ; what I have sought for in this matter I will 
accomplish. I will draw up a plan for the approval of his 


Majesty ; and I will soon set forth and overthrow that rebel." 
The Persian came back and related all this. The Amir highly- 
approved it, and ordered the writing to be sent in. The secre- 
tary devoted himself with all his heart to the execution of this 
mission, and laid before his Majesty the detailed statement which 
Tilak had drawn up of his designs. The Amir then gave power 
to Tilak to do whatever he deemed proper, after passing Baz- 
ghurak'^ for securing the allegiance of the Hindus. He also sent 
a message by the Persian to the Secretary of State, directing 
him to draw up a farman and letters in behalf of Tilak. It was 
customary with Bti Nasr to write in very hyperbolical language^ 
on all matters that he was directed to pen by the Amir himself, 
because he was afraid that the responsibility might fall upon him. 
What was to be written was drafted. The ministers of the 
Court considered it a foolish proceeding — or as the Arab proverb 
says " A shot without a shooter." 

This man (Tilak) was the cause of the death of Ahmad Nldlti- 
gin, as I will mention in its proper place. But first I must 
recount the history of this Tilak, showing what his origin was 
and how he attained to this rank. Many advantages attend the 
writing: of such matters. 

Account of Tilak of Hind.^ 

This Tilak was the son of a barber, but he was handsome in 
face and appearance, and had an eloquent tongue. He wrote an 
excellent hand, both in Hindi and Persian. He had lived a 
long time in Kashmir, where he studied and acquired some 
proficiency in dissimulation, amours, and witchcraft. From 
thence he came to Kazi Shiraz Bti-l Hasan, who was captivated 
by him, for every great man who saw him was enamoured of 
him. * * * * The Kazi restrained him from going any- 
where else; but Tilak contrived by stratagem to have his 

1 [See Vol. I. p. 49.] 

^ ^iJ'if i*^' ^-^-s"" i_5=>*SWJ ' [Page 503 to 605.] 

128 BAIHAXr. 

case, and the iniquity of which the Kazi was capable, reported 
to the great Khwaja Ahmad Hasan (May God be pleased with 
him) . There was ill-feeling between the Khwcija and the K^zi. 
The Khwaja sent royal orders with three peons, and to the 
great disgust of the Kazi they brought Tilak to the court. 
Khwaja Ahmad Hasan heard what he had to say, saw the way 
clear before him, and took measures to have the matter brought 
to the notice of Amir Mahmtid in such a manner that he did 
not know the Khwdja had contrived the means. The Amir 
ordered the Khwaja to hear Tilak's complaint, and the Kazi fell 
into great difficulty. 

After this event Tilak became one of the great confidants of 
the Khwaja. He was made his secretary and interpreter be- 
tween him and the Hindus.'^ Thus he acquired great influence 
in the minister's court, where I, says Bii-l Fazl, used to see 
him standing before the Khwaja, doing the duties of a secretary 
and interpreter, and carrying and bringing messages, and manag- 
ing difficult aflairs. When that trouble fell on the Khwaja, 
which I have before mentioned. Amir Mahmud called together 
his servants and secretaries, in order that he might appoint the 
most clever to offices in his court. Tilak met with his approval, 
and was associated as interpreter with BahrAm. He was a 
young man and a clever speaker. Amir Mahmud wanted such 
persons. His fortune thus improved. Secretly he rendered 
valuable services to Sultan Mas'ud, that is, he brought all the 
Hindu Kators and many outsiders under his rule,^ and he ob- 
tained honour from such a great king as Mahraiid. 

When Shdh Mas'ud arrived in Balkh from Hirdt and the 
affairs of the country were settled, Sundar, the general of the 
Hindus, was not in his place. He therefore promoted Tilak, 

'' [The text has the words hamchundn iirbdl' badiwan-i md, " like Birbal in 
our Court." These words, unless they will hear some other interpretation, would 
seem to apply to Akbar's ofBcer Birbal, and if so they must be an interpolation of a 
later date.] 

' \_^_Sj S^^^ jii (^Ijjj^ j\ lj^_j<nxJ J jj^ uIj''^'^ ^^^ ^^^ Thomas' 
Prinsep, Vol. I. p. 317.] 


and granted him a gold embroidered robe, hung a jewelled neck- 
lace of gold round his neck, and placed an army under him. Thus 
he obtained the name of man. A tent and an umbrella were 
also given to him. Kettle drums were beaten at his quarters, 
according to the custom of the Hindu chiefs, and banners with 
gilded tops were granted. Fortune befriended him ; he was 
elevated to such a degree as to sit among the nobles in the 
privy councils, and, as I have said, he was employed in impor- 
tant duties, until at length he undertook the command against 
Ahmad Nialtigin. His luck and fortune aided him, and carried 
him through. The Arabs say, " There is a cause for every- 
thing, and men must seek it." Wise men do not wonder at such 
facts, because nobody is born great — men become such. But it 
is important that they should leave a good name behind. This 
Tilak soon became a man, and had excellent qualities. All the 
time he lived he sustained no injury on account of being the 
son of a barber. But if with such a character, wisdom, and 
spirit, he had been of good extraction, he would have been 
. better, for nobility and talents are both very agreeable. But 
nobility is good for nothing, if learning, propriety and spirit 
are wanting. 

The rebellion of Ahmad Nialtigin in Hindustan} 

In the middle of this month (Eamazan H. 425 ; July, 1033) 
letters were received from Lahore (Lahur), stating that Ahmad 
Ni^ltigin had arrived there with several men ; that K4zi Shirdz, 
with all his counsellors, had entered the fort of Mandkakur;^ that 
there was perpetual fighting, and that the whole neighbourhood 
was in a state of turmoil and agitation. The Amir became ex- 
ceedingly thoughtful, because his mind was troubled from three 

1 [Pages 523, 524. This and all the following Extracts from Baihaki were trans- 
lated by Sir H. Elliot himself.] 

2 Two copies concur in this reading; a third omits the first syllable. [See Vol. i. 
pp. 62 and 530.] 

VOL. II. ■ 9 

130 BAIHAKr. 

different sources, viz. the Turkomans of 'Irdk, Khwarizm, and 
Lahore, as I have already described. * * * On Tuesday, 
the 'I'd was celebrated, when the Amir (God be satisfied with 
him !) directed that great preparations should be made, and 
ordered trays of food to be set down, with wine, in order that the 
officers and men might regale themselves, which they did, and 
departed drunk. 

The Amir also sat down to drink wine with his companions, 
when, in the middle of his happiness, while he was fully occupied 
with every kind of pleasure, a very important despatch was re- 
ceived from Lahore, stating that Ahmad Nialtigin had taken the 
fort ; but it was reported that Tilak Hindu had collected a 
powerful army from every detachment and quarter, and was 
advancing in that direction ; that the heart of that vile rebel 
was quaking within him, and that there was a space of only two 
kos between the two armies. The Amir read this despatch even 
while he was drinking, and ordered a letter to be written to 
Tilak Hindu, and placed in its case. He directed Tilak to 
proceed against Ahmad with all speed. The Amir sealed the 
letter, and added a postscript with his own hand, written with all 
the force which characterized his style, imperious, and at the 
same time appropriate to the person addressed. This was con- 
cealed from his confidential Diw^n, and sent off with all haste. 

On Thursday, the I8th of Shawwal, a despatch arrived from 
Gurdez,'^ stating that General Ghazi, who was stationed in that 
quarter, had died. 


The Coioardice of the Sindus at Kirmdn, and their Disgrace? 
Ahmad 'All Noshtigin made every kind of exertion, but the 
Hindus would not advance, and turned their backs in flight. 
The panic spread to the rest of the troops, and Ahmad was 
obliged to fly from the field. He, with his own troops and the 
royal army, returned, by way of Kain, to Naishapur. Part of 
' [A town fifty miles east of Ghazni.] 2 [Page 533.] 


the army fell back to Makran. The Hindus fled to Sist^n, and 
thence to Ghaznin.^ 

I, who am Abu-1 Fazl, had gone on duty to the Amir, at the 
Sad-hazara G-arden, and I saw the officers of the Hindus who 
had come there. The Amir ordered that they should be kept in 
the large house, which is used as the despatch office. Bu Sa'id, 
the accountant, brought several severe orders to them from the 
Amir, and matters went so far, that a message came to tell them 
they were dismissed. Six of their officers committed suicide 
with their daggers, so that blood was flowing in the office. I, Bu 
Sa'id, and others, left the place, and came and told the Amir 
what had happened. He said they should have used these 
daggers at Kirman". He treated them severely, but in the end 
forgave them.^ After this, all went wrong, and it was not pos- 
sible to send any one else to Kirman. Ahmad 'Ali Noshtigin 
also came to Ghaznin, and as he was ashamed and deeply grieved, 
no long time elapsed before he died. 

The Death of the Rebel Ahmad Nidttigin and the Sultan's 

Amir Mas'ud wrote orders to Tilak to expedite matters 
against Ahmad Nidltigin, who should be driven from Lahore, 
and the Kazi and his army should leave the fort. The Kazi 
also was ordered to exert himself to the utmost in order that 
the Amir's mind might be at once relieved from anxiety on 
account of this rebellion. * * * * The Amir arrived at 

1 This was at the battle of Kirm&n, where they formed one-half of the cavalry 
force, there being 2000 Hindils, 1000 Tnrks, and 1000 Kurds and Arabs. 

- The Hindus, about 100 pages after this, are represented as incurring similar 
disgrace near Merv, when they fled before the Turkomans ; but there they were not 
a bit more culpable than the rest of the army, and the reason assigned was sufficient. 
" The Amir also summoned the HindTjs and reprimanded them, when their leaders said 
— "We are ashamed to speak before our Lord, but the fact is our men are hungry, and 
our horses weak, for it is now four months since any of us have eaten barley-bread. 
Notwithstanding what has happened, as long as we live we shall not he found 
deficient." ^ [Page 535 to 538.] 

132 BAIHAKr. 

Taklndbddi on the 7th of Zi-1 ka'da [a.h. 425, Sept. 1034 a.d.J, 
and remained there seven days, on one of which he drank wine, 
for he was troubled on many accounts. After that, he went to 
Bust for three days, and on Thursday, the 17th of this month, 
he arrived at the palace of Dasht-langdn, where he laid out 
much money in gardens, buildings, and sardis. 

■jfr 'p ^ ^ ^ ^ 

On Wednesday, the last day of this month, he left Bust, and 
while on the road messengers arrived from Tilak, bringing intel- 
ligence of his having slain the proud rebel Ahmad NiAltigin, of 
having taken his son prisoner, and of his having subdued the 
Turkomans who were with Ahmad. The Amir was exceedingly 
rejoiced at this news, for it relieved the anxiety of his heart. 
He ordered the drums to be beaten, and the clarions to be 
sounded ; he invested the messengers with robes of honour upon 
their introduction, gave them plenty of money, and directed that 
they should be paraded through the camp. 

The letters of Tilak, K^zi Shiraz, and the intelligencers were 
to this effect : — When Tilak arrived at Lahore, he took several 
Musulmans prisoners, who were the friends of Ahmad, and 
ordered their right hands to be cut off; that the men who were 
with Ahmad were so terrified at this punishment and display of 
power, that they sued for mercy and deserted him ; that the 
proper arrangements were then made for the conduct of affairs of 
Revenue and Police ; that Tilak, in full confidence and power, 
pursued Ahmad with a large body of men, chiefly Hindus ; that 
in the pursuit several skirmishes and actions took place ; that 
Ahmad, the forsaken of God, kept flying before him ; that Tilak 
had persuaded Ahmad's men to desert ; that a severe engagement 
ensued, when Ahmad, not able to stand his ground, was defeated 
and took to flight ; that the Turkomans left him in a body, and 
asked for quarter, which was given to them ; that Ahmad 
escaped with his personal attendants, and others, amounting to 
three hundred horsemen in all ; that Tilak did not abate his 
1 [The largest town in G-armsir. See Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, post."] 


pursuit, and had written letters to the Hindu Jat rehels to desert 
the cause of that godless man, and to remember that whoever 
should bring him or his head should receive a reward of 500,000 
dirhams. On this account the span of Ahmad's life was nar- 
rowed, his men deserted, and at last matters reached so far, 
that the Jats and every kind of infidel joined in the pursuit 
of him. 

One day, the despatches continued, he arrived at a river on 
his elephant, and wished to cross it, when two or three thousand 
mounted Jats were close upon him, whereas he had less than two 
hundred horsemen with him. He plunged into the water, while 
the Jats were attaching him on two or three sides, chiefly for the 
purpose of seizing his property and money. When they reached 
him, he attempted to kill his son with his own hand, but the 
Jats prevented him, and carried oiF the son, who was on an 
elephant, and then fell upon Ahmad himself, with arrow, spear, 
and sword. He defended himself most gallantly, but they at 
last killed him and cut off his head. They killed or took 
captive all who were with him, and immense wealth fell into the 
hands of those Jats. Their Chief sent some messengers from 
the spot to Tilak, who was not far off, to convey intelligence of 
what had happened. Tilak was greatly delighted, and des- 
patched some men to demand the son and the head of Ahmad ; 
but the Jats asked for the reward of 500,000 dirhams. Tilak 
replied, that the immense wealth which belonged to Ahmad had 
fallen into their hands, and they ought to forego their demand. 
Twice messengers went backwards and forwards upon this errand, 
and at last it was agreed that they should receive 100,000 dirhams. 
When this sum was sent to them they brought the head and 
the son of Ahmad to Tilak, who having obtained his object 
returned to Lahore to complete his arrangements for the manage- 
ment of the country, and then to hasten to Court with all expe- 
dition, God willing. 

The Amir ordered congratulatory answers to be written, ex- 
pressed his obligations to Tilak and the others, and praised them 

134 BAIHAXr. 

for their conduct. He sent the couriers back, and ordered Tilak 
to come to Court with the head and the son of Ahmad Nialtigin. 

Such is the end of the perfidious and disobedient ! From the 
time of Adam (peace be with him!) to this day, it has so happened 
that no servant has rebelled against his master who has not lost 
his head ; and since it is written in books, there is no occasion 
to make a long story about it. 

The Amir wrote letters on this subject to his nobles and 
officers, and despatched messengers to different parts of the 
country to proclaim this very great victory.^ 

The Amir arrived at Hirat on Thursday, the middle of Zi-1 



Prince Majdud appointed Governor of Sindustdn? 

On Saturday, the 6th of Zi-1 ka'da, the Prince Amir Majdud, 
who was appointed Governor (Amir) of Hindustan, received a 
khiPat before his departure for Lahore. It was such a one as 
befitted a governor, especially one who was son of such a king. 
Three chamberlains were appointed, with their attendants ; 
Mansiir, son of Bu-1 Kasam 'All Noki of our office, was appointed 
to be his secretary, Sa'd Salman to b« accountant and treasurer, 
and Sarhang Muhammad to be paymaster of the troops. A 
drum, a standard, and a kettle-drum, an elephant and seat were 
bestowed on the Prince, and the next day he went by appoint- 
ment to visit his father in the Firozi garden. The Sultan em- 
braced him, and gave him a dress upon taking his leave. So he 
went on his way, and took with him Eashid, the son of 
Khwarizm Shdh, that he might be kept under surveillance in 
the city of Lahore. 

^ A few pages after this we find the minister KhwSja-buzurg Ahmad 'Abdu-s Samad 
stating at a council, that, notwithstanding the death of Ahmad NiUtigin, Hindustan 
was still in so disaffected a state that he considered it imprudent that the Sult&n 
should enter upon an expedition against the Turkomans. 

2 [Page 622.] 


Prince Maudud appointed Governor of Balkh} 

Trays of food were put down in abundance, and they drank 
wine. On the next day, a khiPat was given to Amir Maudud, 
such as he had not received before, for it comprised a kettle-drum, 
standards, a tymbal, and a tabor, and the Sultdn made over to 
him the country of Balkh, and issued a patent to that effect ; 
so the Prince returned with all these honours to his residence, 
which was the sardi of Arslan Jazib, and the Sultan ordered all 
the nobles and officers to pay him their visits there, and they 
accordingly showed him such honour as had never been shown 

The Sultan determines to take the Fort of Hdnsi — His Consulta- 
tion mith the NoUes? 

On anpther day of the 'I'd, the public audience being dissolved, 
the minister, the Commander-in-Chief, the 'Ariz, my preceptor, 
and the chamberlains Bagtaghdi and Bu-1 Nasr, were told to 
remain, and the conversation turned upon the direction in which 
the Sultan ou^ht to march. These counsellors observed, " Let 
our lord explain to his servants what his own reflections are, for 
his opinion is probably the soundest ; then will we speak what 
we know on the subject." 

The Amir replied, " At the time that I was attacked by my 
illness at Bust, I made a vow that, if Almighty God would 
restore me to health, I would go to Hindustdn, and take the 
fort of Hansi ; for, from the time that I returned from that place 
without accomplishing my object, my heart has been filled with 
vexation, and so it still remains. The distance is not very 
great, and I have determined to go there, for I have sent my 
son Maudud to Balkh, and the Khwaja, and the Commander-in- 
Chief will accompany him with large armies. The Chamberlain 
Sabashi is at Merv with a powerful army, so that the Turkomans 
dare not make inroads upon the inhabited tracts. Surl also is at 

1 [Page 660]. 2 [Page 660 to 664.] 


Naishdpiir with an army. Tus, Kohistdn, Hir^t, Ghurjistan, and 
other places are well garrisoned, so that there can be no disturb- 
ance, rebellion, or other obstacle from Khurasan ; and if there 
should, you all of you, one with the other, are at hand, and can 
arrive at the spot immediately. The sons of 'All Tigin and the 
Kotwal are quiet in their several places ; 'Abdu-s Salam is near 
them and has bound them by strong engagements, as Bu Suhal 
Hamaduni has written. The son of Kakii is possessed of no 
power, and his men can do nothing, and the Turkomans place no 
reliance in his promises, so that on that side also there can be no 
obstacle. I will at once relieve my neck of the burden of this 
vow, for until I have taken the fort of Hansi, I can undertake no 
other expedition. I can come back in time to be at Ghaznin by 
New Year's Day. I have thought well over the business, and I 
must of necessity carry my plans into efiect. Now do you tell 
me without fear what you, think on the matter." 

The minister looked round the assembly and asked what they 
had to say on the subject on which their master had addressed 
them. The Commander-in-chief replied, " I and those who are 
like me wield the sword and obey the orders of the Sultan. We 
are ready to go to wherever we are ordered, and lay down our 
lives for his sake. The evil and the good of these matters the 
great Khwaja knows, for they are included amongst the diffi- 
cult questions of Government, and we cannot tell what he wishes, 
hears, knows, and sees. This is the business of the minister, 
not ours." Then he turned his face towards the chamberlains 
and said, "You are doubtless of my opinion," to which they 
replied, "We are." 

The minister then said to the 'A'riz and Bti Nasr. " The 
Commander-in-chief and the Chamberlains have laid the responsi- 
bility on my neck and freed themselves from it. What say 
you." The 'Ariz, who was a man of few words, said, " I am 
not able to say anything better than what has been advanced. 
My own business is difficult enough to occupy all my time." 
Bii Nasr Mishk^n said, " It appears that this matter is devolved 


upon the responsibility of the great Khwaja. It is necessary 
to speak with great deliberation, for our lord calls upon us to do 
so." The minister said, " He has been graciously pleased to 
tell us to speak out without hypocrisy. Therefore I give it as 
my opinion, that he should on no account go to Hindustan, It 
is not expedient that he should stay even at Balkh, but proceed to 
Merv, and after the Sultan has subdued Re, Khurasan, and the 
Jabbal (hills), he should then fulfil his vow. If his intention is to 
conquer H^nsi, the chief of the Ghazis, the army of Lahore, and 
a chamberlain deputed by the Court might undertake the busi- 
ness, and thus the intention might be fulfilled, and KhurasAn be 
secured at the same time. If my lord should not go to Khurasan, 
if the Turkomans should conquer a province, or if they should 
conquer even a village, and do that which they are acustonied to 
do, namely, mutilate, slaughter, and burn, then ten holy wars at 
Hansi would not compensate. These evils have actually oc- 
curred, for they are already at i\^mul,i and still it is considered 
more expedient to go to Hindustan ! I have now said what 
seemed to me best, and have relieved myself from all responsi- 
bility. The Sultan can do as he pleases." 

My preceptor said, " I agree entirely, and may add this to aid 
the argument. If my lord sees proper, let him send some per- 
sons secretly about the camp amongst the people and amongst 
the nobles, and let them ascertain the general opinion, let them 
mention the present perturbed state of Khurasdn, Khwarizm, 
Re, and the Jabbal, and let them say that the Sultan is going to 
Hansi, and then let them ask whether this is proper or not pro- 
per. Your slave feels confident that they will all say it is not 
proper. The people will give their opinions freely, when they 
are told that it is the desire of the Sultan that they should do so 
without reserve." 

The Amir replied, " Your friendship and good advice are un- 
questionable. The vow is upon my neck, and accomplish it 
I will, in my own person. If any great disturbance should 
^ [A town on tlie Oxus. The riyer is also known ty the name of Amul or Amn.] 

138 BAIHAEt 

arise in Khur5,s4n, I, rely upon Almighty God to set it all to 
rights." The minister replied, "As it is so we must do what- 
ever men can do. I only trust that during this absence no diffi- 
culty may arise." 

He then went away, and the rest also went away after making 
their obeisances. When they had gone out, they went aside to 
a private spot, and exclaimed, " This lord of ours is very obsti- 
nate, beyond all bounds and degrees. No one could have spoken 
more openly than we have done, and one could not have done 
more so without being disrespectful ; and as for what he said 
about Almighty God ! we shall see ;" and then they separated. 

On Thursday, the middle of Zi-1 hijja, the Commander-in- 
chief, 'All, was invested with a very superb robe of honour, for 
which he came forward and paid his respects. The Amir praised 
and flattered him, and said, " The confidence of my son, my 
minister, and my army, reposes upon you. The Khwaja will 
remain with you as my vicegerent. To give good advice and 
find pay for the army, is his business ; discipline and fighting is 
yours. You must attend to his orders, and all of you should 
have but one hand, one heart, one opinion ; so that no interrup- 
tion to business may arise during my absence." The Com- 
mander of the forces kissed the earth and said, " Your slave will 
obey your orders implicitly," and departed. 

On Saturday, the 17th of this month, a very handsome khiPat 
was bestowed upon the minister, according to the usual value, 
and even much more than that, because the Sultan was anxious 
in every respect to maintain a good understanding with him, 
seeing that he was to conduct the affairs of State during his 
absence. When he came forward the Amir said, " May this 
robe be auspicious, as also this confidence which I repose in you 
during my expedition to Hindustan. May the grace of God rest 
with the Khwaja. I have made a vow, and that vow I must 
needs fulfil. To him I have made over, first, my son, then, the 
commander, and the whole army which remains here, and all 
should be obedient to his orders." The minister replied, " Your 


slave is ready to discharge all obligations of his service." He 
then retired, after having been treated with very great distinction. 

The Sultan leaves Ghazni — Falls ill, and Forswears Drinking} 

On Monday, the 19th of Zi-1 hijja, the Amir rose early, and 
went to the Firozl garden, that he might see the different de- 
tachments of his army pass by in review ; and afterwards, about 
mid-day prayers, those three precious individuals, his son, the 
minister, and the commander, came on foot, and paid him their 
respects and then went away. He appointed Khwaja Bu Nasr 
Noki, my preceptor, to be in attendance on him, and an order 
went to the minister to this effect. 

At last, on Thursday, when eight days of Zi-1 hijja remained, 
the Amir, (God be satisfied with him !) departed from Ghazni on 
his way to Hindustan, by the road of Kabul, to prosecute his holy 
war against Hansi. He remained ten days at Kdbul. The first 
day of Muharram, a.h. 429 (14 Oct., 1037), fell on a Saturday. 

On Thursday, the 6th of Muharram, he left K4bul, and on 
Saturday the 8th despatches arrived from Khurasan and Ke, 
all of them important ; but the Amir cared nothing for them, 
and told my preceptor to write a letter to the minister and en- 
close these despatches in the same case, for that the minister 
knew all about the matter, a,nd would do all that was necessary 
in every respect ; adding, " I myself am not well acquainted 
with the subject." 

On Tuesday, when five days of Muharram remained, the Amir 
arrived at the Jailam, and encamped on the banks of that river 
near Dinarkotah. Here he fell ill, and remained sick for four- 
teen days, and got no better. So in a fit of repentance he for- 
swore wine, and ordered his servants to throw all his supply of 
it, which they had in store, into the Jailam, and to destroy all 
his other instruments of frivolity. No one dared to drink wine 
openly, for the officers and censors who were appointed to super- 
intend this matter carried their orders strictly into effect, 

1 [Page 664.] 


140 BAIHAKr. 

Bii Sa'id Mushrif was sent on an expedition against Chakkl^ 
Hindu, to a fort about which no one knew anything. We were 
still on the Jailam, when news arrived of the great E4i and the 
state of the roads to Kashmir, and we were still there when 
intelligence reached us of the death of the Eai of Kashmir, 

The SuUdn takes the fort of Sdnsi.'^ 
On Saturday, the 14th of Safar, the Amir had recovered, and 
held a darbar, and on Tuesday, the 17th, he left the Jailam, and 
arrived at the fort of Hansi on Wednesday the 9th of Eabi'u-1 
awwal, and pitched his camp under the fort, which he invested. 
Fights were constantly taking place in a manner that could not 
be exceeded for their severity. The garrison made desperate 
attempts at defence, and relaxed no effort. In the victorious 
army the slaves of the household behaved very gallantly, and 
such a virgin fort was worthy of their valoyr. At last, mines 
were sprung in five places, and the wall was brought down, and 
the fort was stormed by the sword on Monday, ten days before 
the close of Eabfu-1 awwal. The Brahmans and other higher 
men were slain, and their women and children were carried 
away captive, and all the treasure which was found was divided 
amongst the army. The fort was known in Hindustdn as " The 
Virgin," as no one yet had been able to take it. 

Tlie Sultan Returns to Ghazni.^ 

On Saturday, when five days remained of this month, he left 
Hansi, and returned to Ghaznin on Sunday, the 3rd of 
Jum4da-1 awwal. He came through the pass of Sakawand, 
where so much snow had fallen, that it was beyond all calcula- 
lation. Letters had been sent to to Bu 'Ali, the Kotwal, to send 
out some men to clear the road, and if they had not done so, it 
would have been impossible to pass it. It is all one ravine, like 
a street, from the caravanserai of Muhammad Salmon to the city. 

' In allusion to one of the Chat tribe apparently once so powerful in Kashmir. 
2 [Page 665] 3 [Page 665.] 



For the three last days before entering the city, snow fell uninter- 
ruptedly. Amir Sa'ld, the Kotwdl, the principal inhabitants, 
and others, came out two or three stages to meet him. The 
Amir alighted at the old palace of Mahmud and stayed there 
one week, until the carpets were laid down in the new palace, 
and the decorations for his reception ^ were prepared, when he 
went and remained there. The commanders and officers of the 
garrison of the five forts returned also to Ghaznin. Ever since 
I have served this great family, I have never seen such a winter 
as there was this year at Grhaznin. I am now worn out, for it is 
twenty years that I have been here, but please God ! through 
the munificence of the exalted Sultan Ibrahim, Defender of the 
Faith, (may his dominion last for ever !) I shall again be restored 
to what I was then. 

On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumada-1 awwal, the Amir celebrated 
the festival of New Year's Day, when the lower classes presented 
their offerings, and were received kindly by the Amir. A drink- 
ing bout was also held, in which he repaid himself for his past 
abstinence, for, fi-om the time of his repentance on the Jailam to 
this day, he had drunk nothing. 

Misfortunes in Kliurdsdn and Me.^ 
On Tuesday, the 3rd of Jumada-1 dkhir, very important 
despatches arrived from Khurasan and Ee, stating that during 
his absence the Turkomans, at the beginning of the winter, had 
come down and plundered Tdlikan and Fariyab,^ and misfortunes 
had fallen on other places which it was impossible for the victo- 
rious armies to reach at such a season. All this had befallen on 
account of the Sultan's expedition to Hdnsi. It was beyond 
endurance. Ee itself was in a state of siege. The Amir was 

1 The word used is ,j<il, signiiying " a temporary arch or struotuie, on which 
boughs and flowers are arranged, to celebrate the entry of a Prince into a city. 

3 [Page 666.] 

3 [According to Ibn Haukal, who is followed by Abii-l FidS. and the Mar&sidu-l 
IttilS.', TS.lik&,n is between Merv and .Balkh at three days' journey from Merv. — 
F&.riy&.b is a city west of the Oxus in Juzj4n six days' journey from Balkh. There is 
a Tsiikh&.n in the maps east of Kuuduz, but this is not the place intended.] 

142 BAIHAKr. 

ashamed of his having gone to Hindustan, from which he had 
derived no advantage, for no one can oppose the desires of Grod. 
He ordered answers to be written, telHng his o£B.cers to keep up 
their courage, for as soon as ever the weather was fair, the royal 
standards would advance. 

On Saturday, the middle of this month, Amir Maudud and 
'All the Commander of the forces, came to Grhaznin from Balkh, 
where the minister remained according to order, for he had many 
important matters there to occupy his attention. 

'Ahdu-r Bazzdk appointed Governor of Peshawar.^ 

On Wednesday, the 23rd of Rajah, 'Abdu-r Razzak was in- 
vested with a robe of honour on his appointment to the govern- 
ment of Pershaur^ and received his orders, and ten military^ 
slaves of the household were appointed as his chamberlains. The 
office of preceptor and a khil'at was bestowed on Suhal 'Abdu-1 
Malik, a man admirably adapted for the situation ; he was born 
in the household of Ahmad Mikail, and was a long time in the 
service also of Bu Suhal Hamaduni. The governor departed for 
Pershaur, on Tuesday the 9th of this month, in great state, and 
took with him two hundred slaves. 

Punishment of Hindu Elephant RidersJ^ 

The Amir celebrated the festival of the new year, on Wednesday, 
the 8th of Jumada.1 akhir (430 h., March 10-39 a.d.) On Friday, 
the 10th of this month, news arrived that Ditid had reached Talikan 
with a powerful and well equipped army. On Thursday the 16th 
of this month, further news was received, that he had reached 
Fariyab, and from that had been summoned in haste to Saburkan,^ 
and that plunder and massacre had attended him wherever he 
went. On Saturday, the 18th of this month, ten Turkoman 
horsemen came during the night near the garden of the Sultdn 
for the purpose of plunder, and killed four Hindu foot soldiers, 

[Page 666.] ^ Pesh&war. ^ One copy says " black." [Page 708.] 

5 [" Shibberg&n" of Thornton's Map, west of Balkh. Ibu Haukal's reading seems 
to be " Shabtirk&n." — Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, xxii. p. 186.] 


and retreated to the neighbourhood of Kunduz, where the 
elephants were stabled, and after looking about them intently, 
they found a boy asleep on the neck of an elephant. The Turko- 
mans came up and began to drive the elephant away, the boy 
sleeping all the while, When they had gone as far as a parasang 
beyond the city, they awoke the boy, and threatened to kill him 
if he would not driTe the elephant quickly, which he agreed to 
do. The horsemen rode behind the elephant, brandished their 
spears, and goaded, the animal on. By the morning, they had 
travelled a good distance, and reached Saburkan, where Ddtid 
rewarded the horsemen, and told them to take the animal to 
Naish^ptir. Great discredit was incurred by this affair, for it was 
said — " Is there so much neglect amongst these men that they 
allow an elephant to be driven off?" Next day, it was reported 
to the Amir, who was exceedingly vexed, and severely rebuked 
the drivers, and ordered one hundred thousand dirams, the price 
of the animal, to be recovered from them. Some of the Hindu^ 
elephant-riders were chastised. 

On Monday, the 20th of this month, Alti Salmon, the cham- 
berlain of Daud, arrived with two thousand horsemen at the 
gates of Balkh, encamping at the place, which is called "the 
Infidels' embankment," and plundered two villages, at which the 
Amir was greatly annoyed. 


The Author out of JEnvploy? 

Just now, in the year 451 h. (1059 a.d.) I am residing in my 
own house by command of my exalted master, the most puissant 
Sultdn Abu-1 Muzaffar Ibrahim, (may God lengthen his life and 
protect his friends !) waiting for the period when I may again 
be called before the throne. It is said that a service subject to 
the fluctuations of rising and falling will probably be permanent, 

1 A curious change has occurred in this respect. There are no Hindu elephant- 
riders in the Muhammadan parts of India. They are now almost invariably Saiyids, 
or if not Saiyids, are addressed as " Mir Sihib," for their position is one of honour, 
being seated in front, with their backs to potentates and grandees. ^ [Page S23.] 

144 BAIHAKr. 

but that -which smoothly jogs on is liable on a sudden to incur the 
whims or rancour of one's master. God preserve us from fickle- 
ness and vicissitude ! 

Prince Maudiid proceeds to his Government } 

The Amir (God's satisfaction rest on him !) held an audience, 
and when the minister and nobles had taken their places, Khwaja 
Mas'ud was introduced, and after paying his respects, stood 
before the Amir, who said, — " I have appointed you tutor to my 
son Maudiid. Be on the alert and obey the orders which the 
Khwaja gives you." Mas'ud replied, — " Your slave obeys." 
He then kissed the ground and departed, after being received 
with distinguished honour. He lost not a moment in going to 
Amir Maudud, to whom he was introduced by the same parties 
who presented him at Court. Amir Maudud treated him with 
great kindness, and then Mas'ud went to the house of the minis- 
ter, who received his son-in-law very graciously. 

On Sunday, the tenth of Muharram [432 H. Sept. 1040 A.D.J, 
Amir Maudud, the minister, the chamberlains Badar and Irtigin, 
received each a very valuable khiFat, such as were never re- 
membered to have been given before at any time. They came 
forward, and retired after paying their respects. Amir Maudud 
received two elephants, male and female, a drum and tymbal, and 
other things suited to his rank, and very much more, and the 
others in like manner, and thus their business was brought to a 

On Tuesday, the 12th of the month, the Amir went to the 
Firozi Garden, and sat in the green pavilion, on the Golden 
Plain. That edifice was not then as it is now. A sumptuous 
feast was ordered to be prepared, and messes of pottage were 
placed round. The Amir Maudud and the minister came and 
sat down, and the army passed in review before them. First 
passed the star of Amir Maudud, the canopy, flaunting stan- 
dards, and two hundred slaves of the household, with jackets of 
1 [Page 823.] 


mail and spears, and many led horses and camels, and infantry 
"with their banners displayed, and a hundred and seventy slaves 
fully armed and equipped, with all their stars borne before them. 
After them came Irtigin the chamberlain, and his slaves, amount- 
ing to eighty. After thera followed the military slaves of the 
household, amounting to fifty, preceded by twenty officers beau- 
tifully accoutred, with many led horses and camels. After them 
came some other officers gaily decorated, until all had passed. 

It was now near mid-day prayer, when the Amir ordered his 
son, the minister, the chief chamberlain Irtigin, and the officers 
to sit down to the feast. He himself sat down, and ate bread, 
and then they all took their leave, and departed. " It was the 
last time they looked on that king (God's mercy on him I)" 

The Sultan has a Drinking Party} 
After their departure, the Amir said to 'Abdu-r Eazz^k : — 
" What say you, shall we drink a little wine?" He replied : — 
" When can we better drink than on such a day as this, when 
my lord is happy, and my lord's son has attained his wish, and 
departed with the minister and officers : especially after eating 
such a dinner as this?" The Amir said, — "Let us commence 
without ceremony, for we have come into the country, and we 
will drink in the Firozi Garden." Accordingly much wine was 
brought immediately from the Pavilion into the garden, and fifty 
goblets and flagons were placed in the middle of a small tent. 
The goblets were sent round and the Amir said : — " Let us keep 
fair measure, and fill the cups evenly, in order that there may 
be no unfairness." Each goblet contained half a man. They 
began to get jolly, and the minstrels sang. Bii-l Hasan drank 
five goblets, his head was affected at the sixth, he lost his senses 
at the seventh, and began to vomit at the eighth, when the ser- 
vants carried him off. Bu-1 'Ala, the physician, dropped his 
head at the fifth cup, and he also was carried off. Khalil Ddud 
drank ten ; Siyabiruz nine ; and both were borne away to the 
1 [Page 825.] 

VOL. II. 10 


Hill of Dailaman. Bu Na'im drank twelve, and ran off. Daud 
Maimandi fell down drunk, and the sinsers and buffoons all rolled 

' o 

off tipsy, when the Sultan and Khwaja 'Abdu-r Eazzak alone 
remained. When the Khwaja had drunk eighteen cups, he made 
his obeisance and prepared to go, saying to the Amir, — " If you 
give your slave any more, he will lose his respect for your 
majesty, as well as his own wits." The Amir laughed and gave 
him leave to go ; when he got up and departed in a most respectful 
manner. After this, the Amir kept on drinking and enjoying 
himself. He drank twenty-seven full goblets of half a man each. 
He then arose, called for a basin of water and his praying carpet, 
washed his face, and read the mid-day prayers as well as the 
afternoon ones, and so acquitted himself, that you would have 
said he had not drunk a single cup. He then got on an elephant 
and returned to the palace. I witnessed the whole of this scene 
with mine own eyes — I, Abu-1 Fazl. 

On the 19th, Bu 'Ali Kotwal left Ghaznin with a strong army 
on an expedition against the Khilj, who had been very turbulent 
during the Amir's absence, and he was ordered to bring them to 
terms, or attack them. 

Bit Suhal Hamadiini} 

After the departure of the minister, all State business was 
referred to Bu Suhal Hamaduni, who had an exceeding aversion 
to the work, and avoided giving his own opinion by referring 
everything to the minister. He called on me at every private 
audience and consultation, to testify what the objections of the 
minister were, for I was present at all of them. He carried his 
dislike to the administrative business so far, and he was so hesi- 
tating in his opinion, that one day, at a private audience, when 
I was present standing, the Amir said, — " The country of Balkh 
and Tukh4rist4n should be given to Portigin, that he may go 
there with the army of M4warau-n Nahr and fight against the 
Turkomans." Bu Suhal replied : — " It would be proper to 

1 [Page 826.] 

TAErKHU-S SUBtrXTierN. 147 

address the minister on this subject." The Amir said: "You 
throw off everything upon him, and his sentiments are well 
known on the subject." He then directed me on the spot to 
write the orders and letters, and sealed them, saying: "Tou 
must give them to a horseman to dehver." I said, " I obey." 
Bu Suhal then said: "It certainly would be right to send the 
horseman to the minister first, and to hold back the order so that 
he may send it off." I agreed, and went away. It was then 
written to the great Khwaja, that the Sultan had given such and 
such foolish commands, and that the Khwaja knew best what 
orders to issue. Bu Suhal told me that his intention was to 
relieve himself of responsibility, as he could not participate in 
such injudicious counsels and sentiments. I wrote in cypher to 
the minister, and told him all that had happened, and the horse- 
man was despatched. When he reached the Khwaja, the 
Khw&ja detained him as well as the order, since he considered it 
injudicious, and he sent me a sealed answer by the hands of 
the Sikkadar, or seal-bearer. 

Reception of Prince Muhammad and his Sons} 

On Monday, the 1st of Safar, Prince Yazdyar came from 
Naghar^ to Ghaznin, had an interview with the Amir, and re- 
turned. During the night Amir Muhammad was brought from 
the fort of Naghar, accompanied by this prince, and was carried 
to the fort of Ghaznin, and Sankoi, the chief jailer, was ap- 
pointed to guard him. The four sons of Muhammad, who also 
were brought away with him, namely, Ahmad, 'Abdu-r Rahman, 
'Umar, and 'Usman, were placed in the Green Pavilion in the 
Firozi garden. 

Next day, the Amir drank wine from early morning, and 
about breakfast time sent for me and said : "Go quietly to the 

1 [Page 826.] 

2 [Sir H. Elliot read the name " Naghz " and the Mardsidu-l Ittild' gives this as 
the name of a city in Sind ; but the printed text has " Naghar," which probably 
means the fort of Nagarkot.] 

148 BAIHAKr. 

sons of Muhammad, and engage them by strong oaths to re- 
main faithful to me, and to offer no opposition. Take great care 
in this business, and after you have accomplished this, affect 
their hearts warmly in my favour, and order robes of honour to 
be put on them. Do you then return to me, when I will send 
the son of Sankol to bring them to the apartments prepared for 
them in the ShS,rist4n." ^ 

I went to the Green Pavilion in the Firozi Garden, whjere 
they were. Each of them had on a coarse old cotton garment, 
and was in low spirits. When I delivered my message, they fell 
on the ground and were extravagantly delighted. I wrote out 
the oaths binding them to allegiance, which they read out aloud, 
and after subscribing their names, they delivered the document 
to me. The robes were then brought, consisting of valuable 
frocks of Saklattin^ of various colours, and turbans of fine linen, 
wlych they put on within their apartment, and then they came 
out with red boots on, and sat down. Valuable horses were 
also brought forward with golden caparisons. 

I returned to the Amir, and told him what had transpired. 
He said : " Write a letter to my brother, and tell him I have 
done such and such things respecting his sons. I have enlisted 
them in my service, and mean to keep them near me, that they 
may come into my views, and that I may marry them to my 
children who have their heads covered (daughters), in order 
that our reconciliation may be evident." He addressed him as 
" the Amir, my illustrious Brother." When the letter was 
written, he put his seal to it, and gave it to Sankoi, saying : 
"Send it to your son," which he promised to do. 

!Next day, the nephews of the Sultan came with their turbans 
on, and paid their respects, when the Amir sent them to the 
wardrobe chamber, that they might be clothed with golden frocks, 
caps with four feathers, and golden waistbands. Valuable horses, 
one thousand dinars, and twenty pieces of cloth, were presented 

1 A suburban villa. 

''■ Usually translated as " scarlet cloth," being the origin of our word " scarlet ;" 
but this cannot be correct here, as the SaklEitiiu is described as of various colours. 


to each, and they returned to their apartments. An agent was 
appointed to attend them, and pensions were assigned to them. 
They came twice every day, and once at night, to pay their 
respects. Hurra-i Grauhar was at once betrothed to Amir Ahmad, 
preparatory to the betrothal of the others ; but the nuptials 
were not then celebrated. 

The Sultan determines to go to Hindustan. — His Perverseness. — 
The Consultation of the Nobles. — The Author's Concern in these 

Orders were despatched with the utmost secrecy to the con- 
fidential servants of the Amir, to pack up everything he had at 
Ghaznin — gold, and dirhams, and robes, and jewels, and other 
property, and the work was commenced on. He sent a message 
to his mother, sisters, daughters, aunts, and freed slaves, to pre- 
pare themselves for a journey to Hindustan, and to leave nothing 
behind at Ghaznin on which they might set their hearts. They 
had to set all in order for that purpose, whether they would or 
no. They asked Hurra Khutali, the mother of the Sultan, to 
interpose in the matter, but she replied, that any one who wished 
to fall into the hands of the enemy might remain behind at 
Ghaznin ; so no one dared to say a word. The Amir began to 
distribute the camels, and passed the greater part of the day in 
private audience with Mansur Mustaufi on the subject of pro- 
viding camels for his great treasures, his officers, and his army. 
They asked me privately — " "What is all this about ?" but no 
one dared say a word. 

One day, Bu Suhal Hamadtini and Bii-l Kasim Kasir said, — 
" The minister should be consulted on this matter, and some one 
should be deputed to call him back ;" but no one would take the 
initiative in writing to him, so long as he was absent from the 
Amir. It so happened, that, next day, the Arair ordered a letter 
to be despatched to the minister, telling him "I have deter- 

1 [Page 828.] 

150 BAIHAXr. 

mined to go to Hindustan, and pass the winter in Waihind, and 
Marmindra, and Barshiir (Peshawar) and Kiri, and to take up my 
quarters in those parts away from the capital. It is proper that you 
should remain where you are, till I arrive at Barshur and a letter 
reaches you, when you must go to Tukharistan, and remain 
there during the winter, or even go to Balkh if you can, to over- 
throw my enemies." This letter was written and despatched. 
I wrote at the same time, in cypher, a full explanation how my 
master was alarmed at the mere anticipation of dang^, and 
would not draw rein till he reached Lahore, for that letters 
had privately been despatched there to prepare everything for 
his reception, and that it appeared to me that he would not rest 
even at Lahore ; that none of the ladies of the household were 
left at Grhaznin, nor any of the treasure, and that the officers and 
army which were left had neither hand nor foot to use, and were 
in great alarm ; that the hopes of all rested on him, the great 
Khwdja ; that he should take every care to oppose this dangerous 
resolution, and that he should write distinctly, as he could act 
with very much greater eifect than we could to prevent the mis- 
chief. To the officers also I wrote in cypher such and such 
things, and I gaid — " We are all here of the very same opinion. 
Please God ! that sage old adviser, the minister, will write a 
reply at length, and rouse our king from his lethargy." 

I received an answer to this letter, and, praised be Grod ! it was 
written in terms awfully plain,^ and the minister discharged every 
arrow from his qttiver. He said distinctly, — " If my lord 
departs from the capital, the enemy will fight at the very gates 
of Balkh, and your majesty will not be able to enter the city, 
for the people are already so ill-disposed, that they are leaving 
the city and fighting against us. If your majesty gives orders, 
your slave will go and drive the enemy from those parts. Why 
should my lord go towards Hindustan ? He should remain this 
winter at Ghaznin, for, God be praised ! there is no cause for 

' [_" SuJchanhde haul" — a curious anticipation of the English school-boy's use of 
the word " awful."] 


alarm, as your slave has despatched Portigfn against this people, 
and he will arrive shortly. Know of a surety, that if my lord 
goes to Hindustan with the ladies of the household and treasure, 
when the news gets abroad amongst friends and enemies, 
calamity will befal him, for every one is desirous of increasing 
his own power. Besides, I have no such confidence in the 
Hindus, as to trust my lord's ladies and treasures to their 
land. I have no very high opinion of the fidelity of the Hindus, 
and what confidence has my lord in his other servants, that he 
should show his treasure to them in the desert ? My lord has 
already seen the result of his excessive obstinacy, and this opinion 
of his obstinate disposition is entertained by all. But if, which 
Grod forbid ! he should depart, the hearts of his subjects will be 
broken. His slave has given this advice, and discharged the 
obligations of gratitude and relieved himself of further responsi- 
bility. My lord can do as he sees best." 

When the Amir had read this address, he immediately said 
to me, — " This man has become a dotard, and does not know 
what he says. Write an answer and say, ' that is right which I 
have determined on. I am ready to acknowledge that you have 
written according to the dictates of affection for me, but you 
must wait for further orders, which will explain my resolution ; 
for that which I see you cannot see.' " 

The answer was written, and when all knew it, they sorrowed 
without hope, and began to prepare for their departure. Bu 'Ali 
Kotwal returned from the Khilj^ expedition, having adjusted 
matters. On Monday, the 1st of Eabi'u-1 Awwal he had an 
interview with the Amir, was kindly received, and returned. 

Next day, he had a private audience with the Amir; they read 
mid-day prayers, and it was soon learnt that the Amir had made 
over to him the city, fort, and environs of Ghaznin. He said : 
" I will return by the spring. Take great care that no evil 

1 The original says " Balkh," but " Khilj " must be meant, as it was before repre- 
sented that the KotwSil was sent against that people. The Amir as well as the 
minister have already spoken about sending Portigin to Balkh. 

162 BAIHASr. 

befals the city, for my son Maudud, the minister, and a large 
army, will be away. Whatever may happen during the winter, 
in the spring I will settle the matter in another fashion. The 
astrologers have declared that my star is not propitious during 
this winter." The Kotw^l replied, " To secure the ladies and 
treasure in strong forts is preferable to carrying them into the 
plains of Hindustan." The Amir rejoined, — " I have deter- 
mined that they shall remain with me, and may Almighty 
God grant us all peace, welfare, and success during this journey!" 
He then went away. 

At the time of afternoon prayers, the officers of the army went 
and sat with the Kotwal, and held a long conversation, but it 
was of no avail. God only knew the secret of what was to 
happen. They said, — " To-morrow we will throw the stone 
again, and see what will come of it." The Kotwal observed, 
" Although there is no use in it, and it is very vexatious to the. 
Amir, yet it will be proper to make another attempt." 

Next day, the Amir held a private audience after the Darbar 
with Mansur Mustaufi, and said he still wanted several camels 
to enable him to go, but they were not procurable, and he was 
much vexed at it. The chiefs came to the Darbar, and 'Abdu-1 
Jalil the son of Khwaja 'Abdu-r Eazzak sat amongst them and 
said, — " I cannot stay to hear any ridiculous suggestions," and 
went away. 

They then came down to the Iron Gate and sat in the room 
with four projecting windows, and sent to me to say, they had a 
message for the Sultan, which I was to deliver quickly. I went 
and found the Amir sitting in his winter apartment, alone with 
Mansur Mustaufi, and .A^gh^ji at the door. I sent in to an- 
nounce my arrival, and the Amir said, " I know he has brought 
a formidable remonstrance ; let him come in and tell me." I 
came back to them, and said, " A holy man tells no lies to his 
lord, yet, though he never heard my message, he said you have 
brought a handful of nonsense." They said, " We must at any 
rate cast this responsibility from our own shoulders." So they 


stood and dictated a long message to me, to the same effect as 
the minister had written, and even plainer. I said, " I have not 
ability sufi&cient to remember every particular in the order in 
which you dictate 5 it is better that you should write, for when 
it is written, he must necessarily read the whole." They said, 
" You have spoken well." So I took a pen, and wrote most 
fully, while they stood by suggesting improvements. They then 
wrote their signatures at the bottom, attesting that this was 
their message. 

I took it to the Amir and stood while he read it over twice, 
deliberately. He then said, — " Should the enemy make their 
appearance here, let Bu-1 Kasim Kasir give up to them the wealth 
he has, and he may obtain from them the appointment of 'Ariz. 
Let Bii Suhal Hamaduni, who also has wealth, do likewise, and 
he may be appointed minister. Tahir Bu-1 Hasan, in like man- 
ner. I am doing what is right in my own estimation. You 
may return and deliver this short reply." 

So I came, and repeated all that I heard, when all were thrown 
into despair and distraction. The Kotwal said : — " What did 
he say about me?" I replied, " I declare to Grod that he said 
nothing about you." So they arose, saying : " We have done 
all that we were bound to do, we have nothing further to ad- 
vance," and departed. Four days subsequent, the Amir com- 
menced his march. 

Now this volume has been brought to a conclusion. Up to this 
I have written the history of the king's going towards Hindustan, 
and there I have stopped, in order that I might commence the 
tenth volume with an account of Khwarizm and the Jabbdl, com- 
plete up to this date, and in the mode in which history requires. 
After I have completed that, I will return to the account of the 
king's journey to Hindustan down to the end of his life : please 

Beginning of the Tenth Volume} 

At the end of the ninth volume I brought the history of 
1 [Page 832.] 

154 BAIHAKr. 

Amir Mas'iid down to that period when he had completed his 
arrangements for proceeding to Hindustan four days after the 
interview, and there I ended the volume. I begin the tenth 
with an account of Khwdrizm, Ee and the Jabbdl, and Bu Suhal 
Hamaduni, and the period of his family's residence here, and their 
departure, and of my being appointed to the Government of 
Khwarizm, and of my losing it and going to Re, and of Altun- 
tash. All this I will mention, to make my history complete. 
After I have performed this task, I will revert to the history of 
this king, giving an account of those four days down to the end 
of his life, of which but little then remained. 

I will now commence these two chapters replete with wonders 
and marvels. Let wise men reflect upon this, and be well as- 
sured that man by mere labour and exertion, notwithstanding 
that he has property, armies, and military stores, can succeed in 
nothing without the aid of Almighty God. In what was Amir 
Mas'ud deficient in all the appurtenances of a king? — Pomp, 
servants, officers of State, lords of the sword and pen, countless 
armies, elephants and camels in abundance, an overflowing trea- 
sury, were all his, but destiny decided that he should live a reign 
of pain and vexation, and that Khurasan, Khwarizm, .Re, and the 
Jabbal should depart from his hands. What could he do but be 
patient and resigned to the decree, that " man has no power to 
strive against fate." This prince made every exertion and col- 
lected large armies. Notwithstanding that he was exceedingly 
independent of the opinion of others, and passed sleepless nights 
in contemplating his schemes, yet his affairs were ruined, because 
the Mighty God had decreed from all eternity that Khur^sdn 
should be inevitably lost to him, as I have already described, and 
Khwdrizm, Re and the Jabb41 in like manner, as I shall shortly 
relate, in order that this truth may be fully established. God 
knows what is best ! 





[The full title of this work is Jawdmi'u-1 Hik^yat wa Lawd- 
mi'u-l Riwaydt, " Collections of Stories and Illustrations of His- 
tories," but it is commonly known by the shorter title prefixed to 
this article. The author was Maulan^ Nuru-d din Muhammad 
'l/fi, who lived during the reign of Shamsu-d din Altamsh, to 
whose minister, Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Abu Sa'id 
Junaidi, the book is dedicated. In one of his stories he states 
that his tutor was Ruknu-d din Im^m, and that he attended the 
Madrasa in Bukhdr4, from which it may be inferred that he was 
born in or near that city. It would appear also that he was a 
traveller, for he speaks in different places of the time when he 
was in Cambay, and of when he was in Khwarizm. 

In the Preface of the work he relates in very inflated language 
the defeat of N4siru-d din Kubdcha by Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi 
and his subsequent suicide. It does not exactly appear what 
part the author took in this transaction, but he distinctly says 
that he was besieged in the 'fort of Bhakkar with Nasiru-d din, 
and he was evidently well acquainted with all the details. A 
short abstract of this account will be given at the end of the 
historical extracts. 

The work may shortly be described as a Eomance of History. 
It bears much the same relation to the history of India and 
Central Asia as the " Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus" bear to 
the History of Rome. Gen. Briggs (Firishta I. 23 and 212) 


describes it as " a collection of historical stories and anecdotes 
illustrative of the virtues, vices, and calamities of mankind, but 
more useful in commemorating the prevailing opinions of con- 
temporaries than as a source of authenticity." This estimate of 
the work is somewhat tempered by the remarks of Mr. Thomas 
(Prinsep I. 37,) who says, " the compiler of a succession of tales 
does not ordinarily carry the weight that belongs to the writer 
of history ; and favourite oriental legends, as is well known, are 
suited from time to time with many and various heroes, but the 
author of the Jdmi'u-1 Hikayat is something better than a mere 
story-teller and his residence at Dehli under Altarash (a.h. 607, 
A.D. 1211) gave him advantages in sifting Indian legends of no 
mean order." Many of the stories which are here recorded of 
historical persons have no doubt a foundation of fact, but some of 
them have certainly been amplified and embellished to make them 
more agreeable reading. Thus the story about the miraculous 
spring of water which is said to be quoted from 'Utbi enters into 
details which are not to be found in the original relation {supra 
p. 20.) 

The work is divided into four Kisms or parts, each con- 
taining twenty-five chapters, but the first part is the longest and 
comprises about half the work. The first five chapters are de- 
voted respectively to (1) Attributes of the Creator, (2) Miracles 
of the Prophets, (3) Marvellous Stories of the Saints, (4) Anec- 
dotes of the Kings of Persia, and (5) Anecdotes of the Khalifas. 
The next chapter is upon Justice, and all the rest are similarly 
devoted to the illustration of some moral or intellectual quality. 
This arrangement, however well adapted to accomplish the object 
of the author, is particularly perplexing to those who are seeking 
for historical or biographical notices, and a long and laborious 
search is necessary to find any anecdote which has not been care- 
fully noted down. The extracts which follow have therefore 
been arranged in something like chronological sequence, but the 
chapters from which they are taken are always specified so as to 
make easy a reference to the original. 


A great number of difFerent books are mentioned as the sources 
from which the stories have been derived. Among them are the 
Tarikh Yamini, Tarikh-i Nasiri, Tarikh-i Muluk-i 'Ajam, 
Tarikhu-1 'Abbas, Majma'u-1 Amsal, 'Ainu-1 Akhbar, Sharfu-n 
Nabi, Faraj b'ada-l Shiddat, Khalku-1 Ins^n, Fawaid-i Kutb-i 
Hikaydti, Miftahu-1 Hajj,Sarru-lUari, Shajratu-l 'Akl, Aklibar-i 
Bardmika, etc. 

The work has been a popular one, and has served as a mine 
from which many subsequent writers have drawn largely. Haji 
Khalfa notices three difFerent Turkish versions, and one of these 
has been described by Hammer-Purgstall. 

Besides the Jami'u-1 Hikdydt the author produced a Persian 
Tazkira, bearing the title " Lubabu-1 Alb^b," which is, however, 
more of an Anthology than a Biography. 

Copies of the Jami'u-1 Hikayat are not uncommon. Sir H. 
Elliot used in India two large folio MSS., one containing 850, 
and the other 1000 pages. There is a fine copy in the East 
India Library. The Editor has had three large MSS. for use 
and reference. One fine perfect copy in Naskh characters be- 
longing to Mr. H. T. Prinsep, size, 16 x 11 inches ; another 
in folio belonging to the late Raja Ratan Sing, of Bareilly, in 
which the third Kism is deficient, and lastly, a MS. which for- 
merly belonged to Eanjit Singh and is now the property of Mr. 
Thomas. This last contains only the first two Kisms, but as far 
as it o'oes it is fuller and more accurate than the others. The 
different copies vary considerably in the number of stories.^ 

Stratagem of the Minister of King Fur of Hind. 
[Eism I. Bab jaii. Hik&yat 46.] 

It is related in the books of the people of Hind that when Fiir 
the Hindu succeeded to the throne of Hindustan, he brought the 
country under his rule, and the Kdis made submission to him. 

I See Ha.jl Khalfa II. 510; Eampoldi VI. 485, 514, XI. 185; Gemaldesaal II, 
Uiet passim; Assassins, 221, Goldene Horde XXVII ; Firishta I. 23, 212, IV. 420 ; 
Jahrbuclier, No. 70. 


He had a minister exceedingly clever and intelligent, unequalled 
in ability and unsurpassed in ingenuity. This minister main- 
tained a firm government and made himself most valuable to his 
master. Under him the power of the Brahmans was curtailed 
and their mummeries unheeded ; hence they hated him, and con- 
spired to overthrow him. They at length resolved to write a 
letter to Fur in the name of the deceased Rai to this efifect : — 
" I am very happy where I am, and the affairs of my State are 
well administered, still I am distressed for the want of my 
minister, for I have no one like him to confer with, — you must 
send him to me." They sealed this with the royal signet, and 
gave it to one of the king''s personal attendants, with directions 
to place it on his pillow while he was asleep. When the king 
awoke, he saw the letter, and having read it he sent for his 
minister and showed it to him, telling him that he must prepare 
for a journey to the next world. The minister evinced no re- 
pugnance, but expressed his willingness to go. He knew full well 
that the dead cannot write, and that they have no power to send 
letters and messengers, so he felt assured that this was a plot of 
the Brahmans. He said to the King, " Grant me one month 
that I may malce preparation for my departure — to satisfy my 
enemies, redress some injuries, and bestow a few gifts and offer- 
ings on the meritorious, so that I m~ay depart in peace." The 
King granted the respite. The minister then had a large hole 
dug in the open ground, and all around it he had quantities of 
firewood placed. He then had a tunnel dug from his house to 
this hole, and made its outlet immediately under the firewood. 
When all things were ready, the minister took leave of his master, 
who gave him a letter addressed to his father saying, " Accord- 
ing to your command, I have sent my minister, and I am now 
awaiting further directions from you, for I will do whatever you 
desire." The King proceeded to the appointed place, the 
minister placed himself under the firewood, and the Brahmans 
set fire to it. The minister then went through the tunnel to his 
home, and remained closely concealed there for four months. At 


the end of that time, he one night sent information to the King 
that his minister had returned from the other world. The King 
was amazed, but the minister waited upon him, and kissing the 
ground, presented a letter written in the language of the King's 
father, which said, "You sent me the minister in compliance 
with my direction, and I am greatly obliged ; still I know that 
your kingdom is going to ruin without him, and that all the 
affairs of State are in confusion, so I seni«him back to you, and 
make this request, that you will despatch the Brahmans to me, 
so that I may be at peace and your throne may receive no injury 
from them." When the King had read this, he called the Brah- 
mans before him and made known to them the communication 
he had received. They were greatly alarmed, and saw that it 
was all a trick of the minister's, but as they were unable to ex- 
pose it, they were all burnt. 

. Mai Shankal and Bahrdm Gur. 

[I. IT. 16.] 

When Bahram resumed the government, and again exercised 
a beneficial influence over his subjects, he desired to examine the 
country of Hindustan, and bring it under subjection. So he 
placed his army and country in charge of his brother Zasi, and 
clothing himself in the garb of a merchant he went toHindustdn. 
At that time the Edi of Hind was named Shankal, who in 
dio-nity and prosperity, in territories, treasures, and armies, ex- 
celled all the other Edis. 

Bahrdm arrived in his territory, and made himself acquainted 
with all its affairs. It happened that at this time a huge elephant 
made its appearance in the forest without the city, and so dis- 
tressed the people that all traffic on the road was put a stop to. 
The King's men were unable to prevent this, but Bahrdm went 
out against it, and, single-handed, killed it. This exploit being 
reported to the Rdi, he called Bahram before him, and asked 
him who he was, whence he had come, and for what reason he 
had hitherto kept aloof from him. These questions Bahrdm 


answered by saying that he was a native of trin, that he had 
fled thence to save his life, which had been attempted by the 
king of that country, who for some reason had become inimical 
to him. On hearing this, Shankal treated him with great kind- 
ness and received him into his especial favour. Bahram re- 
mained in attendance upon Shankal, until shortly after a power- 
ful enemy rose up against and threatened the Rdi, who, deeming 
himself not sufficierrtly strong to hold his own, wished to sub- 
mit to, and become a tributary of his invader. This, however, 
Bahram would not hear of, but, putting himself at the head 
of an army, expelled the enemy. This feat made his courage 
famous throughout Hindustan, and Rai Shankal, having wit- 
nessed his valour, and how by his aid the enemy had been over- 
thrown, loaded him with honours. One day, Bahram was 
drinking wine in the company of the Eai, and having become 
intoxicated, blurted out the following Persian verses : — 

' " I am that ferocious lion ; I am that huge elephant ; 
My name is Bahram Giir, and my patronymic Biijabala," ^ 

Shankal heard this, and becoming aware that his friend was 
Bahram, he rose up, and leading him into the presence chamber, 
and kissing the ground before him, excused himself for his 
apparent neglect, saying, " though greatness is depicted in 
your countenance, yet I, through my blind folly, have hitherto 
been wanting in the respect due to so exalted a character. I 
stand before you stupified, and shall ever bless my fate, if you 
will but condescend to take up your abode at my residence, and 
grace my poor house with your august presence. I am altogether 
and devotedly at your service. Tour orders shall be my law, 
even should you command me to leave my kingdom and become 
an exile." 

Bahrdm answered, "You have nothing to reproach yourself 
for ; you have invariably treated me with the greatest kindness 
and hospitality, and have done all, nay, more than all, that could 

' The Huddilcu-l Saldghat and the Majma'u-s \Sandya say that this was the first 
verse composed in the Persian language. 


be expected. One request I would make of you. You have in 
your harem a daughter, whose beauty outshines the sun, and 
whose figure shames the cypress. Give her to me, by so doing 
our friendship will be more strongly cemented, and you will have 
laid me under the deepest obligation to you." 

Shankal promptly complied, and gave him his daughter in 
marriage, and many gifts and presents. He also made such mag- 
nificent preparations for the ceremony, that they became the topic 
of conversation amongst all people. Bahram, protected by the 
prestige of his name, returned to I'rAn. His army and subjects 
came forth to meet him, and celebrated the joyous occasion by 
sacrificial offerings, almsgiving, and every sort of festivity. 
Bahrdm, gratified by the delight his subjects showed on his 
return, gave orders that the taxes of seven years should be 
refunded to them, and that for the ensuing seven years, all busi- 
ness should be set aside, and the people should give themselves 
up to complete ease and pleasure. 

Accordingly, all devoted themselves to the pursuit of pleasure, 
and neglected their professions, and trade, and farming ; in con- 
sequence of which, an utter stagnation of all commerce ensued. 
No grain was grown — a dearth followed, and the condition of the 
people was altogether changed. On seeing this, Balir4m directed 
that the people should divide the day into two portions, — the 
first half was to be spent in work and business, and the other 
half in ease and enjoyment. This arrangement being carried out, 
the time flew by with lightning speed. 

The Solis of Persia. 
[I. iv. 17.] 
Bahram Gur, while out hunting, observed a party of shop- 
keepers diverting themselves in the evening with drinking in a 
boat without musicians. He asked them why they had no min- 
strels, and they replied that his Majesty's reign was a happy 
one for musicians, who were in great demand, and could not be 
obtained even for a high price. They themselves had offered 

VOL. II. 11 


100 dirhams, but could not get one. Bahr^m said he would con- 
sider the matter and provide for their pleasure, so when he got 
home he wrote oiF to Shankal requesting him to send a supply of 
them. Shankal accordingly sent 1000 sweet-voiced minstrels 
to Persia, there to dwell and multiply. The present Solis are 
descended from the colony which came over upon this invitation.^ 

Anecdote of Kisrd? 
[IV. X. 5.] 
It is related that when Kisra (Naushfrwan) became king and 
inherited vast possessions, he sent an ojfficer to Hindustan,^ en- 
trusting hiin with the government of that country, and told him 
that he should rule with equity over the subjects and not distress 
them by tyranny and injustice, for until the people were made 
happy, the country could not be populated and his fame would 
never spread itself over the world. The first object in becoming 
a king is to obtain a good name. The officer promised to observe 
these precepts, and accordingly marched towards Hindustan. 
He had no sooner reached its borders, than he taxed the subjects 
and demanded one year's revenue from them. He exacted from 
them one-tenth of their property, and the people finding it too 
heavy for them to pay, objected, saying that the former kings 
had exempted them from such a payment, and they could not 
submit to such a rule. They therefore consulted with each other, 
and addressed a petition to Kisra, containing a full representation 
of the case. Kisra consequently ordered that it was but proper 
for them to follow the customs and rules of their forefathers, and 
any others ought not to be introduced. 

Bdi Jai Sing of Nahrwdla. 
[I. vi. 2.] 

Muhammad 'U'fi, the compiler of this work, observes that he 
never heard a story to be compared with this. He had once been 

• The same assertion is raade in the Tabakdt-i Misii-l. 

2 [I have not found tliis story in either of the MSS. that I have used. — Ed.] 

3 Another copy reads Taharistin. 


in Kambdyat (Carnbay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in 
which, a number of Sunnis, who were religious, faithful, and 
charitable, resided. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of 
Guzerdt and Nahrwala, was a body of Fire-worshippers as well as 
the congregation of Musulmdns. In the reign of a king named. 
Jai Singh, there was a mosque, and a minaret from which the 
summons to prayer was cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated 
the infidels to attack the Musulmans, and the minaret was 
destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eighty Musulmdns were killed. 
A certain Muhammadan, a khatlb, or reader of the khutba, by 
name Khatlb 'Ali, escaped, and fled to Nahrwdla. None of the 
courtiers of the Rai paid any attention to him, or rendered him 
any assistance, each one being desirous to screen those of his own 
persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Rdi was going out 
to hunt, Khatlb 'Ali sat down behind a tree in the forest and 
awaited the Eai's coming. When the E4i had reached the spot, 
Khatlb 'All stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and 
listen to his complaint. He then placed in his hand a kasida, 
which he had composed in Hindi verse, stating the whole case. 
The Rai having heard the complaint, placed Khatib 'All under 
charge of a servant, ordering him to take the greatest care of him, 
and to produce him in Court when required to do so. The Rdi 
then returned, and having called his minister, made over tem- 
porary charge of the Government to him, stating that he 
intended to seclude himself for three days from public business 
in his harem, daring which seclusion he desired to be left un- 
molested. That night Rai Jai Sing, having mounted a drome- 
dary, started from Nahrwdla for Kambayat, and accomplished 
the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. 
Having disguised himself by putting on a tradesman's dress, he 
entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places in 
the market place, making enquiries as to the truth of Khatib 
'All's complaint. He then learnt that the Muhammadans were 
oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. 
Having thus learnt the truth of the case, he filled a vessel with 


sea water, and returned to Nahrwdla, which he entered on the 
third night from his departure. The next day he held a court, 
and summoning all complainants he directed the Khatib to 
relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of 
the infidels wished to intimidate him and Msify his statement. 
On this the E4i ordered his water carrier to give the water pot 
to them that they might drink from it. Each one on tasting 
found that the vessel contained sea water, and could not drink it. 
The Eai then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit 
confidence in any one, because a difi'erence of religion was in- 
volved in the case ; he had himself therefore gone to Kamb6,yat, 
and having made personal enquiries as to the truth, had learnt 
that the Muhammadans were the victims of tyranny and oppres- 
sion. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects 
were afibrded such protection as would enable them to live in 
peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each 
class of Infidels, JBrahmans, Fire-Worshippers,^ and others, should 
be punished. He gave a lac of Balotras^ to enable them to 
rebuild the mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatib 
four articles of dress.^ These are preserved to this day, but are 
only exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and 
minaret were standing until a few years ago. But when the 
army of Bdld,* invaded Nahrwala, they were destroyed. Sa'id 
Sharaf Tamin rebuilt them at his own expense, and having 
erected four towers, made golden cupolas for them. He left this 
monument of The Faith in the land of Infidels, and it remains to 
this day. 

Sdi Jai Sing of Nahrwala. 
[I. xiii. 15.] 

In the city of Nahrwala there was a Rai who was called Jai 
Sing. He was one of the greatest and wisest princes of the time 

' [^Tarsd. This name is used for Christians and for Fire-worsHppers. It would 
also sometimes seem to be applied to Buddhists.] 

2 These B&lotras appears to derive their name from the B&l&s. 

' \\^Jo jtiJts <ul?- j\ oIlW j-c^jl^^] 

* [One MS. writes this name " Balw^," another " M&lii." — M&lw^.'] 


Before his time there was no E4i in Guzerat and Nahrwdla. 
He was the first man who possessed dominion and claimed sove- 
reignty there. He ruled over the country with great gentle- 
ness, and controlled the other chiefs. "When his fame had 
reached all quarters of the world, the Rdi of Daur,i who was the 
head of all the Eais of Hindustan, heard of him and sent 
ambassadors to ascertain upon what grounds he had assumed 
royalty ; for in former times there was no Eai in JSTahrwdla, 
which had only been a den of thieves, and threatening that if he 
did not relinquish his pretensions he would lead an army against 
him, and hurl the very earth of Gruzerat into the air with the 
hoofs of his horses. When the ambassadors arrived and delivered 
the message, the Rdi showed them the greatest civility and 
hospitality. One night the 'Rii changed his clothes, putting on 
such as were worn by soldiers, and having buckled a sword 
round his waist, he went out and proceeded to the house of a 
courtezan, and having bargained with her, he stayed in her 
house that night, but kept himself under control. When the 
woman was fast asleep, the Eai took away all the clothes and 
property he could find, and buried them in a certain place. He 
then turned homewards, but as he was going along he saw a 
weaver, who was engaged in weaving cotton. He called him and 
said, "If to-morrow you are brought before the Edi, and are 
charged with having committed a theft in the night preceding, 
you first deny it, but afterwards confess and say that you buried 
the property in such and such a place. Eest assured that you 
shall receive no harm, but shall be made happy by my reward." 
Next morning, the Edi mounted an elephant, and the ambassa- 
dors of the Eai of Hind rode out with him, intending to go to 
the forest. When they had gone a little way, the Eai saw the 
courtezan worrying the chief police officer of the city, and saying, 
" Last night my clothes were stolen ; find out who the thieves 

1 Perhaps meant for Dr&vida, or the country of Coramandel ; on which name see 
M. Eeinaud, Mimoire sur I'Inde, p. 284, and Fragments Arabes, pp. 104 and 121. 
Mr. Thomas's MS. reads " Kaur."] 

166 MtTHAMMAD 'UFr. 

were, or make good the loss." The E4i asked what the woman 
was saying, and what she was complaining about. He replied 
that she complained of a man who came to her house in the 
previous night, and consorted with her, and when she was asleep 
stole her clothes. 1 want time to find the thief or the clothes, 
but she will not hear of any delay. The Eai said, " She is 
right. She had only those clothes, and it is your duty to 
be vigilant, and as you have been negligent you must pay the 
penalty." The police officer replied, " It is as the king says ; 
still if a man goes at night to the house of a prostitute and 
carries ofi'her clothes, how am I to blame? I promise, however, 
that if I do not find the thief within a week I will pay the value 
of the things." The Eai replied, " You must find the thief 
instantly, or I will punish you as a warning to others." The 
police officer said it was not in his power to produce him. The 
Edi asked him, "Would you like me to find him?" and the 
poor man replied, " Yes." There was an idol of stone in Nahr- 
wdla resembling a negro. The Eai told the ambassadors that 
this idol was obedient to him. He then made a signal to it, and 
waited a moment, then turning his face towards the ambassadors 
he said, "Do you see this negro?" They said, "We see 
nothing." The Eai then addressed it, saying : " A theft was 
committed last night, and the clothes of a prostitute were stolen ; 
tell me where they are." After a short time he exclaimed, 
" They are buried in such and such a place." People proceeded 
to the spot, and there found the things which had been stolen. 
The police officer said, " If the E^i would be pleased to give the 
necessary directions the thief also might be caught and punished." 
The Edi answered : " The idol says you have recovered the stolen 
goods, what more do you want?" The police officer still pressed 
the point, and the king replied, " The idol says he will direct 
you to the thief if you will promise to pardon him." The officer 
gave the required promise, and the king then said, " The idol 
says that a weaver who dwells in such and such a place was the 
thief." The weaver was brought forward. At first he denied 


the theft, but at length confessed, and told them where he had 
buried the clothes. The ambassadors were surprised at this. 
Some days after, Jai Sing Deo said to the ambassadors, " Go 
and tell your master that I have a slave who, if I give him the 
order would bring your master's head to me in a moment ; but 
as he is a great king, and his territory is a long distance off, I 
will not molest him. If, however, he again shows hostility, he 
shall get the punishment he deserves." The ambassadors re- 
turned and related all the circumstances to their master. The 
E.d.i of Daur was much alarmed, and sent him great presents. 
By this artifice the Rai of Nahrwala gained his purpose, without 
shedding the blood of a single man. 

A Hindu Merchant of Nahrivdla. 
[I. Ti. 12.] 

In the city of Nahrwala there lived a Hindu merchant who 
having deposited nine lacs of Balotras in the hands of a certain 
person, after some time died. The trustee then sent for the 
merchant's son and said, — Your father left with me nine lacs of 
Balotras. The son replied that he knew nothing about it, but 
that there would probably be mention made of the transaction in 
his father's accounts. These he sent for but could find nothing 
about nine lacs ! on this he observed : " Had my father entrusted 
anybody with so large a sum, surely mention would have been 
made of it in his account book ; this not being the case, I cannot 
feel myself justified in taking possession of the money." The 
trustee urged the youth to take the money, but he still refused, 
and the contention grew hot between them. At last they agreed 
to refer the matter to the arbitration of Eai Jai Sing Deo, who 
gave it as his opinion, that since the two could not agree as to 
the disposal of the money, it was advisable that it should be ex- 
pended on some work of lasting utility, so that the real owner 
would reap the reward of virtue and charity. Accordingly, the 
'nine-lac reservoir," the finest in the world, hitherto unsur- 

168 MUHAMMAD 'I/Fr. 

passed by all that tlie cleverest and wisest have executed or 
imagined, was built ; and remains to be seen to this day. 

The Biter Bit. 
[I. vi. 19.] 

A certain Eai of Hind conferred on his brother the chieftain- 
ship of Nahrwala. This brother was of an exceeding cruel and 
wicked disposition. He made counterfeit dirhams and circu- 
lated them in different parts of the country. After the lapse of 
some time, a certain person became acquainted with this dis- 
honest act, and reported it to the E^i, who, on hearing it, sent a 
powerful force which captured and sent this brother to him. 

It happened curiously enough, that this brother had given 
one of his servants some poison with instructions to go and 
seek employment in the Edi's kitchen, and, when opportunity 
offered, to administer some of the poison to the Rdi, in order 
to procure his death, so that he himself might succeed to 
the vacant throne. On his employer's capture and imprison- 
ment, it occurred to this servant that, as things had so fallen 
out, it was advisable that he should inform the Edi of the 
circumstance. So he went to the king and having showed him 
the poison, told him of the plot his brother had laid against 
his life. On hearing this, the EdI returned thanks to Almighty 
God for his great escape, and punished his brother for his in- 
tended crime. Thus by this act of royal justice was he saved 
from assassination, and the fame of his goodness spread abroad 
through all nations. 

Rdi Giirpdl of Nahrwala. 

[I. Yi. 33.] 

The following is one of the mo^t interesting stories relating 
to the people of India. There was a Edi of Nahrwala named 
Gurpdl,! who surpassed all the other rulers in Hindustan in good 

' [This name is so given in the draft translation made in India, and it is written 
" Gurhai" in E&ja Eatan Singh's MS ; but in the other MSS. that I have used it is 
''Alucb^," and "Altidbal."] 


qualities and amiable disposition. Before he had been raised to 
the throne he had passed many of his years in beggary, during 
which period he had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune, 
having shared both its smiles and frowns, and endured all 
the miseries of travel. When he obtained power he exercised 
it with a right appreciation of the duties of a ruler, remembering 
his own days of adversity he afforded full protection and justice 
to his subjects, ruling with impartiality and equity. 

It is said that one day having left the city, he rode into the 
surrounding country on an elephant. While looking about him, 
his eye suddenly fell on the wife of a washerman who was going 
to the jungle to wash clothes. She was dressed in red, and of 
surpassing beauty ; all who beheld her became passionately in 
love with her and lost all control over themselves. ' 

The Rdi overcome by the feelings her beauty excited in his 
heart, turned his elephant towards her and was tempted to let his 
passion get the mastery over his better feelings. Suddenly he 
came to himself, and, restraining his wrongful desires, said, " 
passions you are doing wrong, beware. Good never comes to him 
who does ill." He then turned back filled with remorse, and 
assembling all the Brahmans, he ordered them to prepare fuel, 
declaring his intention of burning himself alive. The Brahmans 
asked him what sin he had committed. He then told them of 
the wicked desires he had entertained in his heart. The Brah- 
mans having heard his relation, said that they undoubtedly must 
burn him, and that even then the expiation would be incomplete. 
For he was king, and his power supreme ; if he could not restrain 
his passions, then in a short time all the female inhabitants of 
the city would become degraded and all the offspring illegitimate. 
It was right, therefore, that he should immolate himself, and by 
so doing, obtain forgiveness for his sins, and enter into eternal 
life. Wood was then brought, and a funeral pile having been 
made, it was lighted. When it was thoroughly on fire and the 
flames mounted high, then the E4i made preparations to throw 
himself into the midst, but the Brahmans prevented him, saying : 


" The work of expiation is complete, inasmuch as the fault was 

of the mind and not of the body. The innocent should not be 

punished for the guilty, had your body been a participator in the 

crime, then indeed it had been necessary to have burnt it also. 

Your mind has already been punished and purified by fire." 

They then removed the Eal from the pyre, and he in celebration 

of this sacrifice, gave as a thank-offering one lac of Balotras, and 

bestowed large sums in charity. 

" If a king be just, although he he an infidel, 
His country will be secure from all injury and loss." 

March of the King of Zdhulistdn upon Kanaiij?- 

[I. xii. 15.] 

In the early part of their career there was friendship between 
the King of Zabulistan^ and the Eai of Kanauj, but it ended in 
animosity and war. The King of Zabulistan marched against 
Kanauj with a large army. The Eai called together his advisers 
and asked their opinions, when each one spoke to the best of his 
ability. One of them said that he had a decided opinion on the 
matter, but he could only speak it in private. The Eai ordered 
the council chamber to be cleared, when the minister said : " War 
is attended with "reat dangers, and the result is doubtful ; the 
best thing the Eai can do is to inflict punishment upon me and 
to drive me forth in disgrace to the highway, so that when the 
enemy shall approach, I may be taken to act as his guide. I 
will then lead them into the desert so that all may perish with 
thirst, and you will thus be relieved from all apprehension. The 
Edi praised him for the proposition he had made, and a few days 
after he put it in execution, giving orders for him to be expelled 
the country. The Hindu then went and placed himself in the 
way of the King of Z4bulistan, and when the king drew near 
with his army, the Hindu made his case known. The king said 
" How can a minister who has been thus treated have any kind 

' [This is another version of the story told by Abd Eih&n at page 11, supra; and 
a similar one is given with Mahmiid for the hero, at page 191, infra.'] 


feeling towards his persecutor?" The Hindu said, "All this was 
done on the absurd suspicion of my being friendly to you.'" He 
then added, " From this place where you now are to that where 
the Rai is, the distance is eleven days' journey by the desert, but 
no one besides me knows the road, and the Eai feels secure that 
your army cannot make the passage ; if, however, you will assure 
my life and will hold out promises and hopes of reward, I will 
lead you by that way and enable you to take the Rai by sur- 
prise." The king gave orders for his army to provide eleven 
days' provision of grain and water, and plunged into the desert. 
After marching twelve days their water was exhausted, and they 
nowhere found a trace of any. The king called for the Hindu, 
and asked how it was that they had not come to any water. 
He replied : " I have accomplished my object in bringing you 
here, and have discharged my duty to my master. You are now 
in the middle of the desert, and no water is to be found within 
eleven days march — my work is done, do with me as you please." 
A cry arose from the bystanders, and a commotion broke out in 
the army. The king in the extremity of his despair mounted 
his horse and galloped in all directions. He perceived a hillock 
crowned with verdure, and joyfully directed his men to dig a 
well there. When they had sunk about ten yards they came 
upon some excellent water, at the sight of which the king and 
all his army gave thanks to God. Each man dug a well in front 
of his tent, and gained new life. The king then called together 
his elders, and asked what ought to bo done to the man who had 
misled them. They all declared that he ought to be put to 
death with the most cruel tortures, and each one specified some 
particular mode of torture. But the king said, " My judg- 
ment is that you should give him a little water and let him go. 
What he has done has been out of pure devotion to his lord and 
master ; to save him he has risked his own life. He has 
done what he intended, but our good fortune has rendered his 
scheme abortive." So they gave him water and permission to 
depart. The story of this incident spread, and through it the 

172 MtJHAMMAD 'UFr. 

■whole country of Kanauj was secured to him, and the people 
bowed their heads in obedience. 

Edi Kamlu and the Governor of Zdbulistdn?- 
[I. xii. 18.] 

It is related that 'Amru Lais conferred the governorship of 
Z4bulist4n on Fardaghan and sent him there at the head of four 
thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in 
that country, which was called Sakawand,^ and people used to 
come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustan to 
the idols of that place. When Fardaghan arrived in Zabulistan 
he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idols in 
pieces, and overthrew the idolaters. Some of the plunder he 
distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to 'Amru Lais, 
informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements. 

When the news of the fall of Sakawand reached Kamlu,^ who 
was Eai of Hindustan, he collected an innumerable army and 
marched towards Zabulistd,n. Upon hearing of this march, 
Fardao-han secured several Hindus and sent them to Hindustan. 


These men entered the camp of Kamlu and reported to him that 
when Fardaghan had conquered Sakdwand, he immediately 
despatched people to different quarters of the country, calling 
for additional forces, knowing that the Hindu would certainly 
endeavour to take revenge. The result was that an army of 
Muhammadans had been collected around him, such as would 
coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army 
of 'Amru Lais was advancing, with the design of leading their 
antagonists into the defiles and there slaughtering them all. 
When E^i Kamlu heard this intelligence, he halted where he 
was, and was very cautious in his movements. In the mean- 
time, Fardaghan received reinforcements from Khurdsan, such 
that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this in- 
genious device he succeeded in his object. 

1 [The text of tMs story is printed in Thomas' Prinsep, Vol. I. 317.] 
^ "Bah5.wand" in another place. [See sm^™ p. 140.] 
' [Mr. Prinsep's MS. reads " Kalmd."] 


Discovery of Treasure. 
[I. Yi. 11.] 
There is a story to be found in some Hindu works, that a man 
having bought a house from another, began to make alterations 
in it. While prosecuting these he happened to light upon a 
concealed treasure. He took the money to the former owner, 
and said, " I hare discovered this treasure under the wall of the 
house I purchased from you." The man replied — " I sold the 
house just as I bought it, and know nothing about the money. 
I cannot take it, as I do not believe myself to be entitled to it." 
On this they both agreed to go to the king and deliver the trea- 
sure up to him, that he might expend it on some work of public 
utility. Accordingly they went, and having represented the 
whole case, made the money over to the king. On this the king 
exclaimed — " You are people of the middle class, and meddle 
with what does not become you. I am entrusted with the re- 
sponsible duty of managing and adjusting the aifairs of my sub- 
jects, and to me Grod has entrusted the reins of government. 
How can I take this charitable money?" The men replied, 
" You are the king, and we come before you in this difficult case, 
in order that it might be settled by your justice and equity." 
The king then told them to make some marriage arrangement 
between their families. It happened that the seller of the house 
had a daughter, and the purchaser a son, so the daughter of the 
former, with the money in question as dowry, was given in 
marriase to the son of the latter. The king from an innate sense 
of justice, would not suffer the skirt of his robes of equity and 
righteousness to be soiled by the dirt of oppression and dishonesty. 

The Serb which produces Longevity. 
[I. vi. 14.] 

I have read in a book that certain chiefs of Turkistdn sent am- 
bassadors with letters to the kings of India on the following mis- 
sion, viz. : that they, the chiefs, had been informed that in India 
drugs were procurable which possessed the property of prolonging 


huraan life, by the use of which the kings of India attained to a 
very great age. The Ildis were careful in the preservation of 
their health, and the chiefs of Turkistdn begged that some of 
this medicine might be sent to them, and also information as to 
the method by which the E-dis preserved their health so long.^ 
The ambassadors having reached Hindustan, delivered the letters 
entrusted to them. The Eai of Hind having read them, ordered 
the ambassadors be taken to the top of an excessively lofty 
mountain, and then he told them that, when the hill on which 
they then were should be rent asunder and thrown down, then 
he would give them their answers, and permission to return to 
their own country. The ambassadors on hearing this became 
greatly alarmed, and despaired of living to revisit their home, 
relations, and friends. Thej pitched their tents in the valleys, 
and fervently prayed to Almighty God for deliverance from their 
troubles. They spent their whole time in offering up prayers 
to heaven. In this manner a long time passed. At last 
having one day offered up their prayers to God most earnestly, 
they observed the mountain shaking. The sorrow of their hearts 
had moved the heart of the mountain. It besan to totter, and 
presently its lofty summit toppled over and fell to the ground. 
Having lifted up their voices in praise and thanksgiving to God, 
they informed the Hai of what had occurred. The Rki said 
"this is my reply to your mission. Though you are few in 
number, having given up your minds to prayer, by the force 
of your devotions you have caused the mountain to fall down. 
Your kings rule tyrannically, so that the people pray earnestly 
for their destruction, and by means of their prayers they at 
last blast the prosperity and anniliilate the pov^er of their oppres- 
sors. It is the paramount duty of all those in whose hands 
authority and power are placed, to walk in the path of justice 
and benevolence, in order that those who are weak should be 

1 This was a favourite persuasion of the Orientals. In the fourth Book and 
fifteenth chapter of this ■work, the third story relates to a chief of Jilandhar, who 
had attained the age of 250 years. 


strengthened and protected by the law, and that those who are 
wealthy should enjoy their riches in peace and security. Wealth 
is but a faithless friend, and life but an uncertain companion ; 
neither one nor the other is enduring and permanent." 

Self-possession of an Indian Minister. 
[I. xiv. 17.] 

A certain Indian prince had in his employ a minister remark- 
able for his learning and wisdom. The prince had also some 
slave girls, who were most elegant and beautiful, and possessed 
of every imaginable charm. One day the minister went before 
the king while these slaves happened to be in attendance, for the 
transaction of certain business. The minister cast an eye of love 
on one of them, and then perceived that the prince was observing 
him. He therefore still kept his eye fixed in the same direction. 
For twenty years he continued in the prince's service, and every 
time he went into the presence he kept his eye fixed in that 
direction. By this means he allayed the royal jealousy, as the 
prince thought that the glance he had observed was not inten- 
tional, but merely the effect of a natural squint. 

The Arming of Ya'kuh Lais. 

[I. xiii. 35.] 

At the commencement of the career of Ya''kub Lais, a body of 
his friends bound themselves to raise him to the dignity of chief. 
When Salih Nasr had taken Sistan, and become powerful, they ob- 
served to Ya'kub that Salih had grown strong, and that if he did 
not take heed at once, he would not be able to do much afterwards. 
Ya'kub consulted with an old and wise man in this matter, who 
said, " It is as your friends have told you, something must be 
done instantly." Ya'kub then asked him what steps he should 
take, and the old man replied that there were two divisions of 
Salih's army — one the Sanjaris, the other the Bustis, and the 
best thing he could do was to irritate the Sanjaris by telling 
them that though battles were won by their hard fighting, the 


plunder obtained by the conquests was carried off by the Bustis. 
"By your persuading them of this," said the old man, "hostility 
will be created between them. They will separate from each 
other ; and in all probability the Sanjaris will come over to you, 
because they are fully aware of your skill and address, and of the 
courage you have shown in battle; they are also conscious of 
your having saved them from the Kh^rijis." Ya'kub acted 
upon this advice, and so worked upon the Sanjaris, that enmity 
sprung up between them and the Bustis, and Salih Nasr found 
himself in a very precarious situation. The Sanjari troops went 
over to Ya'kub, and when Salih Nasr saw that affairs were come 
to extremities, he proceeded with his army of Bustis towards 
the enemy. Ya'kub, Ibrahim and Hafz came forward and 
encamped at the pass of G-hanjara. Ya'kub resolved to make a 
night attack, and Sdlih being apprized of it, fled in alarm 
towards Bust. Thus did Ya'kub, by a clever stratagem, obtain 
the victory over his enemy. 

Ta'kuh Lais and Riisal. 
[I. xiii. 21.] 

Almighty God endowed Ya'kub Lais with a very lofty mind 
so that he rose from the most abject position to the highest pitch 
of glory and prosperity. He encountered many dangers and 
passed through great difficulties, till at length he aspired to the 
acquisition of dominion. When Salih Nasr^ fled from before 
him, he went and joined Rusal,^ and excited him to collect his 
troops and march against Ya'kub Lais. Eusal assembled his 
armies, and placed S^lih Nasr at the head of the foremost divi- 
sion. Ya'kub Lais on receiving the intelligence, called together 
some old and experienced men and asked their advice as to the 

' In one of the stories of the nest chapter Ya'Wb is said to have been the darwdn, 
or doorkeeper of S&l'ih Nasr. 

' In most of the passages where the name recurs in this story it is spelt as 
" EiSsal," but in one as " Eatbal," and in another as " EatbiL" [Mr. Prinsep's 
MS. has " Basal" and " Efitsal," hut Mr. Thomas' "Zambil." See Vol. I. pp. 167, 


means of repelling the invasion of Rusal. They advised him to 
oppose the enemy, and represented that although he had a small 
force, yet he ought to trust in the help of God, and resort to 
every wile and stratagem to harass his opponent, but not to 
engage in a pitched battle. When Ta'kub reviewed his army, it 
was found not to consist of more than three thousand horse. 
However, he proceeded to oppose Rusal, and when he reached 
Bust, people derided him, saying, "How can he fight against 
Rusal with this small number of horse." Ya'kub Lais now had 
recourse to stratagem and deception. He sent one of his confiden- 
tial servants to Rusal with a message to say that, he wished to 
come and meet him, and render him homage ; he knew he was 
not able to cope with such a potentate, but that if he should tell 
his people that he was going to meet Rusal, they would not obey 
him, and might possibly kill both him and his dependants. He 
had consequently told them he was proceeding to give battle to 
his enemy, in order to induce them to accompany him ; but that 
when he should join Riisal and make his submission, they must 
perforce follow his example. When the ambassadors of Ya'kub 
came to Rusal and delivered the message to him, it was verv 
agreeable to him, because he was greatly harassed by Ya'kub, 
who continually made incursions into his country, and attacked 
it in different directions. He made the ambassadors welcome, 
and sent messages to Ya'kub, giving him many kind promises 
and holding out hopes of preferment. Ya'kub despatched his 
messengers one after the other, and to prevent his followers from 
being disheartened he told them that he had sent the messengers 
to reconnoitre the enemy's army. 

When both the armies came in front of each other, Rusal 
called Sdlih Nasr and told him that as the enemy had come to 
profi'er his submission, there must be no fighting. A day was 
fixed for a parley between the parties. It was not the habit of 
Eiisal to ride a horse, but he used to sit on a throne which a party 
of his servants carried on their shoulders. When both the armies 
were drawn 'up in array, Rusal seated himself upon his throne 

VOL. II. 12 


and ordered his troops to stand in line on each side of it. Ta'kiib 
with his three thousand brave horsemen advanced between these 
two Hnes, and his men carried their lances concealed behind their 
horses and wearing coats of mail under their garments. The 
Almighty made the army of Rtisal blind, so that they did not 
see the lances. When Ya'ktib drew near Eusal, he bowed his 
head as if to do homage, but he raised the lance and thrust it 
into the back of Rusal, so that he died on the spot. His people 
also fell like lightning upon the enemy, cutting them down with 
their swords, and staining the earth with the blood of the enemies 
of religion. The infidels, when they saw the head of Eusal upon 
the point of a spear, took to flight, and great bloodshed ensued. 
The bride of victory drew aside her veil and Ya'kub returned 
victorious. Next day six thousand horsemen of the infidels were 
sent prisoners to Sistdn. He also placed sixty of their officers 
on asses, and having hung the ears of the slain upon the necks 
of these officers, he sent them in this manner to Bust. In this 
conquest he obtained such immense treasure and property that 
conjecture cannot make an estimate of them. 

Silih Nasr fled from the field and went to the king of Zdbu- 
listAn. His troops deserted him and joined Ya'kub, who, after 
he had secured peace to the country, sent a messenger to the 
ruler of Zabulistdn requesting him to surrender Sdlih Nasr. His 
request was complied with ; and when Salih came, Ya'kub put 
him in prison, where he^died. The hostility which the people 
of Bust had shewn to Ya'kub, he now retaliated upon them. He 
fixed the same poll-tax upon them as was levied from the Jews, 
and this was collected with severity. This victory which he 
achieved was the result of treachery and deception, such as no 
one had ever committed. 

Surretider of Ghasnin to Alptigin. 
[I. vi. 25.] 
When Alptigin, the master of Subuktigin, deserted the Sdma- 
nians and went to Ghazuin, they were by his departure reduced 


to great destitution, and serious disturbances broke out in the 
country. We will make mention in the proper place of this 
occurrence, as well as of his reasons for separating himself from 
them. On his reaching Ghaznin, the garrison shut themselves 
up in the fort and refused to surrender to him. He, therefore, 
pitched his camp without, and speedily possessed himself of the 
suburbs and surrounding country. 

There he exercised his power with such impartiality and re- 
gard for justice, that the people around were in the enjoyment of 
perfect peace. One day he was going along the road when he 
perceived a party of his servants coming from a village, with 
poultry slung from their saddle-straps. Having stopped them, 
he enquired how the fowls came into their possession. They 
pretended that they had purchased them in a neighbouring 
village. On this Alptigin sent a horseman to the village with 
instructions to bring the head man of it into his presence. When 
he was brought, Alptigin asked him whether the men had 
bought the fowls or seized them by force. The man appeared 
desirous of hiding the truth, so Alptigin told him to tell the 
truth on pain of punishment. The man then said, " When a 
Turk comes into a village he does not buy fowls but always 
takes them by force." On hearing this, Alptigin gave orders 
that the culprits should be punished with death. Those around 
implored mercy, and entreated that some lesser punishment than 
death might be inflicted on the thieves. He complied with this 
request, and ordered the offender's ears to be bored and the birds 
to be suspended from them by a string tied to their legs. This 
having been done, the birds, in struggling to escape, so flapped 
and beat with their wings the men's heads and faces that blood 
flowed copiously from the wounds inflicted. In this condition 
they were paraded through the army. The news of this act of 
justice having reached the ears of the people, they all assembled 
together, and agreed that a man so upright and just was worthy 
to be their ruler. That very evening they went to him and 
agreed upon the terms of capitulation. The following day the 


city was surrendered. So, by this one act of judicious impar- 
tiality he became possessed of the city of Ghaznin, which rose 
to be the shrine of prosperity and abode of wealth. 

Bravery of Amir Suhuktigin. 

[I. liii. 24.] 

When Bilkdtigmi went towards Ghaznin, the Samdnians 
were informed that the Turks were coming from Khurasan. 
He (the king) sent his minister, Abu Is'hak, with a large body 
of men, and another force also to stop the advance of the 
enemy. When information of this design reached Bilkdtigin, he 
despatched Suhuktigin with his followers to frustrate it. Suhukti- 
gin observed that the passes were narrow and difficult, and that 
his enemies were acquainted with them, while he was a stranger. 
He therefore considered it advisable to employ stratagem in re- 
sisting them. So he proceeded to the head of one of the passes 
and there formed three ambuscades, in which he placed some of 
his men, while he with another party advanced into the pass. 
When the enemy saw the smallness of his force they came out 
and attacked him. Suhuktigin pretending to fly from before 
them, induced them to leave the passes in which they were posted, 
and they were thus drawn out into the open plain. Amir 
Suhuktigin then made such an attack on them that the earth 
shook, and the enemy fled with precipitation to seek safety 
among the passes. 

Suhuktigin then let loose his three ambuscades, and these 
falling on the foe ere they reached the defiles, not one of them 
escaped. Suhuktigin then cleared the passes of the enemy's men, 
and he (Bilkatigin) having witnessed the dauntless courage of 
Suhuktigin, spoke of him in terms of admiration. He went 
through the passes in safety, so that not a single camel was 
missing; and this was solely attributable to the judgment of 

1 [See a coin of this cMef and some observations on the time of Ms reign by Mr. 
Thomas in Jour. R. A. S. Vol. xvii. p. 140. See aJso Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, infra.\ 


The Vigilance of SubuMigin. 
[II. XV. 6.] 
When Bilkdtigin^ came from Khurds^n to Ghaznin and took 
possession of the country, the chief of it, Abu 'Ali .Kubak,^ 
abandoned it.^ Bilkdtigin soon gave himself up to debauchery, 
and entrusted Subuktigin with the management of the city. In 
this high post, Subuktigin discharged the duties with great 
efficiency and courage, and with all vigilance and care. One 
day, Amir Bilkatigin took wine, and held a great carouse, and 
from early dawn to midnight was engaged in drinking. He 
also endeavoured to persuade Subuktigin to drink, but with- 
out success. When the curtain of darkness was drawn over 
the face of the sun. Amir Bilkdtigin fell into a sound sleep, but 
Subuktigin was very watchful and his eyes were open like the 
stars. Suddenly he heard a noise which proceeded from some 
corner, and immediately after it was followed by an uproar. 
With lamps and torches he went in that direction, and then he 
saw a body of armed men standing in the street, ready to raise a 
tumult. He demanded, in a loud voice, who they were ? They 
gave an incoherent reply. Subuktigin threatened to attack them, 
when they were constrained to confess that a body of malcon- 
tents had conspired to make a rising that very night, and, as a 
sign of their success, to light a fire upon the roof of the fort. 
At this signal, Abu 'Ali was to bring up his force, capture 
BilkAtigin and his adherents, and drive all his troops out of the 
country. Subuktigin, on. hearing these words, killed four men 
upon the spot and rushed out of the fort. He found a large 

1 [The munshi's translation had the name "Alptigfn," on which Sir H. Elliot 
made a note that another copy (Eatan Singh's) read " Badkitigin." The name is 
Bilk&tigin in Mr. Prinsep's MS., and consequently I have substituted that name in 
the translation.] 

2 [Mr. Prinsep's MS. has " Amir Ali Kuiad, and, when the name next occurs, 
Kuhak. Sir H. Elliot read the name as " Uvek." The Tabakdt-i Ndsirl {post) 
reads the name Amir Aniik. See Journal if. A. iS., xvii. p. 141.] 

3 M. Eeinaud observes that Ibn Haukal, who, in consequence of his personal 
acquaintance with AbH Is'h&k Ibrahim, might be supposed to be well acquainted with 
the affairs of the Ghaznivides, does not mention to whom Ghaznl belonged when it 
was taken by Alptigin. — Mimoire sur I'Inde, p. 244. 


number of men assembled in arms, who were waiting for Abu 
'All Ktibak. He put them all to the sword, and then advanced 
against Abu 'Ali. He took his brother prisoner, and then re- 
turned to the city. When morning dawned, Amir Subuktigm 
brought some of the insurgents, with the heads of some of those 
he had killed, to Bilkatigin, and related the whole story of the 
transactions of that night. The Amir expressed admiration of 
his conduct, and considered him worthy of great favours ; and 
because he was very cautious and never negligent of his enemy, 
he appointed him his deputy and elevated his rank above that 
of all his equals. He also rewarded his companions with five 
hundred thousand dirhams. All this was the fruit of watchM- 
ness. Wise men know that vigilance is necessary in all cir- 

Mahmiid's Youthful Strategy. 
[IV. XX. 6.] 
It is related by Abu-n Nasr 'Utbi in his work called Tdrikh 
Taminl^ that the King of Kdbul made war upon the Muhamma- 
dans at the beginning of the career of Nasiru-d daula Subuktigin. 
When intelligence of this war was brought to the Amir N^siru-d 
din, he called out his forces from Khurasan to oppose him. 
Sultan Mahmud was then about fourteen years of age. Amir 
Nasiru-d din summoned his officers and consulted with them 
upon the plan to be pursued. Amir Mahmud gave it as his 
opinion that the best course was to go in advance of the army 
and seek a strong place in the mountains, where they might make 
themselves secure, and from whence they might make nocturnal 
and unexpected assaults upon the enemy. They would thus 
prevent the foe from advancing against them, and distress him 
with incessant raids. The counsel was approved by all, and 
Amir Ndsiru-d din advanced and occupied a position near 
Baghru.^ The King of K4bul marched thither with a countless 
army, and for some time the opposing forces encamped there. 

1 [Mr. Prinsep's MS. reads " T&rikh-i Daulat-i Yamfni.] 
* [The first letter has no point.] " 


One day a woman of the neighbourhood came to Amir Nasiru-d 
din and told him that there was a spring not far off in the moun- 
tains which had this property, that if filth was cast into it the 
sky became overcast, snow and storms followed, and the weather 
became so cold that no one in these parts could endure it. This 
cold and foul weather would last as long as the filth remained in 
the fountain. He sent and had some dirt thrown into the spring. 
Cold and stormy weather followed. The army of Hind was 
reduced to extremities, and the Musulmans were completely 

Sultan Mahmiid and the Sister of Aydz. 
[11. xxi. 8.] 

It is said that Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud Subuktigin 
had been long enamoured of the sister of Ayaz — he was sincerely 
attached to her, and anxious to espouse her. But it occurred to 
him that he might by this act incur the reproaches of the neigh- 
bouring kings and princes, and forfeit the respect and esteem of 
his own servants. This apprehension he entertained for a long 

Abu Nasr Mishk^nl says — " I was one night in attendance on 
the king, and when all the assembly was gone, he stretched out 
his legs and ordered me to "shampoo'" them. I knew that he 
certainly intended to tell me some secret. At last he said, " It 
is a maxim with wise men that there are three people from whom 
a secret should not be concealed, viz. : a skilful physician, a kind 
preceptor, and a wise servant. I have been long greatly per- 
plexed, but I will this night unburden my mind and learn your 
opinion on the matter." I observed, " I am not worthy of the 
high honour done me by the king, but as he, in his high wisdom 
has determined it, I will to the best of my ability represent what 
may appear to me as good or evil in the matter." The king 
said, " It has long been a secret within me, that I am desirous 
of espousing the sister of Ay^z. But will not the neighbouring 
1 [See page 20, supra.'] 


kings call me a fool and low-minded, and will not you also, my 
servants and slaves, speak ill of me in respectable society. I ask 
your advice in this matter ; have you ever heard or read, in any 
history, of kings wedding the children of their slaves ?" I made 
obeisance and said — " Many cases similar to this have occurred. 
Several kings of the SdmAnian dynasty married their own slave 
girls. This act will not seem to the world as derogatory to the 
king's honour and rectitude. Perhaps your Majesty is unaware 
that Kubdd, at the time he went to Turkistcin, took as his wife 
the daughter of a villager, from whom was born Naushirw^n. 
In Persian history, I have also read that Bahram Gur 
married a washerman's daughter. The Sultin asked me the 
particulars of the story, so I said, " I have heard that one day 
Bahram Gur went out hunting, and having started a stag, fol- 
lowed it so far that he became separated from his train. He felt 
thirsty and went towards a village. He there saw a washerman 
sitting on the edge of a pond washing clothes ; his wife and 
daughter were sitting by him with a heap of clothes ready to be 
washed. Bahram approached them, and said, ' O washerman, 
give me some water to drink.' The washerman stood up, and 
having paid him the usual marks of respect, ordered his wife to 
fetch some water for the king. She took the cup, and having 
washed it several times in clean water, said to her daughter, ' I 
am not a virgin, man's hand has touched me, but you, who are an 
unbored pearl, should give the water to the king.' The girl took 
the cup and brought it to the king, who, looking at her, per- 
ceived that she was incomparably beautiful and charming, and 
possessed of excellent disposition and manners. He then asked 
the washerman if he would admit him as a guest for that day, 
who replied, that if the king could be contented with dry bread 
he would spare nothing in his power ; saying this, he spread a 
clean cloth on the bank, and Bahram sat down. The washerman 
then took his horse and fastened it to a tree, and gave his daugh- 
ter a fine cloth with which she fanned the king, and protected 
him from flies. He himself hastened to the village and procured 


food, wine, meat, in short, everything on which he could lay his 
hand, he brought. He gave his daughter the wine and cup, and 
ordered her to act as cup-bearer to the king. On which she 
cleansed the cup, and having filled it with wine, brought it to the 
king, who took her hand within his — she kissed them. Bahr^m 
said, ' girl, the lips are the place to kiss and not the hand.' 
The girl paid her respects, and said that the time had not yet 
come for that. The king was surprised at the elegance of her 
appearance and the eloquence of her speech. They were thus 
engaged when the train of Bahr^m appeared in sight. He told 
the girl to conceal her face, on which she pulled her veil over it. 
He then on that spot having performed the nuptial ceremony, 
placed her on an elephant under a canopy, and made her father 
ride away with them ; her mother also accompanied them," 

When the Emperor heard this story, he was much pleased, 
and bestowed presents upon me : saying, " You have relieved 
me of this care." After two days he espoused the sister of 

Anecdote of Sultan Mahmud. 

[I. xii. 9.] 

When KhwcLja Ahmad acted as minister to Sult4n Mahmud 
(may God be merciful to him !) all the principal officers of 
State were inimical to him and traduced him to the Emperor, 
who thus contracted a great dislike to him, and was desirous of 
removing him from office. On this subject Abu Nasr Mishk4n 
says that Arslan wrote him a letter, saying that " The king is 
displeased with Khwaja Ahmad, and we, his Majesty's servants, 
must beware of resisting his will. But in common charity we are 
bound to declare what we know or have heard. Khwaja Ahmad 
is undoubtedly the most able minister of the time, and has been 
very useful to our sovereign. He has long been in government 
employ and has experienced great changes of fortune. It is now 
some time since he was appointed Minister of State, and now all 
men of influence, rank, and dignity are his enemies. The cause 
of their hatred to him is his devotion to his master, and his dis- 


regard of their wishes and pleasure. His associates in office are 
also inimical to him for the same reason. You would do right 
to communicate this letter to his Majesty, although I know that 
his mind has been so perverted by them that my counsel will be 
useless. Still the time may come when his Majesty may feel 
some regret, when he will not check but excuse our represen- 

Abu Nasr Mishkdn continues : I read the letter and for a 
long time I was watching for an opportunity to lay it before 
the king. I also received constant messages from the minister 
imploring my support and assistance. I rephed that it would 
not do to be precipitate, but that I must wait till a suitable 
occasion offered itself. 

Tha Sultan Mahmtid also knew that I was watching my op- 
portunity, but he kept strict silence on this matter, till at length 
it happened one day that the Sultan went out on a hunting 
excursion, and though it was not customary with me to attend 
him, yet on this occasion I did so. The Sultan asked me why 
I, who never went out hunting, had now come with him. I re- 
plied that it was always the duty of a servant to attend on his 
master. The Sultan then said, " I know that you have come 
in order that you might speak to me about Ahmad, but matters 
like these ought not to be forced upon me." I replied, " May 
your Majesty's judgment be always right." He then became 
silent and spoke not another word. That day and that night 
passed by. On the next night the Sultan was drinking wine 
and enjoying himself, when he made me sit down with him, and 
he talked upon all sorts of topics. At length he asked me if I 
had ever heard or had ever read in any book that ministers were 
their king's enemies. I said, " No ; but I have read that the 
man is foolish and stupid who seeks to be a minister." He asked 
wherefore, and I replied, " Kings cannot endure that any one 
should share their authority, nor will they allow any one but 
themselves to give orders. If the office of minister is given to 
one who is looked upon as the dearest of friends, before a week 


has passed he is deemed an enemy and is despised." Nothing 
farther passed at this meeting. After his return to Ghaznin, he 
was sitting one night alone, and calling for me, bade me be seated, 
and said, " Hitherto I have kept silence with you regarding 
Ahmad. Now be mindful that you tell me the truth without 
equivocation or reservation." I replied that I would obey his 
Majesty. He observed that Ahmad was an experienced and 
well qualified minister, who had been in the service from his 
youth, and had conferred lustre on his office, but he held his 
master in slight esteem, and he was at the same time covetous of 
the wealth of the Musulmdns, which he extorted from them, and 
opposed the king's orders. He said that he had been informed 
of many oppressive acts towards the slaves (ghuldm) and such 
people. That he had resolved on his dismissal, and that all with 
whom he had consulted on this business had concurred with him. 
He then asked me what I had to say on the subject. I replied, 
that " What your Majesty in your wisdom deems most advisable 
is certainly best, — who can gainsay it ?" The king then insisted 
on my expressing an opinion, — I said, " Arslan J^zib^ had sent 
me a letter," and having it with me, I shewed it to him, and 
begged his permission to give him my views on the case to the 
best of my ability. The king consenting, ordered me to speak. 
I then said, — "If the charges of oppression and opposition which 
have been brought against the Khwdja are proved to your Ma- 
jesty's satisfaction, they must not be passed over, but punish- 
ment must be meted out to the minister, so that no injury may 
come to the country. But if, on the other hand, merely suspi- 
cions have been excited in the king's mind, then search and 
enquiry must be patiently made throughout the country for a 
man competent to fill Ahmad's place. On such a man being 
found, then his Majesty may follow his own will and pleasure. 
If one cannot be found, the greatest precautions must be taken." 
Having finished, the king said he would consider of it, and gave 

1 [One MS. calls him "JSizib," another "Khiriz." Baihaki uses the former 
name, p. 135, aiipra,'] 

188 MUHAMMAD 'Un. 

me permission to depart. At last, the Khwaja was deprived of 
his situation and imprisoned, but the king soon regretted it, for 
the affairs of the State and country fell into great confusion. 

Depreciation of Coin. 

[I. xii. 14.] 

When Yaminu-d daula Mahmud came to the throne, and the 
effects of his greatness spread through all countries, and his rule 
swept away the idol temples and scattered the worshippers, 
some sharp men of India formed a plan (for enriching them- 
selves). They brought out a dirham of great purity and placed 
a suitable price upon it. Time passed on and the coin obtained 
currency. Merchants coming from Muhammadan countries used 
to purchase these dirhams and carry them to KhurS,s4n. When 
the people had grown accustomed to the value of the coin, the 
Indians began by degrees to debase the standard. The mer- 
chants were unaware of this depreciation, and finding a profit 
upon silver, they brought that metal and gold from all parts of 
the world, and sold it for (debased coins of) copper and brass, 
so that by this trick the wealth of the Muhammadans was drawn 
to Hindustan. 

When 'Aldu-d daula^ ascended the throne, this grievance had 
become intolerable, and he determined to remedy it, and con- 
sulted with the merchants as to the measures most proper to 
be taken to effect this purpose. They advised that the debased 
coinage should be exchanged for good from the royal treasury. 
Accordingly 'Aldu-d daula gave the necessary orders, and 
100,000,000 dirhams were issued from the treasury to the mint, 
and thence distributed to the servants of the Almighty as redress 
and compensation. The fame of this act spread the lustre of 
Alau-d daula's glory throughout the world.^ 

1 '"Aliu-d daula" is not the title of the Mas'dd who succeeded Mahmfid, but of 
Mas'fld III. 

2 [A translation of this story is given by Mr. Thomas in Jour. B. A. S., 
Vol. xvii, p. 181.] 

JAMI'tr-L HIKA'YAT. 189 

Anecdote of Khwdja Sasan Maimandi. 
[III. xi. 1.] 

In the reign of Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud, and in the 
days when Khwaja Hasan Maimandi was his minister, there was 
a man called Abii Ahmad Suhal Barar. He was a great spend- 
thrift, a peculator and a wine-bibber. At one time twenty thou- 
sand mans of indigo, which belonged to the Sultan, fell into the 
hands of the son of Ahmad.i Some of this he sold and spent 
the proceeds. One day, Abu Suhal Bar^r came to the minister 
to pay his respects. The minister said, " I have heard that your 
son has embezzled government property, when you saw him doing 
so why did you connive at it ? Do you think that I will pass it 
over ? Should he who possesses such a name as Ahmad (' most 
laudable') be such a fool and commit such follies ?" In short, he 
expressed himself in unmeasured terms. Abti Suhal exclaimed, 
" May your life, my lord, be increased ! pardon my son ; his 
name is Ahmad, and he should be forgiven." The Khwaja was 
extremely annoyed, but laughed at his ignorance and folly. He 
said to Abu Suhal, " You are worse than your son. Curses be 
upon you, thoughtless fool." Abu Suhal, on hearing this abuse, 
did not even then perceive that what he had said (was improper), 
nor did he consider that his name was Ahmad, and that it did 
not become him to utter such words. He commenced to retort 
in disrespectful language, and said, "Perhaps somebody has 
excited you against me, and consequently you are thus angry 
with me." The Khwaja replied, " No, I have heard it from your 
own tongue." He then dismissed him ignominiously from his 

It is proper for those who have access to kings and great men, 
that they should take heed to their actions and speech, and 
neither do or say anything boldly and rashly, to bring shame 

1 It appears from a statement of Ibn Haukal, that the Sult&ns used to reserve a 
large portion of indigo to themselves as a sort of royalty. — See M. Eeinaud, Memoire 
sur I'Inde, p. 245. 


and destruction upon themselves. They should behave respect- 
fully towards their master, so that they may reap the benefit of 
their services. 

Anecdote of Mahmud. 

[I. xi. 46.] 

One night Sultan Mahmud was drinking wine, while his sons, 
Muhammad and Mas'ud, were present. Abu Nasr Mishkdn 
says that, when some time had passed in this manner, the con- 
versation happened to turn upon Amir Subuktigin, when the 
Sultdn offered up prayers for his father, and his eyes were filled 
with tears. He said, " My father (may God's mercy be on him!) 
had established very good rules for the management of the 
country, and took great pains in enforcing them. I thought that 
when he should be no more, I should enjoy the exercise of my 
power in peace and security, and eat and enjoy myself. I also 
considered that after his demise I should become a great king. 
But the truth was revealed to me when he died and his shadow 
was removed from my head, for since his departure I have not 
had one day's happiness. You think I drink this wine for 
pleasure, but this is a great mistake. I take it merely as a 
device to gain a few days' peace, and relieve the people from all 
annoyance from me. These my sons entertain similar ideas to 
those which I did in my youth ; but when the kingdom devolves 
upon them, they will find out the truth." 

His sons made their obeisances and said, " May such thoughts 
never enter our minds. We both desire to sacrifice our lives at 
your Majesty^s feet." The king commended them and bade them 
to sit down, which they did, but they soon afterwards departed. 
He then (says Abu Nasr) called me to him, and making me sit 
down, he stretched his legs towards my lap, and I shampooed 
them for a short time. He asked me what I thought of his sons, 
I kissed the ground and answered, " What can I say, how can 
tongue describe the excellencies of those two suns of grandeur, 
and those two moons of the heaven of prosperity ! Thank God, 


they possess sach qualities as are beyond all expression." He 
said, "The excellence yon ascribe to them does not mean mueh."'^ 
(I said) " Fathei3 know best the character of their sons."^ He 
then enquired whether I had a son. I replied, " Yes, I hare 
one, his Majesty''s slave." He said, " Tell me by my sonl and 
h^d, is he like yon, and as worthy as yon !" I anwered, " My 
lord, yon know all, bnt my son is yonng, and not old enough 
to have shown what his real disposition is." On this the king 
observed, " Let him grow up and then yon wiU see that he will 
not be worth your finger ; if he is he will be one of the marvels 
and wonders of the time. Mas'ud," he continued, " is a pioud 
Mlow and thinks there is nobody better than himselE, Muham- 
mad is stout of heart, generous, and fearless, and if Mas'ud in- 
dulges in pleasure, wine, and the like, Muhammad outdoes him. 
He has no control over himself has no apprehension of Mas'ud, 
and is heedless of the important concerns of life. I fear I find 
but httle satis&etion in the thought of Muhammad succeeding 
me ; for woe to him at the hands of Mas'ud, who wUl devour 
him, and woe also to the generals of my army, for Mas'ud is a 
very covetous man and has great love of money. If he should 
hear of any officer poss^sing a little property, he will be sure to 
d^troy him in a few days, and appoint some worthless feUow in 
his place. It will thus come to pass that in this great kingdom 
every one wiU strive to benefit himself and you may imagine the 
pass to which matters will come." I replied, "My lord, may 
you ever enjoy sover^gnty ! dominion in this kingdom will for 
ever remain in this fenuly !" The conversation was continued 
for some time in this strain, and when the Sultan went to sleep, 
I returned. Eventually what the king had said came to pass 
in every paiticnlar. The history of Muhammad and Mas'ud is 
well known, and will be related in this book in its proper place. 

' [The ISSS. differ ^^bQj hae, bnt ihe sei^e appears to be as banslatedj 


MahmM's return from Somndt. 
[I. xii. 16.] 
A stratagem similar to that narrated in the last story ^ was 
employed when Sultdn Yaminu-d daula was returning from 
Somndt. Two Hindus came to him and offered themselves as 
guides. They led the way for three days and conducted him 
into a desert where there was neither water nor grass. The 
Sultdn asked them what kind of road they called that by which 
they had come, and whether there were any habitations in the 
neighbourhood ? They replied that they had been commissioned 
by the Eai, their chief, and had fearlessly devoted themselves to 
the work of bringing him thither. " Now you have," continued 
they, " the sea {darya 'azini) before you, and the army of Hind 
behind. We have done our business, now do you do with us 
what you like, for not one single man of your army will escape." 
In the midst of this conversation, a water-fowl was suddenly seen 
flying in the air. The Sultan said, where there are water-fowl 
there must be sweet water, and proceeded after it. At length 
he reached the banks of a great river, the water of which was 
very brackish and quite unfit to drink. He was in this plight 
when he perceived another water-fowl, he followed it up and came 
to a village in which they discovered sweet water. He then 
ordered a suitable punishment to be inflicted on the two guides. 
Upon searching the village they found an 'Alawi (descendant of 
'AH) who was dwelling there with his family. They asked him 
if he knew the road, but he declared his ignorance, adding that 
there was an old man in another village who knew all the intri- 
cacies of the roads. 

The Sultdn then had the 'Alawi and his sons mounted on 
camels, and went with them to the village mentioned. He 
called the old man before him and inquired where the ford was. 
The old man said he had never seen any one cross the river 
excepting on one occasion when it was crossed by a body of men, 
but the place where they passed he could not tell. Had he 

' [See p. 170, supra,"] 


strength to walk, perhaps he might find it out. On this the 
Sultcln ordered him to be placed on horseback, and the old man 
led them to a certain spot on the bank of the river, when he said, 
I think this was the place where the passage was made. The 
Sultdn sent some men into the river, but nowhere did they find 
it fiDrdable. The Sultan, casting, himself upon the protection of 
Providence, regardless of himself and fearless of the consequences, 
with the name of God upon his tongue, urged his horse into the 
stream. His whole army and all his attendants followed his 
example, and, with the assistance of Grod, crossed the water in 
safety. This was one of the many marvellous deeds of the 
Sultdn, in which also the treachery of the infidels became evident 
to all men. 

Destruction of Robbers by Sultan Mas'ud.- 
I. xiii. 47. 
When Sultan Mahmud sent costly presents to the ruler of 
Kirman, the ambassador who took them proceeded viA Tabbas. 
In the desert of Khabis^ there was a body of Kafaj^ and Buldchis 
who robbed on the highway. They were eighty in number, and 
had built a stronghold upon an eminence, and had sunk a well. 
They had committed many robberies, but their conduct had 
never yet reached the ears of the Sultdn. When the ambassador 
came to this place these people came out and carried off all the 
presents and rarities in his possession. Some of the men at- 
tached to the embassy were slain, but others who escaped re- 
turned to Tabbas, and there reported the circumstance to the 
Sultan, who was proceeding from Ghaznin to Khwdrizm by 
way of Bust. When he arrived at Bust, Sultdn Mas'tid came 
from Hirat and met him. On his arrival, the Sultan would not 
look at him or give him his hand, but appeared evidently dis- 
pleased with him. Mas'ud was greatly alarmed, and kissing the 

1 [Khabls in Kirm&n. Variously -written in the MSS. as Habas, Hasar, Hasir, 
Habis, and Khabis.] 

2 [So in Mr. Thomas' MS. The word representing Kafaj is illegible in Mr 
Prinsep's MS., and is omitted in Eatan Singh's.] 

VOL. II. 13 


ground, he asked what fault he had committed? The Sultan 
replied, " How can I be pleased with you, and why should I look 
at you. You are my son, and yet robberies are committed under 
your nose without your knowing anything about them?" He 
replied, " Oh king, I was staying in Hir^t, and if robberies are 
committed in the desert of Khabis, what fault is it of minel" The 
king replied, " I care not what you say, but I will not look at 
you unless you bring all the thieves to me, either alive or dead." 
Sultan Mas'tid, after his interview with the Sultan, returned 
to Hirat, and there having chosen a party of two hundred men 
he started in search of the robbers, making continual enquiries 
about them. On approaching their fort, it occurred to him that 
they would probably have spies about, and that on hearing of 
the approach of so large a body of horse, they would take to 
flight. He therefore ordered fifty horsemen to fasten on their 
turbans, give their horses their heads, hide their arms under 
their saddles, so that no one could see them, and to ride forward 
and keep the enemy engaged until he should come up. He 
himself slowly followed with 150 horse. The robbers fought 
strenuously, seeing only a few horsemen before them, but sud- 
denly the Sultan Mas'ud came up in the rear and captured them 
all. Not one of them escaped, forty were slain, and forty were 
sent prisoners to the Sultan. Large booty also was taken. The 
Sultdn ordered them to be punished, and they were executed in 
a most ignominious way. The fame of his vigilance and justice 
thus spread far and wide. 

Poisoning a Band of Bobbers. 

I. xiii. 48. 

A band of robbers had collected in the desert of Kirmdn, and 
whenever the king sent a force against them they saved them- 
selves by flight. Sultan Mas'ud was informed of this when he 
was king in 'Ir^k, and after some consideration he hit upon a 
plan for getting rid of them. Some poison was taken out of the 
store-house, and a quantity of apples were brought from Isfcihan. 


He then directed a trusty servant to make holes in the apples 
with a bodkin and to introduce the poison. When the apples 
were all poisoned, they were given in charge of a caravan that 
was passing through the desert. A party of the king's men was 
also sent with the caravan, and directed to lag behind when they 
approached the haunt of the robbers. The caravan would no 
doubt be attacked and taken, and the robbers would eat up the 
apples and all of them would die. The king's men were then 
to advance and liberate the caravan. This scheme was effectually 
carried out. The thieves, delighted with their prize, devoured the 
apples, and no one that ate thereof ever rose again. Sultan 
Mas'ud's men then came up, released the merchants, and restored 
them their goods without any loss. By this ingenious scheme ^ 
the robbers were destroyed without giving any trouble to the 
soldiers. The wise may thus learn that stratagem will accom- 
plish that which a thousand horsemen cannot effect. 

Conquest of Ohor hy Sultan Mas'ud. 
III. xii. 9. 
An injured man came to Sultan Mas'ud and complained that 
as he was proceeding to Ghor, the chief of the country seized and 
forcibly took from him all his property. A letter was conse- 
quently written to the chief directing the restoration of the 
man's property. The man got the letter and took it to the chief 
of G-hor. The chief was vexed, and ordered him to be punished. 
The man returned to Ghaznin and complained once more against 
the Ghorians. The Sultan directed that another letter should be 
written in threatening terms, that if the chief did not in every 
way satisfy the man, he would march against him and humble 
his pride. The man said, " king, direct that the letter be 
written in as small a compass as possible, because I shall 
be forced to swallow it, and if there is but a small quantity of 
paper it will be the easier to get down." Sultdn Mas'ud was 
extremely incensed at this, and on the same day pitched his 
1 [" Eilah-i latif," a clever or pleasant trick.]. 


tents, and marched against G-hor. He took possession of the 
country, and chastised the chief, returning to the poor man more 
than had been taken from him. The Amir of Ghor was thus 
punished for his tyranny. 

The Punishment of Tiimdn} 
III. xix. 7. 

It is related in the T^rikh-i Nasiri that during the time Amir 
'Abdu-r Rashid reigned at Grhaznln, he had a young slave named 
Tuman, a man of bad disposition, base and low minded, ''Abdu-r 
Eashid was, however, favourably disposed towards him, and 
conferred on him a high rank. The slave began to interfere in 
the affairs of government, and being a mean and worthless 
fellow he did all in his power to ruin and extirpate the nobles and 
great men. He showed favour to Abti Suhail Razihi, and they 
both joined cause and conspired against the great Khwdja, the 
minister of the throne, 'Abdu-r Razzak. He quarrelled with 
Ahmad Mairaani and had him suspended and called to account. 
He elevated his own brother, called Mubarak Marde, to high 
rank, and at last entrusted him with several offices at Parshawar. 
He encouraged tale-bearers and back-biters, and these people 
obtained great influence at court. They gave false reports, 
representing that the assignments were in excess of the autho- 
rised amount, and this brought destruction upon the kingdom, 
for the government servants and the orphans were subjected to 
reductions in a manner which had not been resorted to by any 
one before. 

Amongst the other slaves who were notorious for their wicked- 
ness and bad character, was one whose name was Khatib Ltit. 
This man was exalted by him and made accountant of the state, 
an office which had been held by Khwdja Abu Tahir Husain 
with great credit and to the satisfaction of the government. 
When three months had elapsed after the Khwaja's appoint- 

'' [I haTe not found this story in the MSS. that I have used. Ed.] 


ment, he was ordered to go to Hindustan, and after collecting 
the revenues of that country, to return to the capital. 

Khwaja Abu Tahir proceeded to Hindustan, and in every 
place that he visited he found an agent of Tum4n oppressing 
the people and exercising authority ; and thus great embarass- 
ment had arisen in the affairs of the state. The Khwdja 
reported all the circumstances to the Secretary of State, which 
office was then held by Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki. When numer- 
ous reports had been received from Husain, Sultan 'Abdu-r 
Eashid threatened Tiiman with condign punishment. Tuman 
now became an enemy of Abu-1 Fazl, and secretly circulated false 
reports against him. The Sultan, without investigation, ordered 
Tumdn to seize and imprison Abu-1 Fazl, and plunder his house 
and property. 

When Abu-1 Fazl was removed, Tuman had an unbounded 
field for the exercise of his power. He conferred a khil'at of in- 
vestiture on Khatib Lut, and sent him to Parshdwar. This officer 
lighted the fire of oppression, and exalted the standard of blood- 
shed. He made all kinds of demands upon the people. When 
Khwaja Husain reached Parshawar to examine and report upon 
the affairs of that province, people complained to him against the 
Khatib. The Khwaja admonished him, but it was all in vain. 
The Khatib gave him disrespectful replies and uttered abusive 
words against him to his very face. Husain could not restrain 
his indignation, and ordered him to be taken away from his 
presence. The matter was reported to Tumkn, who told 'Abdn-r 
Rashid that as Khatib Lut was aware that Husain had unlaw- 
fully exacted money from the people, the la,tter had thrown the 
Khatib into prison with the view that he might retain in safety 
the money which Husain had extorted. 

When Tuman had made these representations, Amir 'Abdu-r 

Eashid ordered him to go and bring Husain a prisoner to the 

court. Tumdn marched the same night to Parshdwar with three 

hundred thousand ^ horse, and when he arrived there he showed 

1 "Thousand" is omitted in the Ztnatu-l majdlis, whicli gives ns the same 


the royal mandate to the governor of the place. He seized 
Khwaja Husain, and took Khatib out of prison. He dishonoured 
and disgraced many good Musulmans, and then returned to the 

Khwaja Husain was put in heavy chains, and when they 
had reached the pass at Budri some horsemen came and reported 
that Amir 'Abdu-r Rashid had himself been murdered, and that 
the ingrate Tughril had usurped the government. On re- 
ceiving this intelligence, the soldiers, horse and foot, all came 
forward to Khwdja Husain and said unto him, " circumstances 
,) have now taken altogether a diiferent turn : he who had 
triumphed has been vanquished, and now we are all ready to 
obey your command. What orders may you be pleased to 
address to us ?" The Khwaja replied, " Your first duty is 
to remove the chains from oif my feet, and put them on those 
of Ttiman." Upon this the soldiers seized Ttiman, pulled him 
down with great ignominy, and put the chains on his feet. They 
placed the Khwaja on a horse, and Ttiman, Khatib Liit, and his 
other slaves were seated on camels, and in this manner they 
took them to Ghaznin. God the most glorious and powerful 
thus punished Tuman for his wickedness. The moral of this 
story is to show the consequences of tale-bearing, and to teach 
that great and wealthy men should not encourage base characters, 
or take wicked men into their favour, and thus bring disgrace 
and shame upon themselves. 

Anecdote of Siittdn Ibrahim. 

II. XXIT. 6. 

One day when Sultdn Razi Ibrahim (God's mercy on him !) was 
in Ghaznin, he saw a labourer carrying a heavy stone on his head 
to some building which was then in course of erection, and that 
he staggered under the load. The Sultan, observing his suffering, 
ordered him to put down the stone. The labourer obeyed his 
orders, and after that time the stone remained on that identical 
spot. One day, some of the royal attendants represented to the 


king that the stone was still lying in the plain, that it frightened 
the horses and prevented them passing on quietly, and that it 
would be well if the king gave the order to have it removed. 
The king said, I have once ordered it to be placed where it is, 
and there would be an incongruity in my now ordering it to be 
removed. So the stone remained lying in the plain of Ghaznin, 
and in order to maintain the words of the Sultan, his sons also 
would not, any of them, suffer it to be taken away.i 

Death of Malik Arsldn. 
I. v. 147. 
It is narrated that after the demise of Sultdn Mas'ud bin 
Ibrahim, Malik Arslan, his son, mounted the throne, and deter- 
mined to overthrow Sultan Bahr4m Shah. This prince fled 
from his brother, accompanied by only one of his attendants, and 
they took the precaution of having their horses shod backwards. 
He proceeded first to Sistan, from thence to Kirman, and. at last 
he threw himself on the protection of Sultan Sanjar, who, espous- 
ing his cause, marched to Grhaznin against Malik Arslan, and 
defeated him there, on Wednesday, the fourteenth of Shawwal, 
A.H. 511 (Feb. 1118, A.D.). Sultan Sanjar appointed Sultan 
Bahram Shah his deputy in Grhaznin and Hindustan, and 
having seated him on the throne, he himself went to Balkh. 
When Sultdn Sanjar had returned, Malik Arslan again advanced 
to recover his kingdom, and Bahram Shah retired towards Balkh, 
from whence Sultan Sanjar sent out a force to meet him. He 
thereupon returned to Grhaznin. Malik Arslan fled before him, 
and being pursued, was captured in the Shakran^ hills, and 
despatched to the next world. The army then returned to 

1 [This story is told in the AkMdli-i Muhsini, but is there attributed to Mahmild.] 

2 These are the hiUs spoken of in the account of Sult&n Jalalu-d din's retreat to 
Hindustan. [The name is written " Safian" in Mr. Prinsep's MS.] 


Muhammad Sam's Victor^/ over Kola \_Pithawr'a\} 
[I. xiii. 43.] 
It is related that when the martyr Mu'iz.zu-d dunya wau-d din 
Muhammad Sam (May God illumine his tomb,) was about to 
fight the second time against Kola, between Hanjar^ and Tabar- 
hindh, 3 it became known to him that (the enemy) kept their 
elephants drawn up in a separate array when preparing for 
action. The horses were afraid of them, and this was an element 
of disaster. When the opposing forces approached each other 
and the camp fires were visible on either side, the Sultan gave 
directions that every man should collect plenty of wood before 
his tent. At night he directed a party of soldiers to remain in 
the camp, and to keep fires burning all the night, so that the 
enemy might suppose it to be their camping ground. The Sultan 
then marched off in another direction with the main body of his 
army. The infidels saw the fires and felt assured of their ad- 
versaries being there encamped. The Sultan marched all night 
and got in the rear of Kola. At dawn he made his onslaught 
upon the camp followers* and killed many men. When the rear 
pressed back on the main army Kola sought to retreat, but he 
could not get his forces in order, nor the elephants under con- 
trol. The battle became general, the enemy was signally de- 
feated, and Kola was taken prisoner. The Musulmans obtained 
a complete victory and the Sultdn returned triumphant. 

Equity of Muhammad Sam. 
[I. Ti. 37.] 
When the heroic Sultan Muhammad Sam, the honour of the 
world and of religion, who by his sword had darkened the pfos- 

[The Tdjtt-l Ma-dsir and Tahakdt-i Ndsirl {infra) use the same term " Kola." 
The word signifies "bastard" in Persian, and Firishta ffo explains it. — Briggs. 
Ferishta I. 179.] 

2 [The orthography is douhlful. In two MS. it is ^■**~ Mr, Thomas' MS. has 
• ^=- hajiz.'\ 

' [Mr. Thomas' MS. gives the name so distinctly. The other two MSS. are de- 
fectiye, and simply give ^JcA J See note on the name in the Tabdkdt-i Ndsiri, 
infra.l * \_Buna, baggage.] 


perity of the infidels, marched upon Nahrwala, he sustained a 
defeat, and returned without having effected his object. He 
then made preparations to retrieve his disasters and avenge 
his loss of fame and treasure. One of his well-wisherS re- 
presented to him that in Nahrwdla there resided a certain 
person, by name Wasa Abhir,i who was one of the head men 
of the city. This man always sent consignments of his 
merchandize to his agents for sale, and at that time there was 
property belonging to him in Ghaznin, to the amount of ten lacs 
of rupees. It was suggested to the king, that were he to con- 
fiscate this money to his own use, he might by means of it be 
enabled to raise an army and replenish the exhausted treasury. 
The king wrote his answer on the back of the petition, to the 
effect that, if Nahrw&la falls into my hands, then the appropria- 
tion of Wasa Abhis' wealth would be lawful, but to seize his pro- 
perty in Grhaznin would be contrary to the dictates of justice. 
So he did not touch the money ; and his virtue met its reward, 
for it happened that, two years afterwards, the most generous 
king, the staff of the world and supporter of religion (may the 
Almighty be merciful to him and pardon him !), marched at the 
head of his army from Dehli, and conquered the territory, and 
punished the people for their previous misconduct. So the whole 
world received proofs that the injury which the cause had once 
received was but as a black spot on the face of The Faith to 
guard it from the effects of an evil eye. 

Preface. — Death of Ndsiru-d din Kuhdcha. 

In the beginning of Eabi'u-l awwal, 625 h. (Jan. 1228), the 
king of kings, Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din sent an army to repress 
the inroads of Ndsiru-d din Kubdcha. Unable to oppose this 
force, Nasiru-d din sent his forces in boats to the fort of Bhakkar. 
The royal forces reached Bhakkar on the 10th, and under the 
directions of Nizamu-1 Mulk, made preparations for assaulting 
the fort. The attack was made on the 1st Jumdda-l awwal, and 
' [" RUs§i Aima" in one MS,, " Asid Abhir," in another.] 


was so successful that N^siru-d din was driven from the fortifi- 
cations (Msdr) and compelled to take refuge in the inner fort 
{kiVah) without the assailants losing a single man. A proclama- 
of amnesty to all Musulmans was then issued, which was joyfully 
accepted. N4siru-d din, with his few remaining adherents offered 
to capitulate, on condition of being allowed to send away his sons 
and his treasure, but was told that he must hasten to make an 
unconditional surrender. He had no faith in his conqueror, and 
preferred death to submission ; so on the night of Thursday, the 
19th Jum4da-1 Akhir he went to the bank of the river and cast 
himself into the water. The good fortune of Nizdmu-1 Mulk 
thus gained a complete victory. 

A Rare Animal. 
IT. xiiii. 4. 
Abu Rihan^ mentions in his writings that within the bounda- 
ries of Hindustan, to the east of the Ganges, in the forests of 
Oudh, there exists an animal called Sharu. It is larger than a 
rhinoceros,^ and has two long horns and a small trunk. On 
the back it has four protuberances resembling four feet. It is so 
powerful that it will attack an elephant and tear him asunder. 
No animal has strength enough to contend against it, nor does 
man venture to hunt it, in fact nothing has power over it except 
death. Besides natural death, one cause of its destruction is 
that it often takes up an animal on its horns and tosses it in the 
air. The flesh adhering to the horns creates worms, which 
falling on its back, eat into the flesh till it becomes very sore ; 
they then attack its stomach and destroy it. Or, if there be a 

^ [Sir H. Elliot omitted this passage from the Tersion giyen by Eashidii-d din 
(Vol. i, p. 61). Eeinaud's translation says the animal is to be found in the Konkan 
(Fragments, p. 109), and Kashidu-d din confirms this (Lucknow MS.). The page is 
introduced in speaking of the Konkan, so that there can be little doubt of the Konkan 
being there intended. In the passage before us, the locality is distinctly given as 
" east of the Ganges," and the name of it is no doubt Oudh, though Mr. Prinsep's 
MS. gives only " Ou." Konkan and Ganges (Gang) present only a difi'erence of one 
letter in the original characters.] 

* [The word in the text may be read karff, " rhinoceros," or i/arir, " wolf."] 


high mountain near, when it thunders, it will rush as if to attack 
(some unseen foe) and falling from the mountain destroy itself. 
People go out to pick up its horns. Its specific peculiarities 
(khdssiyat) are not known. 

A DescrqMon of the Rukh. 
IV. xxiii. 6. 

This animal resembles a camel. It has two protuberances 
on the back and it generally has teeth, the limbs and organs of 
the body are venomous, and no other animal can escape it. Its 
spittle, dung, etc., are all deadly poison. Whatever meets its 
eye becomes its prey, for it runs as swift as the wind, and over- 
takes all creatures. It kills every animal that it may encounter. 
If anyone takes refuge from it in the top of a high tree which 
it cannot get up, it stands at the foot, and curling its tail into a 
sort of ladle, it tosses its water up — ^this in a very few moments 
brings its victim down. If any one to avoid it gets into a well, 
it will stand at the brink and cast its dung and urine down, and 
if one drop of this falls upon a man he will die. 





This celebrated work is devoted chiefly to the history of 
Kutbu-d din Aibak, but it also contains portions of the history of 
his predecessor Muhammad Ghazi, and his successor, Shamsu-d 
din Altamsh, but without any notice of Aram, the son and im- 
mediate successor of Kutbu-d din. The name of Taju-1 Ma-4sir 
is nowhere given to the work by the author himself, but it has 
never been known by any other name from the earliest period. 
It means " The Crown of Exploits." Titles similar to this 
are common in Asiatic literature, the most celebrated being 
the Tdju-t Tawdrikh of the Turkish historian Sa'du-d din Mu- 
hammad, better known as Khwaja Efiendi, " the Prince of Otto- 
man Historians." 1 Considering that the historical portion of 
this work is devoted exclusively to. India, it enjoys a wide repu- 
tation throughout the Eastern Muhamniadan world ; which is 
ascribable less to the subject of the history than to the peculiar 
mode of its treatment. This has already been brought to the 
knowledge of European scholars by a very good account which 
has been given of the work by Hammer, in his life of Kutbu-d 
din Aibak, contained in the Gemaldesaal der Lehensheschreibungen 
grosser Moslemischer Serrscher, (Vol. iv. pp. 172-182). He re- 

' A. L. David's Grammar of the Turkish Language, p. 1, where there is a long 
extract given from the ■work. More may be found respecting the author and the 
work in the Biographie Univ. Vol. xxxix. p. 399 ; the Penny Cyclopedia, Vol. xx. 
p. 292, and the Gesohichte d. Ottom. Other works with the title of " T&j " are 
noticed, hut with some omissions, by Hiji Khalfa; Lexicon Bihlio. Vol. ii. pp. 91-4. 


marks that Kutbu-d din would probably have been enrolled 
among other conquerors of whom history is silent, had not Hasan 
Nizami of Lahore, the writer of the Taju-l Ma-dsir, entered 
into competition with SAbi the historian of Kabas, and 'Utbi the 
historian of Subuktigin and Mahmud. This is paying too great 
a compliment to the historical value of the work, for the simple 
style of the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, a work nearly contemporaneous, 
was much better adapted to rescue from oblivion the exploits ot 
Kutbu-d din, who receives his due share of notice in that history. 
The Tdju-l Ma-dsir is in fact exceedingly poor in historical 
details, though the period of which it treats is one of the most 
interesting in the history of Asia, — that of the first permanent 
establishment of the Muhammadan power in India. In contains, 
according to Hammer's enumeration, twelve thousand lines, of 
which no less than seven thousand consist of verse, both Arabic 
and Persian. It is swelled out to this unnecessary magnitude 
by the introduction of tedious and meaningless descriptions and 
digressions, which amount to not less than an hundred in the 
first half of the work. M. Hammer considers that there are 
fewer in the second, as the descriptive faculty seems to have been 
exhausted ; but this apparent barrenness is occasioned more by 
the omission of the marginal notes indicating their recurrence, 
than by any exhaustion of the author's power, which flows on to 
the end in an even strain of eloquence, which is perfectly mar- 
vellous for its abundance, continuity, and fantasticness. It is 
produced apparently with but little effort, leaving us to regret 
that the author should have admitted into an historical work 
so much rhapsodical and tropological stuff, which is of little 
use except to show his powers of fancy and invention. It is, 
however, this which constitutes its value in the estimation of 
oriental writers, who to this day are fond of attempting imita- 
tions, without any of the richly exuberant vein of Hasan Nizami. 
Towards the close, indeed, there is a new variety of illustra- 
tion, which makes it appear that the descriptions are fewer. But 
though fewer, they are much longer, for here the author occa- 


sionally introduces a subordinate series of descriptions, or sifats, 
within one leading subject. For instance, in the second half we 
hare images derived from mirrors, pens, and chess, each running 
on for many pages, but all containing several minor descriptions 
referrible, as it were, to those chief subjects. Here also we are 
introduced to new conceits, where whole sentences and pages are 
made to consist of nothing but sibilants and labials. Even the 
death of Muhammad Ghazi is not sufficient to repress the gaiety 
of his imagination, for we are told that, " one or two men out of 
the three or four conspirators, inflicted five or six wounds upon 
the lord of the seven climes, and his spirit flew above the eight 
paradises and the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten Evan- 

Some of the passages where these descriptions are introduced 
are noticed in the following abstract, showing that they are 
derived from anything in heaven or earth, as the prolific fancy of 
the author may suggest. The Gemaldesaal has given the follow- 
ing classified distribution of them : — Of nature, its elements and 
phenomena, — fire, water, heat, cold, lightning, thunder, rain, 
snow, the sea, the desert, fields, woods, meadows, and gardens. 
Of seasons, — day, morning, evening, night, spring, summer, 
autumn, and winter. Of flowers, — the rose, the tulip, the basi- 
licon, the jasmin, the lily, the narcissus, the violet, the lotus, 
the hyacinth, the anemone. Of fruits, — ^the pomegranate, the 
apple, the orange, the citron. Of beasts, — the lion, the serpent, 
the elephant, the horse, the camel, the lynx, the falcon, the 
peacock, the dog. Of war and its appurtenances, — the contend- 
ing armies, arrows, bows, clubs, lances, spears, daggers, and spoils. 
Of musical instruments, — kettle-drums, viols, tymbals, and bar- 
bytons. Of beautiful women, — cheeks, hair, curls, eyes, and 
moles. Of festivals and their appurtenances, — cup-bearers, 
singers, bowls, wines, and fire-pans ; and lastly, pens, physicians, 
and learned men. Most of these have been given in the follow- 
ing abstract in the order in which they occur, and they by 
no means include the whole series introduced by the author. 


The reader may satisfy himself of the nature of these descrip- 
tions by reading the commencement of one devoted to the sword, 
which he will find in the abstract under "The Conquest of 
Gwaliar." If he should be desirous of seeing the conclusion of 
it, he will find it in the Gemiildesaal, pp. 178, 179. 

There is but little related of the author by biographers, and 
all we know of him is to be ascertained only from his own ac- 
count in the preface of the Tdju-l Ma-dsir. He gives his own 
name as Hasan Nizami simply. Mirkhond in his preface, and 
Hdji Khalfa (No. 2051), call him Sadru-d din Muhammad bin 
Hasan Nizami, and so he is styled by Abti-l Fazl, in an un- 
translated chapter of the Ayin-i Akbari. Hammer calls him 
Hasan Nizami of Lahore, but that was neither his birthplace 
nor chief residence. 

Hasan Nizami was born at Naish^pur, and he tells us<that he 
never dreamt of travelling abroad, until the troubles of his 
native country of Khurasan induced him to seek a residence 
elsewhere. Another cause was that no regard was paid to 
learning, in consequence of these distractions, and that ignorant 
and envious men were seeking to injure him, for it is a matter 
of common observation that "the wise are rarely regarded in 
their own country."^ 

He for a long time entertained the thought of leaving his 
country before he could put it into execution, and at last, when 
the disorders of which he complains had reached their climax, 
and he himself was reduced to the greatest distress, " in the very 
prime of manhood, and before his hair began to turn gray," he 
left his native city, notwithstanding the continued remonstrances 
of his friends, to which he had yielded for some time. He set 
out for Ghazni, at the suggestion of Shaikh Muhammad Kafi, 
and on his arrival at that capital, after being delayed by a severe 

1 This resembles the Hindi proverb, Apne gdnw Tcdjogl, an gdnw kd sidh. " The 
jogl of ;his own village is a deity in another," and our Saviour when he says, 
" A prophet is not -without honour save in his own country, and in his own house," 
is merely repeating a common Asiatic proverb. 


attack of fever on the road, he made several agreeable acquaint- 
ances amongst the learned, and after a short time departed 
in company with some of his new friends for Dehli, " the country 
of mercy and the altar of wealth. — The reins of choice were 
given to his horse, the traverser of deserts and the passer of 
hills. — The heat of the fiery blast opened the very gates of hell, 
and the wild beasts of the mountain and deserts sought for the 
shade of trees. — The boughs of the jungle were so closely 
interlaced, that the wind in the midst of them was confined like 
a bird in a cage. — A tiger was seen in every forest. — In every 
ravine and plain poisonous serpents were met with. — It came 
into his thoughts, will the boat of his life ever reach the shore 
of safety ? — The crow-like Hindus had intercepted the roads, and 
in the rapidity of their movements exceeded the wild ass and the 
deer, you might say they were demons in human form, and 
covered with blackness." 

Having escaped from all these dangers, he arrived at Dehli, 
and paid his respects to the Chief Judge, Sharfu-1 Mulk, and 
was received with great kindness. After he had resided for 
some time in this city, his friends recommended him to write 
something in the shape of contemporary history, " for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining the powers of his style;" and as the king 
had about that time issued orders that an account of his victories 
should be recorded, Hasan Nizami determined to engage himself 
upon that particular subject. 

With regard to the dedication of his work. Hammer informs 
us {Gemdld., iv. 174), that " this history of Kutbu-d din Aibak, 
was composed by Nizami, his contemporary, as early as twelve 
years after his death, for Muhammad bin Sam bin Husain, the 
ruler of Lahore, who styled himself ' Nasir-i Amiru-1 Muminin, 
helper of the prince of the behevers.' JSTizdmi of Lahore, a slave 
of Muhammad bin Sam, wrote this history for his master, who 
being an admirer of the great achievements of Aibak, took them 
for the model and rule of his reign." 

There is evidently a great misapprehension here respecting 


Muhammad bin S4m, who is no other than the famous Muham- 
mad Ghori, the master of Kutbu-d din Aibak. Muhammad Ghori 
died before Kutbu-d din reigned, and he could not therefore have 
taken his own slave for his great exemplar. What the author 
really says regarding this potentate is this : After dwelling on 
the advantage and necessity of holy wars, without which the fold 
of Muhammad's flock could never be filled, he says that such 
a hero as these obligations of religion require has been found, 
" during the reign of the lord of the world Mu'izzu-d dunyd 
wau d din, the Sultin of Sultans, Abu-1 Muzafiar Muhammad 
bin Sica bin Husain, in the person of the puissant Sult4n, the 
lord of the fortunate conjunction of the planets, the pole of the 
world and religion, the pillar of Isldm and Musulmans, the asylum 
of princes and sultdns, the destroyer of infidels and plural- 
worshippers, etc., the Khusru of Hindustan, Abu-1 haris Aibak 
the Sultdn," and that " Almighty God had selected him from 
amongst the kings and emperors of the time," for he had em- 
ployed himself in extirpating the enemies of religion and the 
state, and had deluged the land of Hind with the blood of their 
hearts, so that to the very day of resurrection travellers would 
have to pass over pools of gore in boats, — had taken every fort 
and stronghold which he attacked, and ground its foundations and 
pillars to powder under the feet of fierce and gigantic elephants, — 
had made the heads of crowned Rais crown the top of impaling 
posts, — had sent the whole world of idolatry to the fire of hell, 
by the well-watered blade of his Hindi sword, — had founded 
mosques and colleges in the places of images and idols, — and had 
made the names of Naushirwan, Rustam, and Hatim Tki to be 
forgotten." Such was the hero to the record of whose achieve- 
ments the work was principally dedicated. 

The Taju-l Ma-dsir was commenced in the year 602 h. (1205 
A.D.), in the eighth month of which (Sha'ban) Muhammad Ghori 
died, and it is evident that it was begun before his death, because 
the preface, which, however unusual, was really composed at the 
beginning, and not the conclusion of the work, contains a prayer 

VOL. II. 14 


for the prolongation of his life and the prosperity of his 

The history opens with the transactions of the year 587 H. 
(1191 A.D.), when Muhammad Ghori undertook his expedition 
to India to retrieve the dreadful disaster he had a short time 
before experienced on the field of Ndrain, near Thanesar, to 
which, however the courtly historian makes no allusion. The 
copies ordinarily to be met with carry the history down to the 
year 614 h. (1217 A.D.), or seven years after the death of Kutbu-d 
din, and at the close of that portion the author indulges in a pane- 
gyric on his own work, in which he invites the reigning monarch 
Shamsu-d din, the second Alexander, to compare his work with 
those of other celebrated historians, and he will see that it is 
" superior to anything written by ancients or modems,'" and 
he concludes by saying, that if his life is spared, he will continue 
the work in the same manner. That he did so continue it is 
evident from a very valuable copy in the possession of Nawwab 
Ziau-d din of Dehli, written as early as the ear 779 h. (1377-8 
A.D.) in the NasM character styled Sijjdzi. In this, though 
itself imperfect at the end, we have the history carried down even 
twelve years later, or to 626 h. (1228-9 A.D.), and it is not im- 
probable that it might have been prolonged to the close of Shamsu-d 
din's reign, or seven years later than -this period. From the 
general meagreness of historical details, it cannot be said that 
this deficient portion is worth much enquiry. 

Beyond the praise which the author bestows upon his heroes, 
there is nothing to indicate that he was contemporary with the 
events which he describes, and the absence of all particulars, as 
well as a certain confusion and indistinctness about some of the 
dates, show that he was no active participator in any of his 
patrons' campaigns. It is singularly strange that he says 
nothing of the transactions of Kutbu-d din's actual reign, for the 
same short chapter records his accession and his death. 

The following . abstract contains all that is of the remotest 
historical interest in the work, no name or event being omitted. 


The passages between inverted commas imply that the words of 
the original have been translated, but even in these many inter- 
mediate words, such as synonyms and reduplications of the same 
expression, have been omitted, and it has been considered suf- 
ficient to group together words and phrases, which, though 
actually to be found in the Tdju-l Ma-dsir do not in the transla- 
tion preserve the exact order of the original. The passages in 
the first chapter, which are printed in italics indicate that they 
are written in Arabic, and nearly the same proportion of Arabic 
occurs throughout the work, showing that, without a knowledge 
of that language, it would be impossible to understand thoroughly 
the Tdju-l Ma-dsir. 

The Tdju-l Ma-dsir is rare in Europe. Hammer^ says that 
the only copy to be found is in the royal library of Vienna, but 
there is one also in the British Museum. In India it is by no 
means uncommon, mach less so than the difficulty of under- 
standing the work would lead one to suppose. The copy in 
the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal is a very clean one, 
but abounds with errors, and many chapters are recopied towards 
the close. There is a beautiful copy in the Dehli College, and 
there is one of surpassing excellence belonging to Maulavi 
Sadru-d din, the Sadru-s sudur of Dehli, written in the Naskh 
character, apparently about three hundred years ago, by Mu- 
hammad bin Muhammad, who professes to have copied it from 
the author's autograph. The transcriber imitates successfully 
the style of the work in a chapter at the end, devoted to its 

There are also two good copies of the Tdju-l Ma-dsir in the 
library of Naww^b Sirdju-1 mulk, but so little known and 
appreciated as to be lettered, one the Tdrikh-i Mahmud Ghaznivi, 
the other Jahdn-kushd ; but all must yield the palm to Nawwdb 
Zidu-d din's copy noticed above, on account of its containing the 
additional matter, but it must be confessed that the character 

* Gemdldesaal der Lebenstesc%reibungen, toI. iv. p. 173. 


is not easy to read, and the manuscript is unfortunately damaged 
by water and worms. 

The copy noticed above, which shows the verses in separate 
lines detached from the prose, contains 570 pages of twenty lines 
each ; the additional matter being comprised in thirty pages. 

[The following Abstraet was prepared entirely by Sir H. Elliot himself.] 


Invasion of Hindustan. 

" In the year 587 H. (1191 A.D.), the Lord of the World, the 
Sultan of Sultans, Mu'izzu-d dunyd wau-d din (Muhammad 
Ghori) in a happy moment, and under a fortunate star, departed 
from Ghazna, may God protect it from calamities ! 

Had he not imparted movement to his hands and reins, 
The feet of his stirrups would have stopped the air in its course. 
If his horse be so wearied that it cannot carry him. 
Sis courage would urge him against his enemies. 
Having equipped and set in order the army of Islam, and 
unfurled the standards of victory and the flags of power, trusting 
in the aid of the Almighty, he proceeded towards Hindustan. 
His standards proclaim victory. 

Indeed, they are almost prepared to write the hook of victory, 
His ensigns and black umbrella are full of adornment, 
How beautiful on the face of time are the curls and /rec^/es of 
the state ! 
When the teaioi eternal prosperity, encompassedby splendour, arrived 
near Lohiir, and when the air of that country became perfumed 
and crescented by the dust of the armies and the shoes of the horses, 
the great Sadr Kiwdmu-l mulk Riihu-d din Hamza, who was 
among the chiefs of the country and the renowned of the state, and 
had obtained distinction by the customs of embassage and the pro- 
prieties of missions, and his position in the service of the sublime 
Court [may God surround it with increased glory) ! had met with 
approval, and in the beauty of his moral character and the 
excellence of his endowments, the above mentioned person, in whose 


merits all concurred, and from the flame of whose wisdom and the 
light of whose penetration abundant delight and perfect good 
fortune arose. 

Indeed all kinds of excellences united in his person, 

And he was singularly endowed in the practice of all virtues, 

He was such a 8adr that the substance of greatness found in 

him a soul, 
He was a sea in which the eyes of meaning found vision. 
Such was the man who was sent on an embassy to Ajmir, 
in order that the Eai (Pithaurd) of that country might see the 
right way without the intervention of the sword, and that he 
might inchne from the track of opposition into the path of pro- 
priety, leaving his airy follies for the institute of the knowledge of 
God, and acknowledging the expediency of uttering the words of 
martyrdom and repeating the precepts of the law, and might 
abstain from infidelity and darkness, which entails the loss of this 
world and that to come, and might place in his ear the ring of 
slavery to the sublime Court, (may God exalt it /) which is the 
centre of justice and mercy, and the pivot of the Sultans of the 
world, and by these means and modes might cleanse the fords of a 
good life from the sins of impurity. 

When the ambassador arrived in the country of Ajmlr, and 
in accordance with his orders brought forward the conditions of his 
mission, and in uttering his speech presented the usual inducements 
of fixing the mind, and adorned the selection of his words with the 
excellence of their significations, and strung well the pearls of ex- 
hortations and admonitions upon the thread of style. 

They were such words that if the world were to hear them. 

On account of their beauty the people would incline to become ears. 

Tour words are right and your meaning correct. 

Your opinion is the soul and your greatness the body. 

Your words are the product of the bough of rhetoric. 

And your clemency is the fruit of the seed of eloquence. 

In no respect did the words of threats, or promises become 


established in the heart of that man of dark understanding, nor 
did advantages or menaces addressed to the heart {and indeed he 
who menaces offers the alternative of advantages) have place 
in the hearing of that obstinate, for from his large army and 
grandeur the desire of something like the conquest of the world 
had raised a phantom in his imagination; and he remained 
neglectful of the subtle principle that armies do not profit when 
the time has passed, and he had placed on the shelf offorgetful- 
ness the good maxim that " when fate comes the field of oppor- 
tunity is narrowed" and had not read the divine order that " it is 
a duty imposed on me to give aid to the faithful ;" and in the sight 
of his idolatry the commands' of the law were the dreams of 
oppression, and the light of instruction showed the darkness of 
his perdition, and since in the sublime understanding of the 
sovereign which derived aid and support from the world of 
holiness, and the light of his wisdom exceeds and surmounts that 
splendour of the sun and moon. 

If his light were to contend with the dawn. 

Even his night would exceed the brilliancy of the day. 

Gold would not he produced from earth by the power of the 

Unless his wisdom had power over the sun. 
When these circumstances were represented, and the intelli- 
gence of the declarations of that God-forsaken reached the 
blessed hearing, which was filled with gladness, the signs of dis- 
turbance overspread his auspicious countenance. 

Conquest of Ajmir. 

He accordingly prepared for an expedition against the Rai, and 
mounted his steed, of which there is a poetical description. 
" The victorious army on the right and on the left departed 
towards Ajmir." "When the Kola (natural son) of the Rai of 
Ajmir, the vaunts of whose courage had reached the ears of far 
and near, heard of the approach of the auspicious standards 
and the victorious armies, he advanced for the purpose of fight- 


ing, and having adjusted the rohe of slaughter and the arms of 
battle, marched on over hills and deserts vyith a well-equipped 
army, the number which cannot be conceived in the picture- 
gallery of the imagination." 

"When the crow-faced Hindus began to sound their white 
shells 1 on the backs of the elephants, you would have said that 
a river of pitch was flowing impetuously down the face of a 
mountain of blue." 

Description and attributes of elephants, spears, and arrows. — 
The army of IsMm was completely victorious, and " an hundred 
thousand grovelling Hindus swiftly departed to the fire of hell." 
The E,ai of Ajmir was taken prisoner during the action, but his 
life was spared. After this great victory, the army of Isldm 
marched forward to Ajrair, where it arrived at a fortunate mo- 
ment and under an auspicious bird, and obtained so much booty 
and wealth, that you might have said that the secret depositories 
of the seas and hills had been revealed." 

Poetical description of fountains, gardens, birds, and flowers. — 
While the Sultan remained at Ajmir, "he destroyed the pillars 
and foundations of the idol temples, and built in their stead 
mosques and colleges, and the precepts of Islam, and the customs 
of the law were divulged and established." The E,ai of Ajmir, 
who had managed to obtain his release, or at least, immunity 
from punishment, and whose " ancient hatred against the Musul- 
m4ns was deeply rooted and concealed in the bottom of his 
heart," appears to have been detected in some intrigue, which 
is only very obscurely indicated, so that orders were issued for 
his death, and "the diamond-like, sword severed the head of 
that abandoned wretch from his body." 

^ KrY^ tX-i-wj in the original, to wliieh, as no meaning is attached in the diction- 
aries, 1 have thought myself warranted in translating thus ; hut a few pages after 
this (the fourth instance of their heing used), these words cannot hear this meaning, 
because the instruments in that case were soimded by the Muhammadans, to whom 
shells are an abomination. In that passage I hare called this instrument a kettle- 
drum, as it resembles a shell in shape. 


The Government of Ajmir conferred on the son of Rdl Pithaurd. i 
" The son of Eai Pithaura, in whose quahties and habits the 
proof of courage and the indexes of wisdom were apparent, and 
who, both abroad and at home, exhibited famiharity with recti- 
tude, and prognostications of goodness, was appointed to the 

government of Ajmir. 

# * * « « 

The Conquest of Dehli. 

After settling the affairs of Ajmir, the conqueror marched 
" towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate 
its splendour !) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind." 
When he arrived at Dehli, he saw " a fortress which in height 
and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length 
and breadth of the seven climes." The army encamped around 
the fort. " A torrent of blood flowed on the field of battle, and it 
became evident to the chiefs that if they did not seek for safety 
from the sword of the king of the earth, and if they should 
deliver into the hands of Satan the time of option and the reins 
of good counsel, the condition of Dehli would be like that of 
Ajmir ; so from the dread of kingly punishment, the and 
mukaddams of that country placed their heads upon the line of 
slavery, and their feet within the circle of obedience, and made 
firm the conditions of tribute [mdlguzdrt) and the usages of 

The Sultan then returned "towards the capital of Ghazna 
(may God preserve it in prosperity !)" but "the army remained 
encamped within the boundary of Dehli, at the mauza of 
Indarpat (Indraprastha)." 

The Government of Kohrdm and Sdmdna. 

The Government of the fort of Kohrdm and of Sdmana were 

made over by the Sultdn to " Kutbu-d din, on whose fortunate 

' This is the heading in the original, but in the preceding chapter the name of 
the Eai is not given. In this it is spelt Pitaur&. There is mention of the son Tj^^j ) 
not natural son (ilj ^J as in the preceding chapter. ' 


forehead the light of world- conquest shone conspicuous," "and 
who by his lofty courage and pure faith without doubt was 
worthy of the kingdom and suitable for the throne of sovereignty ; 
and by the aid of his sword of Yemen and dagger of India be- 
came established in independent power over the countries of 
Hind and Sind," " He purged by his sword the land of Hind 
from the filth of infidelity and vice, and freed the whole of that 
country from the thorn of God-plurality, and the impurity of 
idol-worship, and by his royal vigour and intrepidity, left not 
one temple standing." " He extinguished the flame of discord 
by the splendour of the light of justice, and the smoke of the 
darkness of oppression vanished from the face of the earth." 

The chiefs of the country around Kohram came to pay their 
respects and acknowledge fealty, and he was so just and generous 
" that the name of Naushirwan and the tale of Hatim Tdi were 
in course of oblivion." 

An assembly is commenced, a feast is held, and the sumptuous 
preparations described. — The merits of cup-bearers, wine, goblets, 
companions, flowers, hunting, horses, falcons, panthers, dogs, 
and huntsmen are poetically eulogized. 

The flight of Jatwdn and his '^ Death in Battle. 

" When the honoured month of Ramazdn, 588 H., the 
season of mercy and pardon, arrived, fresh intelligence was 
received at the auspicious Court, that the accursed Jatwan, 
having admitted the pride of Satan into his brain, and placed the 
cup of chieftainship and obstinacy upon his head, had raised his 
hand in fight against Nusratu-d din, the Commander, under the 
fort of H4nsi, with an army animated by one spirit." 

Digressions upon spears, the heat of the season, night, the 
new moon, morning, and the sun. — Kutbu-d din mounted his 
horse, and " marched during one night twelve parasangs." "The 
accursed Jatwan, when he heard the news of the arrival of the 

' The singular prevails throughout. He was prohahly a mere leader of the Jat 
tribe, which still maintains its position in the neighbourhood of this scene of action. 


victorious armies, felt himself compelled to depart from under 
the fort," and fled. "The soldiers of Islam came up to the 
army of Hind on the borders of Edgar ; and although Jatwdn 
saw there was no chance of successful opposition in battle, yet 
as he saw destruction impending on him from the throat of 
the dragon, and- the road for flight was blocked up, and the 
standards of the State and royal victory were unfurled, yielding 
to the necessity of the case, and not at his own option," he pre- 
pared for fight, and " the noise of the hautbois and shells con- 
founded the world, the thunder of the drums ascended to heaven, 
and the blast of the brazen clarions resembled the sounding 
trump (of resurrection.)" 

The armies attacked each other " like two hills of steel, and 
the field of battle became tulip-dyed with the blood of the war- 
riors." — Poetical digression on swords, daggers, spears, and maces. 
— The Hindus were completely defeated, and their leader slain. 
" Jatwdn, who was the essence of vice and turbulence, and the 
rod of infidelity and perverseness, the friend of grief, and the con- 
panion of shame, had his standards of God-plurality and ensigns 
of perdition lowered by the hand of power ; " " and the dust of 
the field of battle was commingled with the blood of that God- 
abandoned wretch, and the whole country was washed from the 
filth of his idolatry.'" — Praise of Kutbu-d din's justice, encourage- 
ment of the learned, and his civil administration. Mention of 
the booty taken by the Musulmdns. — He marched to Hansi, 
" and encamped there a few days, in order to repair the fort, and 
after that returned towards Kohrdm, which acquired fresh beauty 
from his blessed feet." 

" The intelligence of this happy victory and these important 
incidents was divulged over the face of the world, and the noise of 
it spread to the countries of Hind and Sind, far and near, and 
proclamations announcing the victory of the chiefs of the State, 
and the defeat of the enemies of the kingdom were written and 
despatched to the capital of Ghazna, (may the Almighty preserve 
it in wealth and prosperity !)" and in them was added " that the 


foundation of all this success was the lofty courage and pure 
faith of his Majesty." 

The Capture of Mirat. 

" When the chief luminary threw its shade in the sign of 
Libra, and temperate breezes began to blow, after putting to 
flight the army of heat," Kutbu-d din marched from Kohrdm, 
" and when he arrived at Mirat — which is one of the celebrated 
forts of the country of Hind, for the strength of its foundations 
and superstructure, and its ditch, which was as hroad as the 
ocean and fathomless — an army joined him, sent by the dependent 
chiefs of the country." The fort was captured, and a Kotwdl 
appointed to take up his station in the fort, and all the idol 
temples were converted into mosques. 

Capture of Behli. 

He then marched and encamped under the fort of Dehli, which 
was also captured, " and the standards of the State were also 
carried into the neighbouring tracts. The conqueror entered the 
city of Dehli, which is the source of wealth and the foundation 
of blessedness." The city and its vicinity was freed from idols 
and idol-worship, and in the sanctuaries of the images of the 
Grods, mosques were raised by the worshippers of one God." 

The RehelUon of Siraj, BrotJier of the Rdi of Ajmir. 

After Kutbu-d din had settled affairs in this quarter, the 
chief Sadr, Kiwam-u-1 mulk Euhu-d-din Hamza, sent him in- 
telligence irom Rantanbor, that Hiraj,'^ the brother of the R^i 
of Ajmir, had gone into rebellion, and "had turned his face 
towards the siege of the fort of Rantanbor," and that the son of 
PitaurA, who had heen advanced under the protection of the 
sublime Court, was in a state of extreme danger. On receiving 
this intelligence, Kutbu-d din appointed the Amir Sabiku-1 

' Firishta calls him HemrSj, which, is a common Indian name. " HirSj " is not; 
but it is plainly so written in all the copies. It is probably an abbreviation of the 
Sanskrit " Dhir&j," a potentate, which is still used on the seals of Hindti Eij&s. 


mulk Nasru-d din" to take charge of the affairs of State during 
his absence, " a man who in Icnowledge of the rules and customs 
of government was superior to his contemporaries, and in resolu- 
tion and courage was celebrated throughout Hind, far and near," 
and himself departed for Eantanbor, "passing over hill and 
desert like a wild ass or an antelope." 

" When Hir4j heard of the arrival of the auspicious standards, 
knowing he could not contend with the army of Islam, and im- 
pelled by necessity, he placed the hands of weakness in the skirts 
of flight, and for fear of the blade of the scimetar fled like the 
wind with his resurrectionless army." The conqueror then en- 
gaged himself in administering "the ways of justice, and received 
both high and low under the shadow of his benignity," and the 
people were happy. " At this time the son of Eai Pitaura was 
favoured with a robe of honour and other kindnesses ; and in 
return for this friendship, he sent abundant treasure for the 
service of the State, together with three golden melons, which 
with extreme ingenuity had been cast in moulds like the fiill 

" About this time they wrote to the heavenly throne, that the 
Rai who had fled from Dehli had raised an army of idolatrous, 
turbulent, and rebellious tribes, the vapour of pride and conquest 
havingentered his thoughtless brain." Kutbu-d din pursued him, 
" and when the wretch was taken, his head was severed from his 
body and sent to Dehli, which had been his residence and capital." 
Kutbu-d din then himself returned to Dehli, and sent " written 
accounts of his capture of forts and strongholds, and his victories 
and holy wars" to Ghazna, to which capital he was invited to 
receive thanks in person from Mu''izzu-d din Sam Ghori. The 
invitation arrived when the sun was in Cancer, and the heat was 
so great as to prevent travelling, but he set out on his journey 
at the commencement of the rainy season. 

Kutbu-d din proceeds to Ghazna. 
" When the fortunate stirrups reached the capital of Grhazna 


(may God shed splendour on it !), he enjoyed the happiness of 
kissing hands, and received other marks of special favour before 
the great throne, and in the degree of his rank was raised above 
all the other chiefs of the world." A festival was held in cele- 
bration of his arrival, " and splendid jewels, and valuable clothes, 
and costly arms, and slaves of great price'" were presented to the 

Kutbu-d din was accommodated in the garden of the minister 
Zi4u-1 mulk. — Here follow poetical descriptions, of horses, ice, 
apples, citrons, oranges, cold, wind, and fire. — On the return of the 
hot season he was taken ill, and " removed from the residence 
of the minister to the palace of the sovereign, which is the seat 
of prosperity ; but on account of his illness and want of strength, 
he could not rejoice in his heart with the festivities." On his 
recovery, he took his leave of the king, and received a patent 
conferring upon him the government (of Hindnstdn) " and every 
one of the principal officers of his army was rejoiced exceedingly, 
at receiving from his Majesty suitable presents and promotion of 

On his arrival at Karman^ from the great capital, Tdju-d din 
Yalduz received him with great kindness and honour, and gave 
him his daughter in marriage, and a fete was held on the occa- 
sion. — Poetical descriptions follow, of stars, female beauty, cup- 
bearers, curls, cheeks, eyes, lips, mouths, stature, elegance, cups, 
wine, singers, guitars, barbats, trumpets, flutes, drums, on the 
morning, and the sun. 

Kuthu-d din returns to Behli. 
When he arrived at Dehli, "which is the capital of the king- 
dom, and the centre of God's aid and victory, the crown and 
throne of sovereignty received honour and adornment in his 
kingly person," "and the lords of the sword and pen hastened 
to pay their respects at the magnificent Court, and observed the 
usages of benediction and praise ; while the city and its vicinity 
1 This KarmSn is in the Bangash country, between K&bul and Banu. 


rejoiced and was decorated like the garden of Iram, and the gates 
and walls were adorned with the gold tissues of Chin and the 
brocades of Eutn," " and triumphal arches were raised, beautifiil 
to look at, the top of which a strong-winged bird could not sur- 
mount, and the glittering of the lightning of the swords and the 
splendour of the arms, which were suspended on all sides of them, 
inspired terror in the spirit of the beholder." 

Rhapsody upon spring and birds. — Kutbu-d din built the 
Jami' Masjid at Dehli, and " adorned it with the stones and 
gold obtained from the temples which had been demolished by- 
elephants," and covered it with " inscriptions in Toghra, contain- 
ing the divine commands." 

Kidhu-d din advances to Kol. 

After staying sometime at Dehli, he marched in the year 590 H. 
(1194 A.D.), towards Kol and Benares, passing the Jiin (Jumna) 
" which, from its exceeding purity, resembled a mirror." He took 
Kol, " which is one of the most celebrated fortresses of Hind." 
Those of the garrison " who were wise and acute were converted 
to Islam," but those who stood by their ancient faith were slain 
with the sword. " The nobles and chiefs of the State entered the 
fort, and carried off much treasure and countless plunder, in- 
cluding one thousand horses." 

There intelligence was received of the march of Muhammad 
Grhorl from Ghazna ; Kutbu-d din advanced to meet him, " and 
had the honor of kissing hands, which is the highest of glories, 
and the essence of miracles, and presented an elephant laden with 
white silver and red gold," "and an hundred horses," "and 
sundry kinds of perfumes." 

Fight with the Rdi of Benares and Capture of Asni. 

When the army was mustered, it was found to amount to "fifty 

thousand mounted men clad in armour and coats of mail," with 

which they advanced to fight against the Rai of Benares. The 

king ordered Kutbu-d din to proceed with the vanguard, con- 


sisting of one thousand cavalry, -which fell upon " the army of 
the enemies of religion," and completely defeated it. On its 
return to the king, the officers were presented with robes of 

" The Rai of Benares, Jai Chand, the chief of idolatry and 
perdition, advanced to oppose the royal troopS with an army, 
countless as the particles of sand," " and the noise of the war- 
drum proclaimed to the ears of the worshippers of one God, aid 
comes from the Almighty, and the sound of the silver kettle-drum 
and the blast of the brazen trumpets resounded to heaven." 
Ehapsodical description of swords, spears, war-nooses, and archers. 
" The Rai of Benares, who prided himself on the number of his 
forces and war elephants," seated on a lofty howdah, received a 
deadly wound from an arrow, and "fell from his exalted seat to 
the earth." His head was carried on the point of a spear to the 
commander, and " his body was thrown to the dust of contempt." 
" The impurities of idolatry were purged by the water of the 
sword from that land, and the country of Hind was freed from 
vice and superstition." 

" Immense booty was obtained, such as the eye of the beholder 
would be weary to look at," including one (some copies say three) 
hundred elephants. The royal army then took possession " of 
the fort of Asni where the treasure of the Uii was deposited," and 
there much more precious spoil of all kinds rewarded the victors. 

The Capture of Benares. 
From that place the royal army proceeded towards Benares, 
" which is the centre of the country of Hind," and here they 
destroyed nearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on 
their foundations ; and the knowledge of the law became pro- 
mulo-ated, and the foundations of religion were established ;" 
"and the face of the dindr and the diram was adorned with the 
name and blessed titles" of the king. The Eais and chiefs of 
Hind came forward to proffer their allegiance. " The govern- 
ment of that country was then bestowed on one of the most 


celebrated and exalted servants of the State," in order that he 
might distribute justice and repress idolatry. 

When the king had settled all the affairs of the city and its 
vicinity, and "the record of his celebrated holy wars had been 
written in histories and circulated throughout the breadth of the 
fourtli inhabited quarter of the world," he returned to Ghazna. 
"The standards of the Khusru, victorious in battle,^ were planted 
for some days on the fort of Xsni, and the chiefs and elders all 
around hastened to his service with various kinds of rarities and 
presents, and his noble Court became the scene where the princes 
and generals of the world came to bow their heads in reverence." 

Kuthu-d din returns to Kol, and entrusts its Government to 
Hisdmu-d din ' TJJbak. 

There was a certain tribe in the neighbourhood of Kol, which 
" after the manner of fox playing with lions" had occasioned much 
trouble by their deceits and stratagems, therefore " by the edge of 
the sword they were despatched to the fire of hell." " Three bastions 
were raised as high as heaven with their heads, and their carcases 
became the food of beasts of prey." " That tract was freed from 
idols and idol worship, and the foundations of infidelity were 
destroyed," and all those who were oppressed found protection 
under the shadow of royal clemency." " The keys of command 
and prohibition in the kasba of Kol were given to Maliku-1 
Umara HiscLmu-d din 'Ulbak, one of the chief pillars of the 
State." Here follows a didactic passage on what he was expected 
to do as a good governor. 

Se returns to Behli. 
"When he was at complete leisure from the important con- 
cerns of Kol, and the affairs of that neighbourhood had been 
adjusted by the aid of the kindness of his heart, he turned his 
face towards the abodes of Dehli, the altar of the prosperity of 
the worlds," and when he arrived there he administered justice 

1 Kutbu-d din is usually styled throughout the work t'=>t:.^s- ;,_j , ...^ 


with SO much impartiality, that among other results " the wolf 
and sheep drank water out of the same pond," " and the very 
mention of thieves and theft, which had before been current on 
the tongues of every one, fell to the dust." 

The Second Visit to Ajmir. 

" In the year 589 H. (1193 a.d.) they represented to the Court 
that Hirdj, the Eai of Ajmir, having raised the standards of per- 
dition, and fanned the flame of idolatry in his heart, had opened 
the road of rebellion which he had hitherto closed by his 
deceit, and that from being exceedingly forsaken by God, he 
had delivered the reins of vanity into the hands of Satan, and 
having conceived the ladders of grandeur in his brain, had 
become proud." " Jihtar,^ supported by an army, hastened to 
the borders of Dehli, and the people were suddenly caught in the 
darkness of his oppression and turbulence, and the blood and 
property of the Musulmans fell into danger and destruction. 
When the mention of these circumstances was made to the 
blessed ear of the Khusru, in a moment of courage and royal 
determination, he employed himself in the punishment and ex- 
tinction of the rebel." " He ordered that a portion of his 
victorious array should be set apart and equipped for his personal 
service, and that the rest of his army should be detached to th« 
frontiers for the subjection of the accursed, and the destruction of 
the enemies of the state and religion." Kutbu-d din marched 
towards Ajmir in the middle of the hot season, "when the 
armour on the bodies of the valiant was inflamed by the heat of 
the sun, and the sword in the scabbard melted like wax," so that 
he was compelled to make night marches. 

" When Jihtar heard of the approach of the victorious stan- 
dards, the blackness of sorrow was fixed in his breast," and 
" knowing that he had not power to oppose them on the field of 
battle, he tightened the girths of the horse of flight, and sped 
like the wind out of the net of danger, and arrived at the shore 
^ The name is written " Jihtar in one MS. and " Jhitar in another. 

VOL. II. 15 


of safety from the whirlpool of destruction, and from fear of the 
Khusru's sword drew his head within the four walls of that 
strong fortress of Ajmir, like a tortoise," where, in despair, he 
sacrificed himself in the flames of a pyre, after which the fort, 
"which was one of the most celebrated in Hind," was easily taken. 
" The country of Ajmir was restored to the honours of the 
ancient time and the dignities of its past days, for the circum- 
stances of that province had altogether departed from their 
former course to which they now reverted," " religion was re- 
established," " the road of rebellion was closed," " infidelity was 
cut off, and the foundations of idol-worship were utterly de- 
stroyed." The roads were freed from the fear and danger of 
robbers, and the oppressed subjects were delivered from their 
distresses." "The blessed lamp was visited by E,4is and Ranas, 
and the earth was rubbed by the foreheads of the chiefs and 
celebrated men of Hind." After settling the affairs of Ajmir, 
Kutbu-d din returned to Dehli. 

Arrival of Sultan Muhammad Ghori in Sindustdn. 

When Kutbu-d din heard of the Sultan's march from Ghazna, 
he was much rejoiced, and advanced as far as Hansi to meet him, 
and " had the honour of kissing hands, and being distinguished 
above all the princes of the earth by the endless favours which 
were lavished on him." In the year 592, h. (1196 A.D.), they 
marched towards Thangar,i and the centre of idolatry and 
perdition became the abode of glory and splendour, and when 
the ropes of the royal tent were raised to heaven, the neighbour- 
hood was tinged with an hundred hues by the varied coloured 
tents which were erected round that fortress, which resembled 
a hill of iron." "By the aid of God, and by the means of 
courage and the daily increasing prosperity of the king, that 
strong castle was taken, which had hitherto remained closed to 
all the sovereigns and princes of the world." 

' The text of Firislita says " Thangar, which is now called Biina." 


" Kuwar Pal,i the Rai of Thangar, who had prided himself on 
the numbers of his army and the strength of his castle, when he 
saw the power of the army opposed to him, fear invaded his 
breast, and he begged for safety for his life, and, like a slave, 
kissed the face of the earth with the very roots of his teeth." 
Upon which he was pardolied and admitted into favour, and, 
though with the loss of his kingdom, was content that his life 
was left to him.'' " The Musulmans, and harbis, and zimmis 
entered into conditions for paying revenue. The country was 
purified from the defilement of infidelity, and no opportunity 
remained for opposition and rebellion." 

" The government of Thangar was conferred on Bah4u-d din 
Tughril," "who was acquainted with matters of administration, 
and the customs of setting soldiers in array," and who received 
advice and instruction from his majesty how to comport himself 
properly in his new appointment. 

The Capture of Gwdlidr. 

When the afiairs of this tract was settled, the royal army 
marched, in the year 592 h., (1196 a.d.) "towards Galewar 
■ (Grwdliar), and invested that fort, which is the pearl of the neck- 
lace of the castles of Hind, the summit of which the nimble-footed 
wind from below cannot reach, and on the bastion of which the 
rapid clouds have never cast their shade, and which the swift 
imagination has never surmounted, and at the height of which 
the celestial sphere is dazzled." — Description of swords and other 
military weapons. — " In compliance with the divine injunction 
of holy war, they drew out the bloodthirsty sword before 
the faces of the enemies of religion. That sword was 
coloured of ceerulean blue, which from its blazing lustre re- 
sembled a hundred thousand Yenuses and Pleiades, and it 
was a well-tempered horse-shoe of fire, which with its wound 
exhibited the peculiarity of lightning and thunder ; and in the 
perfect weapon the extreme of sharpness lay hid, like (poison in) 
1 [Sir H. Elliot writes the name thus, but his MS. has only " Kti P&l."] 


the fangs of a serpent ; and (the water of the blade) looked like 
ants creeping on the surface of a diamond ;" and so forth. 

"Eai Solankh Pal who had raised the standard of infidelity, 
and perdition, and prided himself on his countless army and 
elephants, and who expanded the fist^ of oppression from the 
hiding place of deceit, and who had lighted the flame of turbu- 
lence and rebellion, and who had fixed the root of sedition and 
enmity firm in his heart, and in the courtyard of whose breast 
the shrub of tyranny and commotion had shot forth its branches, 
when he saw the power and majesty of the army of Islam," he 
became alarmed and dispirited. " Wherever he looked, he saw 
the road of flight blocked up." He therefore " sued for pardon, 
and placed the ring of servitude in his ear," and agreed to pay 
tribute, and sent ten elephants as a peace ofi"ering, in which he 
was graciously admitted to protection, and was allowed to retain 
his fort. " When the neighbouring country was freed fi'om the 
enemies of religion, and the Eal of Hind became enrolled amongst 
the number of servants and friends," the Sultdn prepared to 
return to Ghazna, and Kutbu-d din, after his departure, returned 
to Dehli, where festivities were celebrated on his arrival. — Praise 
of wine-bibbing and cup-bearers. 

The Conquest of Nahrwala, and the Flight of the Rdi. 

In the year 591 H. (1195 a.d.), when Kutbu-d din was again 
at Ajmir, intelligence was brought him that a party of seditious 
Mhers, " who were always shooting the arrow of deceit from the 
bow of refractoriness," had sent spies and messengers towai'ds 
Nahrwdla, representing that a detachment of the army of the 
Turks had arrived at Ajmir, of no great strength and numbers, 
and that if from that quarter a force could be immediately sent 
to join them, before the enemy could find the opportunity of put- 
ting themselves in a state of preparation, they could make a 
sudden night attack upon them, and might rid the country of 

' Hammer (fiemdld., iv. 181,) translates " den Spannring des Bogens der Umbill 
zum Daumring gemacht ;" for which I see no authority in the original. 


them, and if anyone of the Turkish army were to escape from the 
talons of the eagle of death, he must necessarily take the road of 
flight, and with his two horses would make three stages into one, 
until he reached Dehli in a state of distraction." 

When this treacherous plan was revealed, Kutbu-d din deter- 
mined to anticipate it, and during the height of the hot season 
"before the sun arose, fell upon the advance guard of the black 
infidels, and like lions attacked them right and left." The action 
lasted during the whole day, and next morning that immense 
army of Nahrwala came to the assistance of the vanguard, slew 
many of the Musulmdns, wounded their commander, pursued 
them to Ajmir, and encamped within one parasang of that place. 

In this predicament, a confidential messenger was sent to 
Ghazna"^ "to explain before the sublime throne the position of 
the army of the infidels, and to ask for orders as to future pro- 
ceedings." " A royal edict was issued conferring all kinds of 
honours and kindnesses upon the Khusru, and leaving to his 
entire discretion the subjection and extirpation of the turbulent." 
A very large army was despatched to reinforce him, under the 
command of Jahdn Pahlawan, Asadu-d din Arslan Kalij, Nasiru-d 
din Husain, 'Izzu-d din son of Muwaiyidu-d din Balkh, and 
Sharfii-d din Muhammad Jarah." These reinforcements arrived 
at the beginning of the cold season, when " the vanguard of the 
army of winter began to draw its sword from the scabbard, 
and the season of collecting armies and the time of making raids 
had returned." 

"In the middle of the month of Safar, 593 h. (Jan., 1197), 
the world-conquering Khusru departed from Ajmir, and with 
every description of force turned his face towards the annihilation 
of the E4i of JSTahrwala." When he reached the lofty forts of 
Pali and Nandul,^ he found them abandoned, and the abode of 

1 In the latter half of the work the spelling is usually Ghaznin. 

2 Hammer {GfemSM. iv. 184,) following Briggs {Ferishta I. 196) reads « Bali and 
Nadole." They assume various forms in different manuscripts, — " Eahi and 
Bartaki JSTaddl and Nazdl." There are places between Ajmir and Mount Ahii, 
which correspond to the names given in the the text. The lithographed edition of 
Ferishta (I. 108) reads "Dhtltali and Bazfil." 


owls, for the people had fled at the approach of the Musulmdns, 
and had collected under their leaders E^i Karan and Dardbars, 
in great numbers " at the foot of Mount j^bu, and at the mouth 
of a pass stood ready for fight and slaughter." The Musulmdns 
did not dare to attack them in that strong position, especially as 
in that very place Sultan Muhammad Sam Ghori had been 
■wounded, and it was considered of bad omen to bring on another 
action there, lest a similar accident might occur to the com- 
mander. The Hindus seeing this hesitation, and misconstruing 
it into cowardice and alarm, abandoning the pass, "turned their 
faces towards the field of battle and the plain of honour and 
renown;" for "they were persuaded that fear had established 
itself in the hearts of the protectors of the sacred enclosure of 
religion." " The two armies stood face to face for some time, 
engaged in preparations for fight, and on the night preceding 
Sunday, the 13th of Eabfu-l awwal, in a fortunate moment the 
army of Isldm advanced from its camp, and at morn reached the 
position of the infidels." A severe action ensued fi:om dawn to 
mid-day, when "the army of idolatry and damnation turned its 
back in flight from the line of battle. Most of their leaders were ■ 
taken prisoners, and nearly fifty thousand infidels were despatched 
to hell by the sword, and from the heaps of the slain, the hills 
and the plains became of one level." Raf Karan efiected his 
escape from the field. " More than twenty thousand slaves, and 
twenty elephants, and cattle and arms beyond all calculation, fell 
into the hands of the victors." " You would have thought that 
the treasures of the kings of all the inhabited world had come 
into their possession." 

" The city of Nahrwdla, which is the most celebrated in that 
country, full of rivers," and the kingdom of Gujar&t, which is 
" a separate region of the world," came under the dominion of 
the Musulmans, " and high and low were treated with royal 
benignity and justice." " The chief nobles and pillars of the 
State were favoured with handsome robes of honour, and received 
abundant proofs of royal kindness," then " the standards of the 


Khusrti, victorious in battle, returned to Ajmir," whence they 
were moved towards Dehli, where they arrived at an auspicious 
moment. As an earnest of his regard and respect, Kutbu-d din 
sent to Ghazna treasures and various rarities, which were received 
by his majesty with suitable acknowledgments of the value and 
splendour of his general's services. 

Capture of the Fort of Kdlinjar. 
In the year 699 h. (1202 a.d.), Kutbu-d din proceeded to the 
investment of Kalinjar, on which expedition he was accompanied 
by the S^hib-Kirdn, Shamsu-d din Altamsh. Encomiums on 
both warriors follow through several pages. " The accursed 
Parmar," the Eai of Kalinjar, fled into the fort after a desperate 
resistance in the field, and afterwards surrendered himself, and 
" placed the collar of subjection" round his neck, and, on his pro- 
mise of allegiance, was admitted to the same favours as his 
ancestor had experienced from Mahmud Subuktigin, and en- 
gaged to make a payment of tribute and elephants, but he died 
a natural death before he could execute any of his engagements. 
His Diwan, or Mahtea, by name Aj Deo, was not disposed to 
surrender so easily as his master, and gave his enemies much 
trouble, until he was compelled to capitulate, in consequence of 
severe drought having dried up all the reservoirs of water in the 
forts. "On Monday, the 20th of Rajab, the garrison, in an 
extreme state of weakness and distraction, came out of the fort, 
and by compulsion left their native place empty," " and the fort 
of Kdlinjar which was celebrated throughout the world for being 
as strong as the wall of Alexander" was taken. " The temples 
were converted into mosques and abodes of goodness, and the 
ejaculations of the bead-counters and the voices of the summoners 
to prayer ascended to the highest heaven, and the very name of 
idolatry was annihilated." " Fifty thousand men came under 
the collar of slavery, and the plain became black as pitch with 
Hindus." Elephants and cattle, and countless arms also, became 
the spoil of the victors. 


" The reins of victory were tlieii directed towards Mahobd, 
and the government of Kalinjar was conferred on Hazabbaru-d 
din Hasan Arnal. When Kutbu-d din was satisfied with all the 
arrangements made in that quarter, he went towards Badaun/ 
" which is one of the mothers of cities, and one of the chiefest of 
the country of Hind." 

The Visit of Muhammad Bakhtiydr Khilji and the Return of 
of Kuthu-d din to Dehli. 

Shortly afterwards, " Ikhtiydru-d din Muhammad Bakh- 
tiyar, one of the chief supports of the State, the splendour of 
IsUm, and celebrated throughout Hind for his religious wars, 
joined the auspicious stirrups and came to pay his respects from 
the direction of Oudh and Behar." "He presented twenty 
elephants and various kinds of jewels and moneys." " He was 
received with royal kindness and beneficence, and he was exalted 
above the leaders of the time ;" and when he took his audience 
of leave, the blessed commands, investing him with authority, 
were renewed and augmented, and a tent, a naubat, a drum, a 
standard, and magnificent robe of honour, a horse and trappings, 
a waistband, sword, and a vest from the private wardrobe were 
conferred upon him." 

" In a fortunate moment, and under an auspicious bird, the 
blessed standards were waved, and directed towards Dehli, the 
capital of prosperity and the altar of excellence." — Ehapsody on 
Kutbu-d din's justice. 

The Return of Muhammad Ghori from Kliwdrizm and his War 

the Gakhhurs. 

When the sublime standards were returning in the year 600 h. 
(1203 A.D.) from the capital of Khwarizm, the army of Khit4 
(God's curse on it !) made an attack upon them, while on their 

^ Hammer {Gemdld. iv. 185) following Briggs {Ferishta I. 198) places Bad&tin 
between the Ganges and the Jamna, for which there is no authority in the original 
It is in Eohilihand, to the east of the Ganges. 


march within the borders of Andkhud, in numbers exceeding 
the stars of heaven and the particles of the earth, and the great 
king, wounded and defeated, fled from the field of hatred towards 

"Aibak B4k, one of the most confidential servants of the 
State, an officer of high rank in the army, who had been brought 
up in the royal court, fled from the field of battle, and carried 
away the impression that by heavenly visitation, the blessed 
person of the king had met with a misfortune and been slain. 
He fled with the speed of the wind to Multan, and, on his arrival, 
went immediately to Amir Dad Hasan, the lord of a standard, 
and deceit fully persuaded him that he had come for the purpose 
of imparting to him a royal command, which could only be com- 
municated to him in private, and should not be publicly divulged." 
When the private conference was accorded to him, he took the 
opportunity of assassinating the governor, and so got possession 
of the fort of Multan. " For a long time the truth of the matter 
was not revealed, and a report was spread to the effect that the 
governor had been imprisoned by the royal commands. After 
some delay, the various servants and officers of the Province 
became aware of what had really happened, and the intelligence 
of the true circumstances was spread throughout the far and near 
countries of Hind and Sind. Upon this, the tribe of Kokars 
(Gakkhurs) (G-od annihilate them !) said that from any one who 
had the least knowledge and sense, it could not be concealed that 
if the. sacred person of the Suit An had been alive, the hke of these 
transactions could never have been done by Aibak Bak, and that 
therefore the great king had exchanged his throne of empire for 
one of dust, and had departed from the house of mortality to the 
world of holiness. In consequence of these impressions, seditious 
thoughts entered the brains of the Hindus, and the madness of 
independence and dominion affected the heads of Bakan and 
Sarki, the chiefs of the Kokars, who thrust their heads out of the 
collar of obedience, and opened their hands for the destruction of 
villages and the plunder of cattle, and kindled the flames of tur- 


bulence and sedition between the waters of the Sodra^ and the 
Jelam, by the aid of a crowd of the dependants of Satan." " When 
their ravages had exceeded all bounds, Bahau-d din Muhammad, 
governor of Sangwdn, with his brothers, who held lands (aktd') 
within the borders of Multdn, accompanied by many of the 
chief people of the city, marched out against them, determined to 
repress the violence of those accursed rebels and enemies of the 
State and religion ; but many of them were captured or slain by 
the exertions of the army of the infidels, in number like the drops 
of rain or leaves of the forest. Their power consequently in- 
creased day by day, and a general named Sulaiman was obliged 
to fly before the superior numbers of the enemy." When these 
circumstances were reported to Muhammad Ghori, he determined 
on proceeding to the scene of action, and sent on the Amir Hajib, 
Sir4ju-d din Abu Bakr, one of his confidential servants, to in- 
form Kutbu-d din of his intentions. In consequence of which, 
Kutbu-d din advanced to meet his Majesty, at the opening of 
the cold season. " At every stage intelligence reached him from 
the royal camp, urging his advance, and informing him that the 
blood-thirsty sword would be sheathed, and the camp would halt, 
and that no measures would be taken to exterminate the infidels, 
until he had passed the river (Chin^b) which intervened between 
his and the royal carap." 

"Near the river of Sodra, Kutbu-d din killed four fierce tigers, 
at the roaring of which the heart was appalled," and on the day 
after crossing that river, he joined the camp of the king on the 
bank of the Jelam, and was received with royal kindness. " They 
mounted their horses and swam them like fish across the Jelam," 
" and on the bank of the river entered on their plans for the 
approaching action, and arranged all the preparations for fight, 
after joining together in consultation." Kutbu-d din suggested 

^ Hammer {Gem'ald. iy. 183) says, "the river of Sodra, ■which, flowing by SiUkot, 
Sodra, and Wazirlih&d, discharges itself into the Chin6.b." But there is no such 
stream. The Sodra is the ChinS.b itself, so called from the old town of that name 
on its eastern bank. 


that it was not right for the king to expose his person against 
such enemies, and suggested that the command of the Musulmdn 
army should be entrusted to himself alone ; but the persuasion 
of his general seem to have had no effect upon the resolution of 
the Sult4n. — Description of the battle near the ford of the Jelam, 
the waves of which were filled with blood, and in which " the 
armies of infidelity and true faith commingled together like 
waves of the sea, and contended with each other like night and 
day, or light and darkness." Shamsu-d din was also engaged 
in this fight. — Extravaganzas upon spears and other weapons, 
and upon war-horses. 

The Kokars were completely defeated, and, " in that country 
there remained not an inhabitant to light a fire." " Much 
spoil in slaves and weapons, beyond all enumeration, fell into the 
possession of the victors." One of the sons of the Kokar Rai, 
the chief instigator of these hostilities, rushed into the river with 
" a detachment of his Satanical followers, and fled with one horse 
from the field of battle to a fort on the hill of Jud, and having 
escaped the sword, threw into it the last breathings of a dying 
man." The next day, Muhammad Sam advanced towards the 
hill of Jud, when the action was renewed, which ended in the 
capture of the fortress, " and the Hindus like a torrent descended 
from the top of the hill to the bottom." " The R4i of the hill of 
Jiid, putting on the robes of a Brahman, presented himself like 
a slave, and kissed the face of the earth before the Sultdn," by 
whom he was admitted to pardon. Immense booty was taken 
in the fort. 

The Sultan then advanced to Lahore, accompanied by Kutbu-d 
din and the chief officers of State, and on Kutbu-d din's taking 
his audience of leave, before his return to Dehli, he received a 
dress of honour and an affectionate farewell. 

Death of the Sultan of Sultans, Muhammad Sam. 
On the king's return from Lahore towards Ghazni, he had 
fixed his camp " within the borders of Dhamek, and his tent was 

236 HASAN NlZAMr. 

pitched on the bank of a pure stream in a garden filled with 
lilies, jasmins," and other flowers. Here while he was engaged 
in his evening prayer, "some impious men (God's curse and 
destruction on them !) came running like the wind towards his 
majesty, the king of the world, and on the spot killed three 
armed attendants and two chamber-sweepers. They then sur- 
rounded the king's own tent, and one or two men out of these 
three or four conspirators, ran up towards the king, and inflicted 
five or six desperate wounds upon the lord of the seven climes, 
and his spirit flew above the eight paradises and the battlements 
of the nine heavens, and joined those of the ten evangelists.'" 

A long elegy follows upon his death. His body was carried 
to Ghazna. "When this dreadful intelligence was conveyed 
to the lion-hearted Khusru," he was deeply distressed, and, 
" when he was alone, streams of blood coursed down the face 
of his cheeks." 

Allegiance of the Nobles to Kuthu-d din, and his Confirmation 
in the Kingdoms of Hind and Sind. 

" For the consolation and satisfaction of the distant provinces, 
the auspicious mandates were issued to the different quarters of 
both sea and land," and the nobles and dependants of the Court 
came forward to offer their allegiance, and "the carpet of his 
audience-chamber was kissed by the Rais of Hind and the 
Khusrus of Chin." " The keys of direction and prohibition in 
the capital of Ghazna fell into the hands of his oiScers, after the 
flight of Taju-d din Yalduz, and the whole country of Hind, 
from Pershaur to the shores of the ocean, and in the other 
direction, from Siwist^n to the borders of the hills of Chin, came 
into the power of his servants and under the dominion of the 
executors of his orders." " The public prayers and coinage of 
dinars and dirhams thoughout the whole country, full of rivers, 
received honour and embellishment from his name and royal 
titles," and Lohtir, where the throne of Sultans had been estab- 
lished, and which was the altar of the good and pious, became 


the capital." "By his orders, the precepts of Isldm received 
great promulgation, and the sun of righteousness cast its shadow 
on the countries of Hind from the heaven of God's assistance.'' 
— Happy results of the king's mercy and justice. 

Death of the Sultan of Sultans " by a fall from his horse while 
playing the game of chaugan, and his burial at Lahore," like a 
treasure in the bowels of the earth. — An elegy upon his death. 

Accession of 8hamsu-d din. 
" In the year 607 H. (1210 a.d.), the throne of the kingdoms 
of Hindustan received honour and embellishment from Shamsu-d 
din .wau-d dunya the Emperor of Turk and 'Ajam, Abu-1 
MuzafFar Altamsh." 

Revolt of the Turks in the City of Dehli. 

"Sirj^nddr Turki, who was the leader of all sedition, and 
who opened his hand to shed the blood of Musulmdns, with 
an army of bloodthirsty Turks broke out into open rebellion. 
Although the Sultan was frequently requested to repress their 
violence, he "refrained for several days" from doing so. At 
last, he determined to oppose them with a large army, headed 
"by the chiefs of the time, such as 'Izzu-d din Bakhtiydr, 
Nasiru-d din Mardan Shah, Hazabbaru-d din Ahmad Sur, and 
Iftikharu-d din Muhammad 'Umar, all valiatit warriors." 

" This army, assaulting like fire and moving like the wind, was 
drawn out in battle array like a hill of iron, near the Bagh-i 
Jun (the Jamna Garden)."— Hyperboles on battle, arms, and 


Aksankar Kitta and T4ju-d din Farrukh Shah were slain in 
battle, but Sirj^ndar Turki "threw himself into the waters of the 
Jun, took to flight like a fox in fear of a lion, and departed by 
the way of river and hill like a crocodile and a leopard, and, 
starting and trembling, concealed himself in the jungles and 
forests, like a sword in a scabbard, or a pen in a writing-box," 
and all their followers were^either killed or dispersed. 


Capture of Jdlor. 

After some time, they represented to his Majesty that the in- 
habitants of the fort of Jalewar (JAlor) had determined to re- 
venge the blood which had been shed, " and once or twice men- 
tion of the evil deeds and improprieties of that people was made 
before the sublime throne. Shamsu-d din accordingly assembled 
a large army, and headed by " a number of the pillars of the 
State, such as E,uknu-d din Hamza, 'Izzu-d din Bakhtiycir 
Nasiru-d din Mard^n Shah, JSTasiru-d din 'All and Badru-d 
din Saukartigin," valiant men and skilful archers, "who could 
in a dark night hit with their arrows the mirror^ on the forehead 
of an elephant." " The king took his way towards Jdlewar by 
the aid of God," " and by reason of the scantiness of water and 
food it was a matter of danger to traverse that desert, where one 
might have thought that nothing but the face of demons and 
sprites could be seen, and the means of escape from it were not 
even written on the tablet of providential design." 

"TJdi Sah, the accursed, took to the four walls of J41ewar, 
an exceedingly strong fortress, the gates of which had never been 
opened by any conqueror." When the place was invested by 
Shamsu-d din, Udi Sah requested some of the chiefs of the royal 
army to intercede for his forgiveness. While the terms of his 
surrender were under consideration, two or three of the bastions 
of his fort were demolished. He came, "with his head and feet 
naked, and placed his forehead on the earth" and was received 
with favour. The Sultan granted him his life, and restored his 
fortress, and in return the Edi presented respectfully an hundred 
camels and twenty horses, in the name of tribute and after the 
custom of service." The Sultan then returned to Dehli, " which 
is the capital of prosperity and the palace of glory," and after his 
arrival, " not a vestige or name remained of the idol temples 
which had reared their heads on high ; and the light of faith 

^ This was probably made of burnished steel, and must have been placed as a 
protection over the most Yulnerable part of the elephant. Shortly afterwards, the 
author styles this plate " a Chinese mirror." 


shone out from the darkness of infidelity, like the sun from a 
curtain of sorrow, or after its emerging from an eclipse,^ and 
threw its shade over the provinces of Hind and Sind, the far and 
near countries of idolatry ; and the moon of religion and the 
State became resplendent from the heaven of prosperity and 
glory." — Praise of Islim, justice and courage. 

Defeat of the army of Ghazna, and seizure of Tdju-d din Yalduz. 

"■ When the beautiful Canopus arose, and the vanguard of winter 
put the centre of the army of summer to flight," it entered into 
the royal determination " to destroy some tribe of the accursed 
infidels, or to move the auspicious standards for the purpose of 
capturing some city in the land of Hind." " In the midst of 
these reflections, messengers arrived frequently from Tdju-d din, 
who had admitted into his brain the wind of pride and the arro- 
gance of dominion," charged with the delivery of ridiculous pro- 
positions, which the Sultan was incensed to listen to. Shamsu-d 
din resolved to oppose his pretensions by force, and advanced 
with a large army to Samdnd, which he reached on Monday, the 
3rd of Shawwdl, 612 h. (Jan., 1216), and on his arrival was 
attacked by the advanced guard of Malik Taju-d din. During the 
action, the enemy suddenly came up towards the left wing of the 
auxiliaries of the faith, and desired to raise up a disturbance with 
their "watered blades, and to practice their deceits after the man- 
ner of of foxes playing with lions, and with the absurd idea that 
they could thus take the countries of Hind and Sind." — Then 
follows a description of the battle, which is described in terms 
peculiar to chess, with the introduction of hyperboles upon swords, 
dirks, maces, war-nooses, horsemen, horse-archers, arrows, spears, 
elements, justice, and stars.— Tdju-d din was wounded by an 
arrow shot by Muwaiyidu-1 Mulk, and was subsequently taken 
prisoner and brought before Shamsu-d din. 

1 This implies a temporary rcYival of the Hindti power, which may have occurred 
under the unconverted rebel Turks who are represented as having shed the blood of 


The Flight of Ndsiru-d din and Conquest of Lahore. 

"After some time, the great lord Muwaiyidu-1 Mulk Mu- 
hammad Junaidi was appointed Wazir." — Encomium on his 
merits. — It was represented to his Majesty, that Malik Nasiru-d 
din "had placed his former engagements under the water of for- 
getftilness," "and that in the receipts and disbursements of the 
account of his tribute he had incurred debt and balance," " and 
that all the excellent advice that was offered to him was valued 
as so much dirt." His Majesty accordingly, in a fortunate mo- 
ment, marched in the beginning of Jumada-1 dkhir from Dehli, 
" may God protect it ! (for its water and soil have always been 
mild and favourable to various temperaments, and its fire and 
wind have at all times been suitable and agreeable to the dispo- 
sition of everybody.") He marched with a large army towards 
the country of Lohur, of which when the enemy became aware 
" they began to be greatly agitated like fish upon dry land, and 
like water-fowl sought protection from the waters of the Biyah," 
" on the banks of which stream they encamped with an army 
innumerable as ants and locusts." 

" On the fourteenth of the month of Shawwal, the victorious 
standards advanced with the whole army in battle array, from 
the borders of Loruh to the ford at the village of Chamba." 
" Wind-footed they swam across the river, in comparison of 
which the Oxus and Jaxartes looked like a fountain." 

When Nasiru-d din " saw the Tictorious army cross that 
foaming stream without the aid and means of boats," he fled in 
alarm, " turning his face from the battle and slaughter" towards 
Lohur, whither he was pursued by the victorious army" which 
could not see a trace of the dust raised by their swift-flying 
horses." — His standards, drums, and camp equipage, besides im- 
mense booty, fell into the hands of the Royalists. The defeated 
general afterwards continued his flight " by the road of I/ch." 

Shamsu-d din arrived at Lohur, " which is among the mothers 
of the countries of religion, and among the chiefs of the pro- 


vinces of Islam, and the abode and repose of the excellent and 
pious, and which for some days, on account of a number of 
calamities, and changes of governors, and the sedition of rebels, 
had been distracted by the flames of turbulence and opposition, 
and was now again reduced to order by the breath of the zephyr 
of his justice." The capltives who were taken in battle were 
pardoned, and after writing accounts of the victory and despatch- 
ins them in various directions, Shamsu-d din returned to Dehli. 

Prince Ndsiru-d din appointed Governor of Lahore. 

In the beginning of 614 h. (1217 A.D.), the government of 
Lohur was committed to the king's son, N4siru-d din Mahmud, 
and the advice which was given to him as to the mode of conduct- 
ing his administration is given at length. — Description of festivi- 
ties, with a repetition of rhetorical flourishes about beauties, cups, 
goblets, stars, locks, mouths, singers, companions, horses, hawks, 
dogs, tigers, horses, arrows, forts, and the game of chaugan, at 
which the king recreates himself. 

The Capture of Bhakkar. 
This portion of the work opens with praise of God and king, 
upon whom Almighty favours are showered, as is testified by 
his conquest of Kdlewar (Gwalior), Rantanbhor, and Mandur,i 
Kanauj, Beh^r, and Barah, and his subjection of powerful Rais, 
and by his spreading the knowledge of Isldm as far as the ocean ; 
and amongst other arrangements made by which good govern- 
ment was secured, " an account of the proceedings of the king 
was written according to dates so as to form a model for the kings 
and Sultans." The forts of U'ch Multan " which were stronger 
than the wall of Alexander" were also taken " in a manner which 
astonished the world,'' and while he was engaged in these con- 
quests, it was reported to the king that Malik Nasiru-d din 
Kubacha, who was proud and arrogant, and "who regarded in his 
cruelty and unkindness the people of God as less than rubbish," 
1 [Or Mandawar, in the Siwalik hills. See infra, Taiakdt-i Ndsirl. 

VOL. II. 1^ 


" and out of his own pleasure and drunkenness would roast even 
hearts and draw tears of blood from the eyes," had fortified him- 
self within the strong fort of Bhakkar, " the eye of the forts and 
the face of the kingdom of Hind," "and which, had not been 
taken by any Khusru," and in which were deposited immense 
treasures. ^^ 

Upon receiving this information, Shamsu-d din despatched his 
minister Khw4ja-i Jahdn Nizdmu-1 Mulk Muhammad Junaidi 
with a large army to Bhakkar, in the very height of the hot 
weather. Part of the army marched by land " a difficult road 
through the jungles," and part went by water. After the fort was 
invested, and the enemy was reduced to extremities, Nasiru-d 
din despatched his son 'Alau-d din Muhammad to Shamsu-d din 
with an hundred lacs of Dehliwals,^ and thousands of suits 
of clothes. The Sultan received him kindly, but would not 
allow him to return, in consequence of which, Nasiru-d din be- 
came much alarmed and ill, " and his head was bowed down to 
his knees like a violet, with his eyes of expectation open like a 
narcissus," and he " wailed like Jacob for the absence of Joseph." 

Nasiru-d din shortly after died of grief, " and the boat of his 
life was drowned in the whirlpool of death," "though he left 
behind him nearly a thousand boats" which could render no 
service to him.^ The result of his death was that " more than 
five hundred lacs of Dehliwals, various kinds of inlaid articles 
and jewels, and pearls exceeding white, and costly garments were 
deposited in the royal treasury of Shamsu-d din," and possession 
was also taken of " twelve celebrated forts, which had never been 
before captured," " and Siwistdn and Luk (Lakki) as far as the 
shores of the sea ;" " and the coinage was struck, and the prayers 
read in his auspicious name throughout all the countries of Hin- 
dustan and the provinces of Kusdar and Makran." He returned 
to Dehli on the 14th of Eabi'u-1 awwal, 624 H. 

' Coins of the period struck at Dehli, composed of a mixture of silyer and copper. 
See E. Thomas, Coins of Patdn. Sultans of Hindustan, pp. 10, 11 ; and Jour. fi. A. S. 
N. S. II. p. 149. 2 [See supra, page 201.] 


Arrival of a dress of investiture from the 'Abbdsi Khalifa. 

After some time a dress of honour was received from the 
Imdm Mustansirbi-llah by the Sult4n at Dehli, accompanied 
by a diploma confirming him in the kingdom of Hindustan, with 
the title of the great Sultdn. He received the diploma with 
deep respect, and appointed the following day, namely the 23rd 
Eabi'u-1 awwal, 626 h. (Feb. 1229 a.d.) for a general assembly, 
in which the farmdn was read out in the presence of the King, 
the princes, and nobles. It declared that he was confirmed in 
the possession "of all the land and sea which he had con- 
quered." Eobes were bestowed upon the ambassadors, the chiefs, 
and nobles, in honour of the event, and great joy prevailed upon 
the occasion throughout the capital. 





[Called also by the author Kdmilfi-t Tdrikh. It is also known 
to Persian writers as Tdrikh-i Kdmil. The author of this cele- 
brated general history was Shaikh Abu-1 Hasan 'Ali Ibn Abu-i 
Karam Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn 'Abdu-1 Karim ibn 
'Abdul-l W4hid as Shaib^ni. He was surnamed " 'Izzu-d din ; 
majesty of religion," but he is commonly known as Ibn Asir (or 
Athir according to Arabic pronunciation). He was born in the 
year 555 h. (1160) in the Jazirat ibn 'Umar, an island of the Tigris 
above Mosul, and hence the epithet " al Jazari, the islander," is 
firequently added to his name. Ibn Khallikan, who was per- 
sonally acquainted with him, says that he studied first at Mosul 
and afterwards at Baghdad, in Syria, and at Jerusalem, Re- 
turning to Mosul he devoted himself most assiduously to literary 
pursuits, and his house became the resort of all the learned men 
who inhabited or visited that town. Ibn Khallikan met him at 
Aleppo in 626 h., 1229 a.d., and describes him as " a man of 
the highest accomplishments and most excellent qualities, but 
extremely modest." He speaks of him fondly in another place 
as " Our Shaikh, Ibn Asir," and of his accomplishments he says 
" His knowledge of the traditions and his acquaintance with that 
science in its various branches placed him in the first rank, and 
his learning as an historian of the ancients and moderns was not 
less extensive ; he was perfectly familiar with the genealogy of 
the Arabs, their adventures, combats, and history ; whilst his 


great wort, the Kdmil or complete, embracing the history of the 
world from the earliest period to the year 628 of the Hijra 
(1230 A.D.), merits its reputation as one of the best productions 
of the kind." 

The Kamilu-t Tawarikh enjoys a very high reputation, and 
has been much used and quoted both in Asia and Europe. Ibn 
Khaldun borrowed largely from it, and it has been drawn upon 
by Ockley for his History of the Saracens, by Malcolm for the 
History of Persia, and by Weil for his OeschicMe der Chalifen. 
The narrative is very clear and succinct, but the work, from its 
great range, is very voluminous. It contains a few brief notices 
of the Jats in the second and third centuries of the Hijra, and it 
also gives some interesting details of the Arab occupation of 
Sind, but so far as India is concerned it is chiefly valuable for 
its notices of the G-haznivides and the Ghorians. The work 
closes soon after the decline of the latter dynasty. 

The author of the Sahihu-s 8iyar relates that " the Tdrikh-i 
Kdmil, one of the two histories written by Ibn Asir" was trans- 
lated into Persian under the orders of Mirdn Shdh, son of Timur, 
by Najmu-d din, surnamed Nizari, one of that prince's secretaries. 

Besides the work before us, Ibn Asir wrote an abridgement, 
containing many corrections and improvements of Abu Sa'du-s 
Samdni's Ansdb, upon Patronymics, etc. Another of his works 
was the " Akhhdru-s Sahdba ; history of the companions of the 
Prophet." He had two brothers, who also engaged in literary 
pursuits, and one of them, Majdu-d din, wrote a work on the 
traditions, entitled " Jdmi'u-l Usui min Hadisu-r Rasiil" which 
has been erroneously attributed to our author. 

There are MSS. of several portions o'i ih.^ Kdmilu-t Tawdrikh in 
the British Museum and in the Bodleian Library; and in Sir H. 
Elliott's Library there is a borrowed MS. of part of the work, in 
bad condition and much worm-eaten. A complete edition of the 
whole work will soon be available, as it is passing through the 
press at Leyden, under the careful and able editorship of Pro- 
fessor Toraberg, who bases his text upon the MSS. of Berhn, 

246 IBN ASIE. 

Paris, and the British Museum. Seven yolumea have already 
been published, and the whole work will be comprised in twelve.^ 


Hijra 151. a.d. 768. 
In this year the Kurks made an attack upon Jidda. 

Eijra 153. a.d. 770. 
In this year Al Mansur returned from Mecca to Basra, and 
embarked forces in ships against the Kurks who, as before 
related, had made an incursion upon Jidda. 

Sijra 160. a.d. 776. — Conquest of the town of Barada? 
In the year 159, Al Mahdi sent an army by sea under 'Abdu-1 
Malik bin Shahdbu-1 Musamma'i to India. The force consisted 
of a large number of troops and volunteers, among whom was Al 
Rabi' bin Subaih. They proceeded on their way and at length 
disembarked at Barada. When they reached the place they laid 
siege to it. The people of the neighbourhood fought with them 
frequently. The town was reduced to extremities, and Grod pre- 
vailed over it in the same year. The people were forbidden to 
worship the Budd, which the Muhammadans burned. Some of 
the people were burned, the rest were slain, and twenty Musul- 
mans perished in testimony of their faith. God came to them, 
and raised the sea against them, so they waited until the weather 
should be favourable. Disease then fell upon them, and about a 
thousand of them died, among whom was Eabi' bin Subaih. 
They then returned homewards and reached the coast of Persia, 
in what is called the Bahru-1 Hamrdn. There the wind rose in 
the night time and wrecked their vessels. Some were drowned, 
and some escaped. 

' De Slane's Ibn Khallik&n, Introd. xii. II. 288.. See D'Hertelot, " Gezeri ;" 
De Eossi, "Atir;" Bodleian Cat. 693, 696, 784; Hamaker, 164; Fraehn, 44; "Wiis- 
tenfeld, 84 ; Eampoldi, viii. 617, ix. 281, si. 57 ; Gemaldesaal Pref. xi. and vi. 2 ; 
Jenisch Eeg. Pers- 123; "Wilken, Samanidarum, 191-2; D'Ohsson, Mongols. Pref. 
X. ; "Weil, II. ix; Eeinaud's Aboul Feda, 9 ; Sprenger, on Mahomedanism, 73; Bush, 
Life of Mahomet, 255 ; Nouv. Mel. As. I. 433, 434 ; Col. Or. I. 208 ; Not. et Ext. 
1. 542; Jour. As. 4 Ser. iv. 188; Not. des MSS. II.; Hammer, Gold. Horde, xv, 
xxY. ; UniT. Hist. III. 239, 283. ^ ^ j^ ^j^g jjg_ ^^ jj^^ -^ jj^_ 


Sijra 219. a.d. 834. — War against the Jats. 

In the month of Jumada-1 akhir, Al M'utasim sent 'Ajif bin 
'Isa to fight against the Jats, who had seized upon the roads of 
Hajar, and had plundered the corn which was in the stacks of 
Kaskar, and in the stores of the towns. They spread terror over 
the roads, and planted posts in all directions towards the desert. 
At the news of the approach of Ajif they retired. Ajif 
marched to below Wcisit and there took post on the river Bardad 
and Anhdrd. Then they retreated and entered another place, but 
the roads baffled them. Ajif then forced 1,500 of them to fight, 
and killed on the field of battle 300 men. Their leaders he made 
prisoners, and sent the chief to the gate of M'utasim. Ajif was 
engaged against the Jats twenty-five days, and vanquished a 
great many of them. The chief of the Jats was Muhammad 
bin 'Usm^n, and the commander was Samlu. Ajif then took 
up a position, and remained opposed to them seven mouths. 
Mansur bin Bassdm was at Musal. 

Hijra 220. a.d. ?>Z5.— Defeat of the Jats by Ajif. 
In this year Ajif came to Baghdad from his expedition 
against the Jats, after having defeated and killed many of them. 
The remnant was compelled to ask quarter, which was conceded 
to them. They then marched away with him in Zi'l hijja, 219 
(834 A.D.) and their number, including women and children, was 
twenty-seven thousand. The fighting men among them were 
twelve thousand. Ajif placed his conquered foes in boats, and sent 
them dressed as they had appeared in battle, with their trumpets, 
to Bao-hdad. They reached that city on the tenth Muharram, 220. 
They proceeded in boats to the Shammdsiya (suburb of Bagh- 
dad). The Jats were accoutred as for battle, and were blowing 
their horns And Azlf gave to each of his men two dinars (as a 
present). The Jats stayed on board their ships three days, and 
were then handed over to Bishr ibnu-s Samaida', who conveyed 
them to Khanikin. Thence they were removed to the (northern) 

248 IBN ASrR. 

frontier to 'Ain-zarba, and the Byzantines made a raid upon 
them and not one of them escaped.^ 

Conquest of Bhdtia. 

In the year 396 Hijra (1006 a.d.) Yaminu-d daula fought 
against Bhatia, one of the dependencies of Hind, which is situated 
beyond Multan. The chief of the place was named Bahird. It 
is a fine city, enclosed with high walls, and a deep ditch. The 
chief marched out to meet his enemy, and fought for three days 
with the Musulmans. On the fourth he fled, and sought to get 
back into the city ; but the Musulmans reached the gate before 
the fugitives, overpowered them, and disarmed them. A dread- 
ful slaughter ensued, the women were dishonoured, and the 
property seized. When Bahira saw this destruction, he fled 
with some trusty followers to the tops of the mountains. Mah- 
mtid sent a force in pursuit, which overtook and surrounded the 
party, and put all the chiefs to the sword. Bahira saw that 
no hope was left, so he drew a dagger and killed himself. Mah- 
mud remained in Bhdtia until he had settled its affairs, and 
drawn up rules for its governance. He then returned towards 
Grhazna, having appointed a representative at Bhatia to instruct 
the people who had become Muhammadans. On his journey 
home he encountered great difficulties from heavy rains and 
swollen rivers, and great quantities of things belonging to him 
and his army were carried away by the waters. 

Conquest of Multan. 

In the year 396 Hijra (1006, a.d.) Sultan Yaminu-d daula 
fought against Multdn. The cause of this was that the ruler of 
the place, Abu-I Futuh was disaffected, false to his faith, and 
inclined to heresy (ilhdd). He had also required the people of 
his country to follow his opinions, and they had consented. 
Yaminu-d daula resolved to attack him and marched against 
him, but the rivers on the road were very large and broad, 

' [There are some doubtful words in this extract, but the sense appears to be as 


especially the Sihun (Indus), and the enemy was ready to oppose 
the passage. So Mahtniid sent to AndbaP and asked permission 
to pass through his country to Multan, but the request was re- 
fused, Mahmud resolved therefore to deal with him first, and 
afterwards to prosecute his original intention. So he entered into 
his country and overran it ; and he killed many of the people, 
plundered their property, and fired their houses. Andbal fled 
and Mahmud followed his traces, like fire in the tracks of Satan, 
from pass to pass until he reached Kashmir. When Abu-1 
Futuh heard of this victory, he saw the futility of his rebellion, 
and sending his property to Sarandip, he evacuated Multan. 
Yaminu-d daula then went to Multdn, and finding the people 
infatuated in their heresy, he besieged the place closely, and 
carried on the fight until he took it by storm. He fined the 
inhabitants 20,000 dirhams for their rebellion. 

Conquest of Manskra. 

After the capture of Somn^t, Mahmud received intelligence 
that Bhim the chief of Anhalwdra had gone to the fort of 
Kandahat, which is situated about forty parasangs from Somndt 
between that place and the desert. He marched thither, and 
when he came in front of the place he questioned some men who 
were hunting, as to the tide. From them he learned that there 
was a practicable ford, but that if the wind blew a little, he 
might he submerged. Mahmud prayed to the Almighty and 
then entered the water. He and his forces passed over safely, 
and drove the enemy out of the place. From thence he returned, 
intending to proceed against Manstira, the ruler of which was 
an apostate Muhammadan. When the news of Mahmud's ap- 
proach reached this chief, he fled into the date-palm forests, 
Mahmud proceeded against him, and surrounding him and his 
adherents, many of them were slain, many drowned, and but few 
escaped. Mahmud then went to Bhatia, and after reducing 
the inhabitants to obedience, he returned to Ghazni, where he 
arrived on the 10th Safar 417 h. 

1 [Anand-p&l.] 

250 IBN ASrE. 

Revolt and Death of Ahmad Nidltigin. 
In the year (4)25 (1034 a.d.), Mas'ud, son of Mahmud, returned 
to Hind to destroy the Turks {al ghuzz) ; and Ahmad Nidl- 
tigin again exerting himself to excite rebellion in the provinces of 
Hind, proceeded with all his assembled forces to the territories 
(bildd) of Balazi. Mas'ud sent a numerous army against him, 
and the chiefs of Hind being averse to his entering into their 
territories, closed the roads against him. Before the army 
reached the passage he attacked it, and retreated fighting 
towards MultS,n. Several of the Indian chiefs proceeded to 
Bh§,tia. He had with him a considerable unbroken force, and 
the chief of the place not having strength to arrest his progress, 
Ahmad demanded boats to enable him to cross the river Indus, 
and these were supplied. In the midst of the stream there was 
an island, which Ahmad and his adherents perceived, and close 
by in another direction lay the desert. They did not know that 
the water was deep there. The Indian chief directed the owners 
of the boats to transport the fugitives to the island and to return. 
Ahmad and his adherents remained there, and they had no food 
but what they had brought with them. They stayed there nine 
days, and their provisions were consumed. Having even de- 
voured their animals they were reduced to extremity, and 
resolved to pass through the water ; but they had no sooner 
entered it than they discovered its depth, and, besides this, a 
great impediment in the mud. The Indian sent over his soldiers 
against them in boats, who attacked them while they were in 
that plight, and killed many of them. The sons of Ahmad 
were taken prisoners, and when Ahmad himself fell into their 
hands they killed him. His companions also were all either 
slain, taken prisoners, or drowned. 

War between Shahdbn-d din and the King of Benares. 

Shahabu-d din Ghori, king of Ghazni, sent his slave, Kutbu-d 
din, to make war against the provinces of Hind, and this general 
made an incursion in which he killed many, and returned home 


with prisoners and booty. The king of Benares was the greatest 
king in India, and possessed the largest territory, extending 
lengthwise from the borders of China to the province of Mal^wa 
(Mdlwa), and in breadth from the sea to within ten days' 
journey of Lahore. When he was informed of this inroad, he 
collected his forces, and in the year 590 (1194 a.d.), he entered 
the territories of the Muhammadans. Shahdbu-d din Ghori 
marched forth to oppose him, and the two armies met on the 
riyer Jumna,^ which is a river about as large as the Tigris 
at Miisal. The Hindu prince had seven hundred elephants, and 
his men were said to amount to a million, There were many 
nobles in his army. There were Mussulmans in that country 
since the days of Mahmud bin Subuktigin, who continued 
faithful to the law of Islam, and constant in prayer and good 
works. When the two aVmies met there was great carnage ; the 
infidels were sustained by their numbers, the Musulmans by 
their courage, but in the end the infidels fled, and the faithful 
were victorious. The slaughter of the Hindus was immense ; 
none were spared except women and children, and the carnage of 
the men went on until the earth was weary. Ninety elephants 
were captured, and of the rest some were killed, and some 
escaped. The Hindu king was slain, and no one would have 
recognized his corpse but for the fact of his teeth, which were 
weak at their roots, being fastened in with golden wire. 
After the flight of the Hindus Shabdbu-d din entered Benares, 
and carried off its treasures upon fourteen hundred camels. 
He then returned to Grhazni. Among the elephants which were 
captured there was a white one, A person who saw it told me 
that when the elephants were brought before Shahabu-d din, and 
were ordered to salute, they all saluted except the white one. 
No one should be surprised at what I have said about the 
elephants, for they understand what is said to them. I myself 
saw one at Musal with his keeper, which did whatever his 

keeper told him. 

1 [Tornteg reads ^^U tut ^^ 'L» "tlie river Jumna" must be meant. 
Tlie battle was fought near that river.] 





This " Arrangement or String of Histories " is a small work 
devoted to general history, well known in Europe, but in too 
compendious a form to be of any great use, for in some of the 
dynasties treated of we have little beyond the names of the kings 
and the dates of their decease. Its value is chiefly attributable 
to the early period at which it was written. 

The author was Abu Sa'id 'Abdu-llah bin Abu-1 Hasan 'Ali 
Baiz^wf.^ His father was, as well as himself, a " KazIu-1 
kuzzdt," or chief kazi, and his grandfather exercised the 
functions of Imdm. He was born at Baiza, a town at a short 
distance from Shiraz, and was kdzi, first at Shiraz and after- 
wards at Tabriz, where he died in the year 685 h., 1286, A.t). 
Haji Khalfa says he died either in that year or 692 h.^ This 
author has obtained great celebrity from his commentary upon 
the Kur^n, entitled Anivdru-t Tanzil wa asrdra-t Tdwil — " the 
lights of revelation and mysteries of allegorical interpretation," 
which has itself been commented on by many succeeding authors, 
of which a bit is given by Hdji Khalfa, in his Lexicon, Vol. I. 

^ This is what he calls himself in the Preface to the Nizdmu-t Tawdrikh, but 
HSjI Khalfa styles him N&siru-d din Abii Sa'id 'Abdu-llah bin 'Umar Baiz^wi. 
S. de Sacy also calls him Abii-l Kasim, 'TJmar his father, and Abti-l Hasan 'All his 
grandfather. In one biography in my possession, he is named Kkzl N&siru-d din 
Abii-1 Khair' Abdu-llah bin 'Umar bin Muhammad bin 'Ali Shir&zl Baiz5.wi. The Ikllm calls him K&ai N&siru-d din bin K6zi! Im&.m Badru-d d£u 'TJmar bin 
Fakhru-d din bin 'Ali. 

''■ The two first dates are given by most of the European authorities who follow 
Haji Khalfa. Eampoldi gives his death in 1286 a.d. or 685 a.h. The Fakhru-l 
Wdsilm has a, chronogram which gives 691. Abu-1 Muh&sin and the MS. quoted 
by Casiri gives 685, and Y&fi'i mentions his death under the annals of 692. 


pp, 469-81. This is considered generally the best commentary, 
and has been largely used by Sale and others. There are several 
copies of it in Europe, enumerated by De Eossi- It has lately been 
printed at Leipsig by Professor Fleischer. Baizdwf was the 
author of other works on law, theology, logic, and grammar, all 
written in Arabic, but the Nizdmu-t Tawdrikh is in Persian, in 
order, as he says, " that it might be of more general use." 

A full account of the Nizdmu-t Tawdrikh has been given by 
Silvestre de Sacy, in the Notices des Manuscripts, Tom. Iv. pp. 
672-696, from the Appendix of which article it appears that there 
is another work of the same name, composed by Kizi Jalalu-d 
din, wazir of Mahmtid the Ghaznivide, in which I am disposed 
to apprehend some error of name or designation. Amongst other 
extracts given by him he has translated the brief histories of the 
Assassins and Atabaks. 

There is some doubt about the exact date of the composi- 
tion of this work. It is generally supposed that it was written 
about 674 h., but there are dates mentioned in it subsequent 
to that period. For instance, in the history of the Atabaks, 
there is one of 686, and towards the close of the Moghal 
history, there are 684 and 690 ; and 694 is repeated four 
times. There appears nothing like interpolation in these pas- 
sages, and there would therefore appear some reason to suppose 
that 694 was the real date of composition, or at least of final 
revision, and that the latest date mentioned by Haji Khalfa, 
namely, 699 (a.d. 1299-1300), is the most probable one of the 
author's death. Still this is opposed to all other authorities. 
M. Silvestre de Sacy examined two copies of the work in the 
Bibliotheque JSTationale, in one of which he found dates later than 
674. He mentions particularly the date of 689 (in my copy 
686) in the history of the Atabaks, and he observes, what is 
very true, that at the beginning of that history their power is 
said to have commenced in 543, and to have lasted up to the 
time of composition, 130 years (1.31 in mine), which fixes the 
date in 674. It is easy, however, to read 650 for 630. M. de 

254 BAIZAWr. 

Sacy does not notice the additions to tlie Moghal history in 
either of the copies in the Biblioth^ue Rationale. My own copy, 
which is taken from a very excellent one written in 1108 H., has 
distinctly in the preface, as well as the conclusion, the year of 
694 H. It is to be observed, that in Arabic 90 and 70 are 
written almost in the same form, when without diacritical marks. 
I have seen one copy in which the Perso- Moghal history is 
carried down to 739 h., but that evidently contained additions 
by the copyist. Altogether, if so many authorities were not 
arrayed against me, I should prefer fixing the date at 694, 
instead of 674. The question, however, is not of the least con- 
sequence. The work is divided into four books. 


Book I. — Prophets and Patriarchs from Adam to Nuh, pp. 6-12. 

Book II. — Kings of Persia to the time of the Musulmans. 
1. Peshdddi; S.Kaidni; 3. Ashgani ; 4. Sassani. Pp. 13-77. 

Book III. — Muhammad and his successors, including the Um- 
mayides and 'Abbdsides. Pp. 78-119. 

Book IV. — Dynasties established in fran during the time of the 
'Abbasides. 1. Saffdri ; 2. Sam^ni ; 3. Ghaznivides ; Dai- 
lima ; 5. Saljuki; 6. Malahida; 7. Salghari; 8. Khwarizmi ; 
9. Moghal. Pp. 119-200. 
Size. — Small 8vo. containing 200 pages, each of 11 lines. 

The Nizdmu-t tawdrihh is better known in Europe than in 
India. Besides the copies noticed by S. de Sacy, there is one in 
the British Museum, No. 16708. Sir "VV. Ouseley quotes 
another. Yet it is mentioned by M. Frsehn amongst his 

' Compare Biographie VniverseUe, Tom. iv. p. 67 ; De Bossi, Dizionarw degli 
Autori Arabs, p. 49 ; Ahmad E&zi's Haft Iklim, p. 120 ; D^Herbelot's BibUotheque 
Orientale, Tom. v. p. 721 ; M. Frsehn's Indications Bibliographiqms, No. 161 ; Eam- 
poldi's Annali Mmsulmani, Tom. i. p. 339, Tom. ix. p. 446 ; T. W. Beale's Mif- 
tdhu-t tawdrihh, p. 104; Ouseley's Jehdndrd, p. xvi. ; Casiri's Bibliotheca Arab., Tom. 
i. p. 491 ; S. de Sacy's Anthol,, p. 37. 



The Kings of Ghaznl. 

Their number amounts to twelve, and their rule endured for 
one hundred and sixty-one years. The origin of this family 
dates from the middle of the days of the Dailamites, but as its 
members were great men under the Sdmdnis, I am desirous that 
my accounts of these two dynasties should not be separated. 
The following are the names of these kings, viz. : — 1. Sultan 
Yaminu-d daula Abii-l kasim Mahmud, son of N^siru-d din 
Subuktigin ; 2. Mas'ud, son of Mahmud ; 3. Muhammad Ma- 
khul (the blind), son of Mahmud ; 4. Maudud, son of Mas'ud ; 
5. Mas'ud, son of Maudud ; 6. 'Ali, son of Mas'ud ; 7. 'Ab- 
du-r Eashid, son of Mahmud ; 8. Ibrahim, son of Mas'ud ; 
9. Mas'ud, son of Ibrahim ; 10. Arslan Shdh, son of Mas'ud ; 
11. Bahram Shah, son of Mas'ud ; 12. Khusru Shah, son of 
Bahrain Shah. Nasiru-d din died in the year 387 h. (997 a.d.) 
and the command of his troops descended to Mahmud by inherit- 
ance, and by confirmation of Nuh, son of Mansiir. His victory 
over 'Abdu-1 Malik, when that chieftain was put to flight, added 
much to his power, and he was confirmed in the government of 
Khurdsdn and Sijistdn, and he received a robe of honour with 
the title of Sultan from the Khalif, who also made a treaty with 
him. In consequence of the complaints of the oppression prac- 
tised by the descendants of Fakhru-d din Dailami, he marched 
towards Jurjdn and 'Ir4k, and took the country from them. After- 
wards he turned his arms towards Hind, and conquered many of 
its cities and forts. He demolished the Hindu temples i and gave 
prevalence to the Muhammadan faith. He ruled with great 
justice, and he stands unparalleled among all the Muhammadan 
kino-s. He summoned Isrdil son of Sulaimdn, the Saljuk, from 
Mawardu-n Nahr, and apprehending danger from the immense 
number of that tribe, he sent him to the fort of Kdlinjar in Hind, 
where he remained till he died. The capture of this Saljuk chief 
1 [The two following lines are not in Sir H. Elliott's MS.] 

256 BAizAwr. 

was the cause of the weakness of his descendants. Mahmud 
Subuktigin died in a.h. 420 (1029 a.d.). 

Sultan Mas'ud. 

According to the will of Mahmud, his son Mas'ud was to have 
the government of Khurasan, 'Irak, and Persia, and his second 
son, Muhammad, the kingdom of Ghazni and the country of 
Hind. Mas'ud requested his brother to have his name read 
along with his own in the Khutba, but this was not complied 
with, therefore Mas'ud marched to invade Grhazni. Before he 
reached there, Muhammad was taken prisoner by Tusuf, son of 
Subuktigin, and sent to the fort of Bulbad.^ Mas'ud, after his 
arrival at G-hazni, sent Tusuf to prison, and became master of 
all the dominions of his father. In his time the Saljuks crossed 
the Jihun and invaded Khurdsan. He fought with them and 
made peace with them several times, but being defeated in a.h. 
432 (1040 A.D.) he returned to Ghazni where his brother 
Muhammad had regained power in his absence. On his arrival 
he was consigned to a fort, and Ahmad, son of Muhammad went 
direct from his father to the fort and there slew him, A.h. 433 

(1041 A.D.) 

SuUdn Muhammad, MakMI. 

Sultan Muhammad Makhul bin Mahmud ruled for nearly 
four years over the dominions of Ghazni, after the death of his 
father. When his brother was slain, Maudud, son of the 
deceased, armed against him, and proving victorious, put him and 
his sons to death. 

Sulfdn Maudud. 

Maudud, having taken revenge for his father's death, sat on 
the throne for nearly seven years, and brought the country of his 
uncle under his dominion. He died in a.h. 441 (1049 a.d.). 

Sultan Mas'ud II. 
Mas'ud, son of Maudud, was quite a boy at the death of his 
1 Another copy reads " Mangs&l," 


father. The Government was carried on for a few days in his 
name, but the ministers and nobles then conspired to place the 
royal crown on the head of his uncle. 

Sultan 'AJi. 

When Sultan 'All, son of ^las'ud, obtained the throne, 
'Abdu-r Eashid. son of Mahmud, who for many years had been 
in prison, contrived to escape, and having collected an army, 'All 
fled before him, and was discomfited. 

Sultan 'Abdu-r Eashid. 
He reigned nearly seven years, and died a.h. 445 (1053 a.d.). 

Sultan Ibrahim} 

Sultan Ibrahim, son of Mas'ud, ruled for a period extending 
from A.H. 450 to 492 (1058 to 1098). He raised no palaces for 
himself, but only mosques and colleges for the great and glorious 

Sultan Mafs'ud III. 

Mas'ud, son of Ibrahim, occupied the throne for sixteen years, 
and expired in a.h. 508 (1114 a.d.) 

Sultan Arsldn Shah. 

Sultan Arslan Shah, by his wisdom and prudence, ob- 
tained the succession to his father ]\Ias'ud. His brother Bah- 
ram then fled in alarm, and sought refa_ge with his maternal 
uncle. Sultan Sanjar, the Saljuk, whom he brought against 
Ghazni. A battle ensued, in which Arslan Shah was defeated, 
and Sanjar having placed Bahram on the throne, returned to 
Khurasan. Soon after his departure, Arslan Shah attacked 
Bahram, who was again obUged to fly, but being once more 
assisted by Sanjar, with a large army, he went up against 
Ghazni, gained a victory, and put Arslan Shah to death, in 
A.H. 512 (1118 A.D.). 

' [The antlior passes unnoticed the interval of fire years which he has left between 
the reigns of 'Ahdu-r Eashid and Ibrahim, and makes no mention of the reign of 

VOL. n. 17 

258 BAizAwr. 

Sultan Bahrdm Shah. 

Babram Shdh, son of Mas'ud, had reigned some days, when he 
was attacked in Ghaznf by 'Aldu-d din Husain, son of Hasan, 
the first of the kings of Ghor. Bahram Shah fled before him 
from Grhazni, in which place 'Alau-d din estabhshed his own 
brother, Saifu-d din, and then returned. Afterwards Bahram 
Shah came back to Ghazni, and ordered Saifd-d din to be seated 
on a cow, and paraded round the city. When 'Alau-d din 
heard of this he became greatly infuriated, and marched with a 
large army towards Grhazni, but Bahram died before his arrival. 
He was succeeded by his son, Khusru Shah. 

Sultan Khusru Shah. 

A few days after his accession 'A14u-d din arrived, and 
Khusru fled to the country of Hind. 'Aldu-d din then plun- 
dered Ghazni, and massacred a great number of its inhabitants. 
He left there his nephews, Ghiydsu -d din Abu'l Fath Muhammad, 
and Shahabu-d din Abu-1 Muzaffar, sons of Sam, son of 
Hasan. They having succeeded in the capture of Khusru Sh4h, 
by various expedients through which he was lulled into security, 
kept him prisoner in a fort. They subjugated all the countries 
which had been under the rule of the kings of Ghazni, and 
and chose Dehli for their residence. Khusru Shah died in 
A.H. 555 (1160 A.D.), and with him ended the Ghaznivide 

After some time Ghiyasu-d din died, and the country re- 
mained in the sole and absolute possession of Shahabu-d din to 
the time of Sultan Muhammad Takash, when he was assas- 
sinated by the Maldhida (Isma'ileans) in Hir^t. He was 
succeeded in the kingdom of Hind by Sultan Shamsu-d din 
Altamsh, one of his slaves (mawdli), with whose descendants it 
remains to this day. The only names which the compiler knows 
of the Ghorian dynasty who ruled in Hind are these three : — 
'A14u-d din Husain Jahan-soz, Ghiy4su-d din Muhammad, 
Sliah4bu-d din Muhammad, 





[This is a general history from the earliest times up to 658 
Hijra (a.d. 1259). The author was Abu 'tJmar Minhaju-d din, 
'Usmdn ibn Siraju-d din al Jiizjdni. In the course of his work 
he mentions many interesting facts concerning himself and his 
family. He tells us that his ancestor in the third degree, Imam 
'Abdu-1 Khdlik, came from Juzjdn^ to Ghazni to seek a wife, in 
compliance with a command which he several times received in 
dreams. Here he gained the good graces of the reigning monarch, 
Ibrahim, and received in marriage one of his forty daughters, 
all of whom were " married to illustrious nobles or learned men 
of repute." They had a son named Ibrahim, who was father of 
MaulcLn4 Minhaju-d din 'Usman, who was father of MaulanS 
Sir^ju-d din, who was father of our author, Minh4ju-s Sir4j. 
Siraju-d din was a man of some distinction. He was appointed 
Kazi of the army of Hindustan by Muhammad Ghori in a.h. 
582 (1186 A.D.), and his son refers to him by his titles of 
" 'Ajubatu-z Zamdn afsahu-l 'Ajam — the wonder of the time and 
the most eloquent man of Persia." 

The author of this work, Minhaju-s Sirdj, came from Ghor to 
Slnd, U'ch and Multan 'in 624 a.h. (a.d. 1227), and his 
character for learning must then have been already established, 
as he tells us that the Firozi College at I/ch was placed under his 
charge. In the year following, Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh led 
his armies from Dehli to suppress Nasiru-d din Kub^cha, who 
' [The country between Merr and Balkh.] 


had succeeded in gaining sovereign aujihority in those quarters, 
and after the defeat and death of Kubacha, Minhaju-s Sir&j was 
admitted to an interview with Altamsh, and returned in his 
train to Dehli, where he arrived in Eamazdn, 625 (August, 
1228). In 629 a.h. he followed Altamsh to the siege of 
Grwalior, where he was appointed one of the court preachers, and 
soon afterwards was made " law-officer, and director of the 
preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs." 
He abandoned this position in 635, when the forces of Sultan 
Eaziya marched there. After the death of this able but unfor- 
tunate queen, we find him at Dehli, writing congratulatory verses 
upon the accession of her successor, Bahrdm Sh4h, and when a 
panic fell upon the city at the threatened incursion of the 
Moghals, he was called upon to preach and conciliate the minds 
of the people. Soon after this, in a.h. 639 (1241 a.d.) Bahrdm 
Shdh made him Kdzi of the capital and of all his territories. 
But he did not hold this office long. Bahram Shdh was deposed, 
and slain at the end of 639 h., and Minhaju-s Siraj immediately 
afterwards tendered his resignation. 

In Hijra 640, he started for Lakhnauti, and stayed there 
until the end of 642. This residence in the capital of Bengal 
afforded him opportunities for acquiring accurate information re- 
specting that outlying Musulman territory, and makes all that 
he says upon that subject of especial value. 

At the end of 642, he returned to Dehli and arrived there 
early in the following year. He was immediately appointed 
Principal of the Ndsiriya College, and superintendent of its en- 
dowments. He was also made Kazi of Gwalior, and preacher in 
the metropolitan mosque. At the beginning of 644 h. (1246 
A.D.) Nasiru-d din Mahmtid ascended'the throne, and our author 
received a prize for his congratulatory ode on the occasion, speci- 
mens of which he inserts in his history. The full tide of pros- 
perity had now set in upon him ; he received many honours from 
the Sultan N^siru-d din, and from the distinguished noble whom 
he calls Ulugh Khan-i Mu'azzani, who succeeded N4siru-d din 


on the throne, and is better known as Ghiyasu-d din Balban. 
The author records the grant of a village which he received in 
in'dm, and mfintions with great complacency the many favours 
of which he was the recipient. Finally he was honoured with 
the title of Sadr-i Jahdn, and was again made Kazi of the state 
and magistrate of the capital. 

In honour of his patron, Nasiru-d din, he named his work 
Tabahdt-i Ndsiri, and he breaks off his history rather abruptly 
in the fifteenth year of that monarch''s reign, intending, as he 
said, to resume his pen if life and opportunity were afforded him. 
The date of his death is not known, but he probably survived 
Nasiru-d din, as the period of that monarch's reign is stated in 
this work as extending to twenty-two years, which, however, is 
an error, as it lasted only twenty years. The eulogistic way in 
which he always speaks of the successor of Nasiru-d din would 
induce the belief that the work appeared in the reign of that 
Sultan, and the fact is proved by his more than once offering up 
an ejaculatory prayer for the continuance of his reign. 

The following careful analysis of the contents of the history 
has been borrowed from Mr. Morley's catalogue of the MSS. of 
the Royal Asiatic Society : — 

" The Tabakdt-i Ndsiri is divided into twenty-three books, and 
contains as follows : — 

"Author's Preface, in which he dedicates his work to Abu-1 
Muzaffar Nasiru-d din Mahmud Ibnu-s Sultan Altamsh, king 
of Dehli. 

"Book I. — Account of the Prophets and Patriarchs; of Jesus 
Christ ; of Ishmael and the ancestors of Muhamaiad ; and a 
history of Muhammad himself to the day of his death. 

" Book II. — History of the first four Khalifas ; of the de- 
scendants of 'AH, and of the ten Mubashshir. 

" Book III.— The Khalifas of the Bani Ummayya. 

"Book IV.— The Khalifas of the Bani 'Abbas, to the ex- 
tinction of the Khalifat in a.h. 656 (a.d. 1268). 

" Book V. — The history of the early kings of Persia, com- 


prising the Peshdadians, the Kaianians, the Ashkanians, the 
S&sanians, and the Ak&sira from Naushirwan to Yazdajird. 

" Book VI. — History of the kings of Yaman, from H4risu-r 
Rdish to Badan, who was converted to the Islcim. 

" Book VII.— History of the Tdhirides from the Tdhir Zuu-1 
Yumnain to that of Muhammad bin T4hir, the last king of the 
dynasty, who was conquered by Ya'kub Lais, in a.h. 259 
(A.D. 872). 

" Book VIII. — History of the Saffarides from Ya'kub Lais 
to the death of 'Amru Lais in a.h. 289 (a.d. 901). 

"Book IX. — History of the Samdnides from their origin to 
A.H. 389 (a.d. 998) when 'Abdu-1 Malik bin Nuh was sent as a 
captive to Uzjand. 

" Book X. — History of the Buwaihides from their origin to 
the time of Abu-1 Fawdris Sharafu-d Daula. 

" Book XL — ^History of the Ghaznivides from Subuktigin to 
the death of Khusru Malik in a.h. 598 (a.d. 1201). 

" Book XII. — History of the Saljtiks of Persia from their 
origin to the death of Sultan Sanjar in a.h. 552 (a.d. 1157) ; of 
the Saljiiks of Rum and 'Irak, from their origin to the time of 
Ruknu-d din Kilij Arslan ; and an account of Tughril bin Tugh- 
ril, to his death, and the conquest of 'Irak by Takash, King. of 

"Book XIII. — History of the Sanjariya kings, viz., 1. The 
Atabaks of 'Irak and Azarb&ijan from the time of the Atabak 
Alptigln to that of the Atabak Abu Bakr bin Muhammad. 2. 
The Atdbaks of Fars, from Sankar to the time of the Atabak 
Abu Bakr bin Sa'd bin Zangi a.h. 658 (a.d. 1259) when the 
author wrote. 3. The Kings of Naishapur from Maliku-1 
Muaiyidu-s Sanjari to the defeat and capture of Sanjar Shah 
bin Tughan Sh4h, by Takash, king of Khwarizm. 

" Book XIV. — History of the kings of Nimruz and Sijistdn 
from Tdhir bin Muhammad to Taju-d din Nidltigin Khwarizmi 
who was slain by the Mongols in a.h. 625 (a.d. 1227). 

" Book XV. — History of the Kurdiya kings, viz : The Atabaks 


of Syria, Nuru-d din Zangx and Maliku-s Sdlih ; and the Ayyii- 
bites of Egypt, from the time of Ayyub to the death of Maliku-s 
S41ih bin Maliku-1 Kamil. 

" Eook XVI. — History of the Khwarizmians, from their origin 
to the death of Jalalu-d din Mankburni, in a.h. 629 (a.d. 1231). 

"Book XVII.— History of the Shansab^niya Sultans of Ghor, 
from the origin of the family to the time of 'Alau-d din Muham- 
mad bin Abu 'All, the twenty-second and last king, who sur- 
rendered the city of Firoz-Koh to Muhammad Khwarizm Sh4h 
in A.H. 612 (a.d. 1215). 

"Book XVIII.— The Shansabdniya Kings of Bamidn and 
Tukh^ristan, from Fakhru-d din Mas'ud, the first king, to the 
time of the fifth monarch, 'Alau-d din Mas'ud, who was slain by 
his nephew Jalalu^d din 'Ali. 

"Book XIX. — History of the Shansabaniya Sultdns of 
Ghaznin, from the time of Saifu-d din Suri, who conquered 
Bahram Shah Ghaznawi, to that of Kutbu-d din Aibak, who ex- 
pelled Taju-d din Yalduz, in a.h. 603 (a.d. 1206). 

" Book XX. — The Muizziya Sultans of Hindustan, compris- 
ing the history of Kutbu-d din Aibak, and of his son Ardm 
Shah, whose capital was Dehli ; of Nasiru-d din Kubdcha al 
Mu'izzi and Bahau-d din Tughril al Mu'izzi ; and of the first 
four Khilji princes who reigned at Lakhnauti or Gaur, ending 
with Husamu-d din Ghiyasu-d din, who was defeated and slain 
by N4siru-d din Mahmtid bin Shamsu-d din Altamsh, governor 
of Behdr, in a.h. 634 (a.d. 1226). 

" Book XXI. — History of the Shamsiya SultS,ns of Hindustan, 
whose capital was Dehli, from the time of Shamsu-d din Al- 
tamsh. who expelled Aram Shah from the throne in a.h. 607 
(a.d. 1210) to A.H. 658 (a.d. 1259), when' Nasiru-d din Mah- 
mud, the seventh king of the dynasty, reigned in Dehli, and the 
author completed the present history. 

" Book XXII. — Account of the most eminent nobles, viceroys, 
governors, etc., who flourished under the Shamsiya dynasty, 
from A.H, 625 (a.d. 1227) to the author's own time, ending with 


a life of Bahdu-d din Alii Khdn Balban who was the wazir of 
N4siru-d din Mahmiid, and who afterwards, on the death of that 
monarch, ascended the throne of Dehlf without opposition. 

"Book XXIII. — On the incursions of the infidels ; comprising 
an account of the war between Sultan Sanjar Saljuki and the 
tribes of Kara Kliita ; of the conquest of Turkistan by Mu- 
hammad Khwarizni Shah, and the defeat and death of Grur 
Khan, the Kara Khitaian, in a.h. 607 (a.d. 1210) ; and of 
Changffi Khan and his descendants, viz ; — Jiiji Khan, Uktai 
Khan, Chaghatai Khan, Kuyuk Khan, Bdtu Khan, Mangu 
Khan, Hulaku. Khan, and Barakah Khdn, to a.h. 658 (a.d. 

The Tabakat-i Ndsirl is held in very high esteem both in 
India and Europe. Firishta and others refer to it as an excellent 
work of high autliority; Anquetil du Perron calls it a " precious 
work," and Elphinstone mentions it as a work of the highest 
celebrity. Stewart in his History of Bengal, follows it very 
closely, and considers it "a very valuable book." These en- 
comiums are not altogether undeserved ; it is written in a plain, 
unaffected style, and the language is considered very correct. 
The author but rarely indulges in high-flown eulogy, but 
narrates his facts in a plain, straightforward manner, which in- 
duces a confidence in the sincerity of his statements, and the 
accuracy of his knowledge. He appears to have been industrious 
in collecting information from trustworthy persons, and he often 
mentions his authority for the facts he records. Still he is very 
meagre in his details, and Mr. Morley justly observes, " many 
portions of the history are too concise to be of much use.'" He 
is also particularly disappointing occasionally in the brevity with 
which he records important matters about which he might have 
obtained full information, such, for instance, as the irruption of 
the " infidels of Ohangiz Khdn " into Bengal, as far as the walls 
of Lakhnauti, in 642 h. (1245 a.d.) 

Another defect of the work arises from its plan, which necessi- 
tates repetition, and requires events to be related in more than 


one place. Thus, the record of the reign of I^^siru-d din and the 
memoir of Ulugh Khan (Ghiyasu-d din) go over the same ground, 
and record many of the same facts but with considerable variety 
of detail.] 

It is strange (says Sir Henry Elliot) that the Tabakat--i 
Nasiri should be so scarce in India. I know of only one copy 
besides my own, although there is iro work for which I have 
searched so much.^ It is in one of the royal libraries of Luck- 
now, and though several of my correspondents had declared that 
it was not to be found there, I discovered it at last by making a 
man ascend a ladder, and read out the title of every work in the 
library. After the lapse of almost three hours the name was 
read out. The work is by no means uncommon in Europe. 
Scarcely any one is so much quoted by Orientalists. It is 
possible that the reason of its being so scarce in India is that it 
vituperates the Mughals, and shows the consternation which 
they occasioned at the time of their first conquests, inasmuch as 
the author represents them as manifest signs of the approach of 
the day of judgment.^ 

[The portions of the Tabakat-i Ndsiri which relate to India 
havo been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, under the super- 
intendanee of Major Lees, in a volume of 450 pages. This con- 
tains the 11th and the 17th to the 22d Tabakats or books. Major 
Lees' preface to this volume states the reasons for thus limiting 
the publication, and contains some critical observations upon the 

1 [Stewart describes a copy belonging to Tippu's Library said to have been copied 
by the author himself.] 

^ It was the terror arising from the same cause which induced European writers to 
give these hordes the name of Tartars. The correct word is Tatars, which signifies 
a tributary people, and though improperly applied to the Mongols themselves, yet 
represented the great majority of the races which swelled their ranks. Superstitious 
monks supposed them to have come from the infernal regions, and hence called them 
Tartars. St. Louis writes to his queen Blanche, " This divine consolation will 
always exalt our souls, that in the present danger of the Tartars, either we shall 
push them back into the Tartarus whence they are come, or they will bring us all 
into Heaven." Klaproth, Asia Folyglotta, p. 202. See also Schmidt, Forsdmngen 
im Gebiete der Tol/cer mittel Asiens, p. 52 ; and «Pallas, Sammlung Historischer 
Naehrichten uber die Mongolischen VUkerschaflm, vol, ii. p. 429 ; De la Croii Histoire 
d' Oenghiacan, p. 63. 


value of this work, and of others which furnish the materials for 
the history of the early Muhammadan rulers of India.' 

Size of Sir H. Elliot's MS.— Small folio, 12 by 8 inches. 
Seventeen lines in each page.] 


History of the Ghaznividb Sovereigns. 
[Page 6 to 27 of the Printed Text.] 

Imam Abti-l Fazl al Hasan Baihaki relates in the Tarikh-i 
JN'^siri, that Sultan Sa'id Mahmud heard from his father, Amir 
Subuktigin,^ that his (Subuktigin's) father was called Kara- 
bahkam. His name was Jauk (troop), and in Turk! they call a 
troop laMam; so that the meaning of the name Kard-hahham 
is " black troop." Whenever the Turks in Turkistan heard his 
name they fled before him on account of his activity and courage. 

Im^m Muhammad 'Ali Abu-1 Kasim Hamadi says in his 
Tarikh-i Majdul, that Amir Subuktigin was a descendant of 
King Yazdajird. When this monarch was slain in a mill in 
the country of Merv, in the reign of the commander of the faith- 
ful 'TJsman, his followers and dependants [athd' wa ashyd'), came 
to Turkistan, and entering into intermarriages with the people 
of that country after two or three generations (their descendants) 
became Turks. Their palaces in this country are still standing. 
The following is a genealogical table of this race : — Amir Subuk- 

' See Elphinstone's History ; Stewart's History of Bengal, and Hs Catalogue of 
Tippoo's Library; Jour. E. As. Soc. xvii. 138 ; Jour, des Savants, 1840, p. 221; 
Jour. Asiatique, IV. serie, vol. iii. ; Collection Orient. I. 198 ; Hammer, Goldene 
Horde, I. xv. xxiii. ; Haji Khalfa, iv. 153 ; Ouseley, Jehanira, x. 7. 

2 Hammer Purgstall (Gemiildesaal, iv. 102) says, on the authority of the Farhang-i 
Shu'iiri, that the only correct spelling of this name is " Sebulctigin," or, according to 
the system adopted in this work, SibuMigin, but Ibn KlialUkan distinctly says the 
word should be spelt Subuktigin. [A carefully written MS. of 'UtbJ in the British 
Museum writes it " Sululstikln.", The orthography of all these Turki names is very 
variable and unsettled. Historians differ from each other and are often at variance 
with themselves. — Jour. £. A. S. ix. 268.] 


tigin, son of Jauk Kard-bahkam, who was the son of Kara 
Arsldn, the son of Kard-malat, son of Kara Nu'mdn, son of Firoz, 
son of Tazdajird, who was the sovereign of Persia/ — but God 
knows the truth. 

I.- — Amiru-l Ghdzi Ndsiru-d din SuhuMigin. 

Imam Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki writes that JSTasr Haji was a trader 
in the reign of 'Abdu-l Malik Nuh S4mani. He bought Subuk- 
tigin, and took him to Bukhara as a slave. The marks of 
wisdom and activity were stamped upon his forehead, and he was 
purchased by the Lord Chamberlain [Amir hdjib), Alptigin. In 
the service of this nobleman he went to Tukharistan, and when 
Alptigin was appointed governor of that place he continued to 
serve him. In the course of events Alptigin came afterwards to 
Ghaznin, when he conquered the country of Zawulistan, and 
wrested Ghaznin from the hands of Amir Anuk.^ 

Eight years afterwards Alptigin died,^ and was succeeded by 
his son Is'hak. This chief fought with Anuk, and being defeated 
he went to Bukhara, where he succeeded in obtaining assistance 
from Amir Mansur Niih. Thus strengthened, he returned and 
retook Ghazni. One year later he expired, and Bilkatigin,* the 

' A long account of the parentage of Subulstigin is given in the Jimi'u-t 
Taw§.rikh, in which his descent is traced from Tiighril, king of Merv. Firishta 
follows the genealogy here given. The Eanzatu-s Safi does not notice either. 
Briggs, Ferishta I. 13; Gemaldesaal, IV. p. 105. 

2 [Mr. Thomas published a translation of this passage in the Jour. E. As. Society, 
vol. xvii. p. 141. In his translation, and in the Munshi's original translation from the 
MS., the word " amir " does not appear, but the editors of the printed text must have 
had authority for it. The word is important, because Mr. Thomas takes " Anuk " to 
be a local, not a personal or tribal appellation, and proposes to change the orthography 
so as to make the word to be " Lambak," i.e. " Lamghan." If the name is a local one 
wemusthere read"Amir of Aniik." Ihave my doubts upon this, and I cannot acquiesce 
in the change of " Aniik " to " Lambak." The printed text gives " Anflk," and the 
MSS. of the India Library, of the E. A. Society, and of Paris, agree in this ortho- 
graphy. Sir H. Elliot's MS. has " Ablik." In a previous page (181) we have had 
it as " Kiibak," and Mr. Thomas says it is also written " LiSyak." The change of 
any of these forms to "Lambak" is a bold one, and I prefer adKering to the best 
authorized form, although we are unable to identify it with any known name.] 

3 [There are coins, one of them at least undisputed, dated h. 347, bearing the 
name of " Albtigln."— See Note in the Appendix on the Coins.] 

* [The printed text here gives the name " Milk&tigin," but Sir H. Elliot's MS. 


chief of the Turks, was raised to his place. This chief was a 
very just and religious man, and was one of the greatest warriors 
in the world. He died after a reign of two years. Amir Subuk- 
tigin was in his service. Bilkdtigin was succeeded by Amir 
Pari,i who was a very depraved man. A party of the inhabi- 
tants of Ghazni opened communications with Abu 'AH Anuk, 
and invited him back. Abu 'Ali obtained the aid of the son of 
the king of K^bul,^ but when they came into the vicinity {hadd) 
of Oharkh,^ Subuktigin with five hundred Turks fell upon them, 
and defeated them. He put a great number to the sword, and 
took many prisoners. He also captured two elephants, and 
carried them to Ghazni. After the achievement of this victory 
the people, who were disgusted with Pari on account of his 
wickedness {fasdd)^ raised Subuktigin with unanimous consent to 
the chieftainship of Ghazni. On the twenty-seventh of Sha'ban, 
A.H. 366 (April, 977), on Friday, he came out of the fort with 
the umbrella, jewels, and banners, and proceeded to the Jami' 
Masjid, where he was confirmed in the government and 
sovereignty of the country. He carried his arms from Ghaznin 
to different countries, and brought Zamin-ddwar,* Kusdar, 
Bamian, the whole of Tukharistdn and Glior into his possession. 
On the side of India he defeated Jaipal at the head of a large 
army and numerous elephants. He also drove back Bughrd 
Khan, of Kashghar, (from his attacks upon) the Samanian 
dynasty. He then went to Baikh, and restored the chief of 
Bukhara to his throne. In his time great exploits were per- 
formed, and all the sources of internal dissensions in Khurisan 
were eradicated. 

has " Bilk^tigln," whioli is correct. The elevation of BilkStigin is a fact unnoticed 
by every other known historian, but it supported hy the evidence of the J&.mi'u-1 
Hikayit, and it is incontestibly proved by a unique coin bearing his name, and dated 
A.H. 359 (a.d, 969). See Jour. E. A. S. xvii. 142.] 

1 [" Mari " in Sir H. E.'s MS., and " PIri " in Mr. Thomas' translation of this 
passage.] ^ [The Munsht's translation had " Mir Sh&h of Kabfil."] 

^ [Var. "Kharj." — Charkh has been identified with a village ofthatnameiuLohgar. 
— See Jour. E. A. S. xvii. 141. Ayin-i Akbari II. p. 181. Erskine's Baber, p. 48.] 

* [Diwar or Zamin-diwar is the country on the Helmand, between Sijistiu and 


In the month of Shaww^l, a.h. 384 (Novemher, 994), the 
command of Khur4sS,n was conferred on Amir Mahmitd, under 
the title of Saifu-d daula, and Amir Subuktigin received the 
title of Nasiru-d din. He expelled Abu-1 hasan Saimjur, and 
Khurasdn was cleared of its enemies. Amir Subuktigin was 
a wise, just, brave, and religious man, faithful to his agreements, 
truthful in his words, and not avaricious for wealth. He was 
kind and just to his subjects, and the Almighty God had be- 
stowed upon him all the great qualities which are admirable in 
nobles and princes. The length of his reign was twenty years, 
and of his life fifty-six years. He died in the vicinity of Balkli, 
at the village of Barmal Madrui, a.h. 386 (996 a.d.).i 

II. — Reign of the great King Yaminu-d daula Mahmud Nizdmii-d 
din Ahu-l Kdsim Mahmiid, son of Subuktigin. 
Sultan Mahmud was a great monarch. He was the first 
Muhammadan kino- who received the title of Sultan from the 
Khalif. He was born on the night of Thursday, the tenth 
of Muharram, a.h. 361^ (2nd October, 971), in the seventh year 
after the time of Bilkatigln. A moment (sd'at) before his 
birth. Amir Subuktigin saw in a dream that a tree sprang 
up from the fire-place in the midst of his house, and grew 
so hiffh that it covered the whole world with its shadow. 
Waking in alarm from his dream, he began to reflect upon the 
import of it. At that very moment a messenger came, bringing 
the tidings that the Almighty had given him a son. Subuk- 
tigin greatly rejoiced, and said, I name the child Mahmud. On 
the same night that he was born, an idol temple in India, in the 
vicinity of Parshawar, on the banks of the Sind, fell down. 

Mahmud was a man of great abilities, and is renowned as one 
of the greatest champions of Islam. He ascended the throne in 

1 [The coins of SubuMigin iu some variety are extant. — See Note in the Appendix.] 

2 [Firishta gives the date as 9th Muharrara, 357 h., and he has been followed by 
Elphiustone. — Briggs' FerisMa, I. 33 ; Elphinstone, 323.] 


Balkh, in the year 387 h. (997 a.d.), and received investiture by 
the Khalif4 Al Kadir bi-llah. His influence upon Islam soon 
became widely known, for he converted as many as a thousand 
idol-temples into mosques, subdued the cities of Hindustan, and 
vanquished the Edis of that country. He captured Jaipal, who 
was the greatest of them, kept him at Yazd (?), in Khurasan, 
and gave orders so that he was bought for eighty dirams.^ He 
led his armies to Nahrwala and Gujarat, carried off the idol 
{mandt) from Somnat, and broke it into four parts. One part 
he deposited in the Jami' Masjid of Ghazni, one he placed 
at the entrance of the royal palace, the third he sent to Mecca, 
and the fourth to Medina. 'Unsuri composed a long Kastda on 
this victory. \_The story of his return from Somnat through the 
desert of Bind follows (see supra, p. 191), and an account is given 
of the state and pomp of his Court.'] He died in the year 421 
H. (1030 A.D.), in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, and at 
sixty-one years of age. 

III. — Muhammad bin Mahmiid Jaldlu-d daula? 

Jalalu-d daula Muhammad was a good amiable man. Many 
curious poems are attributed to him. When his father Mahmiid 
died, his brother Mas'iid was in 'Irak, and the nobles of the 
court of Mahmiid resolved upon placing Muhammad on the 
throne, which they did in the year 421 h. (1030 a.d.). He was 
a man of gentle temper, and had not the energy necessary for 
governing a kingdom. A party of the friends of Mas'ud wrote 
to him in 'Ir^k, and that prince gathered a force, with which he 
marched upon Ghazni. When intelligence of his design reached 
Ghazni, Muhammad prepared an army and went out to meet his 
brother. 'Ali Kurib was Hajib and commander-in-chief. When 

' The meaning of this passage is obscure. The text runs thus : — 
Ij OyjAij L::-^-ilAJ i^\J\j=sr jjjj ij^J'^J '•^^'J^ . . . . \j J^;^;^ 

2 [Note in the Text. — " Names of the sons of Muhammad, Muyidu-d daula Ahmad, 
'Ahdu-r Jlahm^, 'Abdu-r Eahim."] 


they reached Takindbddi they heard of Mas'iid's approach, so 
they seized upon Muhammad, blinded him, and put him in 
prison. 'Ali Kurib then led his army on to Hir^t to meet 
Mas'ud. When he came within a stage of that place, he went 
to wait upon the Sultan, but iV]as''ud ordered him to be made 
prisoner, and his whole force to destroyed. On this occasion 
Muhammad reigned for seven months. When Mas'ud was 
killed at Mdrikala, Sultan Muhammad was brought out of 
prison, and although he was blind he was once more placed upon 
the throne. He then marched at the head of his army towards 
Grhazni, but Maudud, son of Mas'ud, came forth to avenge his 
father, met his uncle in battle, defeated him, and slew him and 
his children. The second time he reigned four months. His age 
was forty-five years when his death occurred, in the year 432 H. 

IV. — Ndsiru-d din Allah Mas'udu-sh Shahid (the Martyr).^ 

Nasiru-d din Allah was the appellation of this prince, but his 
family name was Abii Mas'ud. He and his brother Sultan Mu- 
hammad were born on the same day. Sultdn Mas'ud, the 
martyr, ascended the throne in a.h. 422 (1031 a.d.). He was 
so exceedingly generous that people used to call him "the second 
'AH," and for his bravery they named him " the second Rus- 
tam," No man could lift his battle-axe from the ground with 
one hand, and even an elephant could not sta:d before him. 
His father envied his strength, and used to keep him under con- 
trol. He (Mahmiid) kept Muhammad at Ghazni, and at length 
he obtained authority from the Khalif to place the name and 
titles of Muhammad in the Khutba before those of Mas'ud. 
Khwaja Abii Nasr Mishkdn says : " When the letters (of the 
Khalif) were read in Mahmud's court, it was felt by us, and by all 
the princes and great men, to be a heavy blow, for marks of intelli- 
gence and courage were apparent on the brow of Mas'ud. When 

1 [The largest towa in Garuisir. — See infra.'] 

''■ [Note in one MS. — "Names of the children of Sultiu Mas'iid: — Muhammad, 
Maujud, Mauddd, Ibrihim, Izid-yir, Farrukh-z^d, Shuj^', Murid ShS,h, 'Ali." 


the prince came forth from the presence of his father, I, Ahu Nasr 
Mishkdn went after him and said to him, " prince, this post- 
ponement of your name in the letter of the Khalif is very oiFen- 
sive to your servants." The prince said, " Don't grieve about it, 
the sword is a truer prophet than the pen." He then told me to 
return. I had no sooner got back than the informers told the 
Sultdn Malimud of my devotion to Mas'ud. He sent for me, 
and I waited upon him. He asked me why I went after Mas'ud, 
and what I had said to him. I related exactly all that had 
passed, without reserve, for by concealment my life would have 
been imperilled. The Sultan then said, " I know that Masud 
excels Muhammad in every respect, and after my death the 
kingdom will devolve upon him, but I take this trouble now on 
behalf of Muhammad, that the poor fellow may enjoy some 
honour and gratification during my lifetime, for after my death 
it will not be so safe for him. May God have mercy on him." 
Abu Nasr Mishkan goes on to say : — " In this incident two 
things surprised me very much. The first was the answer which 
Mas'ud so kindly and discreetly gave me. The second was the 
quickness and strict control of Mahmud, from whom this little 
attention of mine could not be concealed." When Sultan Mah- 
mud took 'Irak he placed Mas'ud on the throne of that country, 
and before that period Hirat and Khurasan had been ruled in 
his name. After he ascended the throne of Spahau (Ispahan) 
he took the countries of Ee, Xazwin, Hamadan, and Tdram,i 
and he overcame the Dailamites. Several times he received 
robes of honour from the Khalifate. After the death of Mah- 
mud he came to Ghazni, and took possession of his father's king- 
dom. Several times he led his armies to India, and waged 
religious war. Twice he went to Tabaristan and Mdzandaran. 
Towards the end of his reign the Saljiiks made inroads, and 
three times he scattered their forces in the neighbourhood of 
Marv and Sarakhs. But as it was the will of God that the 

^ [Here written with toe. The Marisidu-1 IttilS,' writes it with te, and says the 
place is situated in the hUls between Kazwia and Jll&n.] 


kingdom of Khurasan should come into the hands of the Saljtiks, 
he eventually fought a bloody battle with them for three days at 
Tdlikdn.^ On the third day, which was a Friday, the Sultdn 
was defeated, and retreated by way of Gharjist4n to Ghazni. In 
panic he collected his treasures and went towards India, but in 
Mdi'ikala^ his Turkf and Hindi slaves revolted, took him prisoner, 
and raised Muhammad to the throne. They sent Mas'ud to the 
fort of Kiri,3 and there he was slain in the year 432 h. (1040 
A.D.). His age was forty-five years, and he had reigned nine 

V. — Maudud, son of Mas'M, son of Mahmixd?' 

Shahdbu-d daula Abii Sa'd Maudud, son of Ndsiru-d din 
Allah Mas'ud, upon receiving the news of his father's assassina- 
tion, ascended the throne. When his father, Mas'ud, started for. 
Hindustan, he was appointed to act as vicegerent over Ghazni 
and its dependencies, and it was in the year 432 h. (1040 a.d.), 
that he mounted the throne. To avenge his father he collected 
an army, and set out towards Hindust6,n, against his uncle Mu- 
hammad. The opposite party had taken Muhammad out of 
prison, and had seated him on the throne. The nobles of 

1 [A city between Merv and Balkh. Istakhri and Ibn Haukal call it the largest 
city in Khur^s&.n, and say it was three days' journey from Merv. Firishta states 
that the battle was fought at Dand-ink&n, a town ten parasangs from Merv, on the 
road to Sarakhs.] 

''■ Sir H. Elliot reads " M&rgala," and says, " according to Firishta he was taken at 
the Sar^i of M&rgala, near the Sind, or, according to others, on the Jhailam. 
Briggs reads the name Mari&la, and Wilken, Maric&la. The noted pass of Margala 
is meant, near which there is a place of note called Sarfii. The Tabak&t-I Akburl 
and the T&rikh-i BadatinI concur in reading M-irgala." 

3 Abfl-1 Fid&,, according to Eeiske (III. 669), gives the name as Eendl and 
Kaidi. Haidar E&,zl has Bakar. The extract of the Eauzata-s Saf&, printed by Sir 
H. Elliot, gives "Kir'i," but "Wilken's printed edition, and the Bombay lithographed 
edition of that work, have Kabri or Kabra, this being in all probability intended for 
Kri, as one dot only makes the difference (i_5_»^ _ i^jS), Firishta also has Kiri, 
though Briggs reads the name " Kurry." — See Abbot's Map, Jour. As. Soc. Ben. 
Dec. 1848. 

* [Note in the Orig.— " Names of the children of Sultan Maudlid : Mansdr, Mu- 
hammad, Sulaim&n, MahmiSd."] 

VOT.. TT. 18 


Hindustan submitted to him, and the Mahmudi and the Mas'udi 
Turks who had revolted against Mas'ud rallied round him and 
supported him. For four months they upheld him as ruler, but 
Maudud defeated him at Takarh^rud,^ and took him prisoner, 
with all his children and dependants. Maudud avenged his 
father's blood upon him, and the Turks and Tdjiks and every 
one else who had taken part in his father's assassination he put 
to death. He thus obtained honour and renown. Afterwards 
he returned to Ghazni, and brought his father's territories under 
his power. He reigned nine years, and died in the year 441 h. 
(1049 A.D.), at the age of thirty-nine years. 

VI. — 'All, son of Mas'iid, and Muhammad, son of Maudud. 

These two princes, uncle and nephew, were raised jointly to 
the throne by the Turks and nobles. Every man took matters 
into his own hands, and when it was seen that they had no 
wisdom or power, and that ruin was coming upon the army and 
the people, they were dethroned after two months' reign, and sent 
back to a fort. 'Abdu-r Eashid was raised to the throne in 
their stead. 

VII. — lAhdu-r RasMd, son of Mahmud. 

Sultan Bah4u-d daula 'Abdu-r Rashid, son of Mahmud, 
ascended the throne in the year 441 H. (1049 a.d.) He was a 
learned and clever man, and used to listen to chronicles and 
write history ; but he had no firmness or courage, and so changes 
and reverses came upon the state. The Saljiiks, on the side of 
Khurasan, coveted the throne of Ghazni. Datid obtained the 
throne of Khurasan. Alp Arslan, son of Datid, was a good 
genera], and they resolved to attack Ghazni. Alp Arsldn ad- 
vanced from Tukharist^n with a large force, and his father, 
Daud, marched by way of Sistdn to Bust. 'Abdur Rashid 
collected an array, and placed at the head of it Tughril, who 

' Or " Bakarlii," perhaps Bakhr&la. [Firishta's text says "Depdr," not "Dun- 
toor," as in Briggs' translation.] 


had been one of the slaves of Mahmud, and was a very energetic 
man. He marched against Alp Arsl4n, and routed him in 
front of the valley of Khamdr. From thence he returned 
speedily to Bust, and Ddud retreated before him to Sistdn. He 
defeated Beghii, the uncle of Daiid, and when he had achieved 
two or three such victories he returned to Ghazni, where he 
killed 'Abdu-r Eashid and placed himself on the throne. 'Abdu-r 
Rashid reigned two years and-a half.^ His age was thirty. 

YIII. — Tughril, the accursed. 

Tughril had been a slave of Mahmud, and was a man of great 
energy and courage. In the reign of Sultan Maudud he went 
from Ghazni to Khurasan, and entered the service of the Saljuks. 
For some time he remained there, and learnt their method of 
war. In the time of 'Abdu-r Rashid he returned to Ghazni, 
where he took 'Abdu-r Rashid and slew him, together with 
eleven other princes. He then ascended the throne of Ghazni, 
and reigned for forty days with great tyranny and injustice. 
Some one asked him how the desire of sovereignty had entered 
into his mind, and he replied, " When 'Abdu-r Rashid sent me 
against Alp Arslan he made some promises to me, and confirmed 
them by giving me his hand. He was then so overpowered by 
fear that the sound of the tremor which had seized upon his 
bones came to my ears, and I knew that such a coward could 
never rule and govern. It was then that the desire of sovereignty 
fell upon me." Forty days after his usurpation, a Turk, by name 
Noshtigin, who was a soldier, turned against Tughril, and con- 
spiring with some of his friends, thej killed him on the throne. 
His head was then brought out, placed upon a pole, and carried 
round the city, so that the people might have assurance of 

IX. — Farrukh-zdd, son of Mas'M. 

When the Almighty God had recompensed Tughril for his 
atrocious deeds, and the people were delivered from him and liis 
^ [Two MSS. say " two years " only.] 


unbounded tyranny, there were left surviving in the fort of 
Barghand,! two princes who were sons of Mas'ud. One of these 
was named Ibrahim, and the other Farrukh-z4d. Tughril, the 
accursed, had sent a party of men to the fort of Barghand to put 
them to death. The commandant of the fort pondered over the 
matter for a day, and kept these emissaries at the gate of the 
fort upon the understanding that they were to come in on the 
following day, and execute their orders. Suddenly some fleet 
messengers arrived with the intelligence that the accursed Tugh- 
ril had been killed. When that wretched man fell in Ghazni by 
the hand of IToshtigm, the grandees, princes, and generals set 
about searching for a king;. It was then discovered that two 
persons (of the royal family) were left surviving in the fort of 
Barghand. Accordingly they all repaired to that place. At first 
they wished to raise Ibrahim to the throne, but he was very 
feeble in body, and as no delay could be admitted, Farrukh-zad 
was brought out, and proclaimed king on Saturday, the ninth of 
Zilka'da, a.h. 443 (March, 1052 a.d.). 

Farrukh-zad was very mild and just. When he ascended the 
throne the country of Zawulistan was in a state of desolation 
from disease and murrain,^ so he remitted the revenue that it 
might again become prosperous. He secured the territories of 
the kingdom, and reigned seven years. He died of colic in the 
year 451 (1059 a.d.), at the age of thirty-four years. 

X. — Sultan Ibrahim? 

Sultan Zahiru-d daula wa Nasiru-1 Millat Raz(u-d din Ibrdhim, 
son of Mas'ud, was a great king, — wise, just, good. God-fearing, 
and kind, a patron of letters, a supporter of religion, and a 
pious man. When Farrukh-z^d became king, Ibrahim was 

' [The printed text has Bazghand, but Sir H, Elliot reads Barghand, and says 
Barghand lies between Tfik and Ghazni.] 

2 \^Awdriz-o mutdn. — The former words mean literally diseases, but it is also used 
for those diseases of the body politic, extraordinary imposts.] 

^ [A note gives the names of his thirty-six sons, which are said to differ slightly in 
the three MSS. used.] 


taken out of the fort of Barghand, and brought to that of Nai, 
and on the death of Tarrukh-z^d all men concurred in recog- 
nizing his succession. An officer named Hasan went to wait 
upon him, and with the approbation of the people of the king- 
dom he was brought out from the fort, and on Monday he 
auspiciously ascended the throne. The next day he spent in 
mourning for his late brother, and paid a visit to his tomb, and 
to the tombs of his ancestors. All the nobles and great men 
walked on foot in attendance upon him. He bestowed no favours 
upon any one, and hence apprehensions about his rule took pos- 
session of the hearts of the people. When the intelligence of his 
accession reached Daud, the Saljuki, he sent some nobles into 
Khurasan, and made peace with him. After the death of Ddiid, 
his son. Alp Arsldn, confirmed this treaty of peace. Ibrdhim 
strengthened himself in the possession of his ancestors ; the dis- 
orders which had arisen in the country from the late extra- 
ordinary events he rectified, and the Mahmtidi kingdom began 
once again to flourish. Ruined places were built afresh, and 
several fortified places and towns were founded, as Khaird- 
bM, Tmanabad, and other places. Many wonders and marvels 
appeared in his reign, and Daud, the Saljuki, died, who in 
havoc, war, slaughter, and conquest, passed like a flash of light- 
ning. Ibrahim was born at Hirdt, in the year of the conquest 
of Gurgan, 424 h. (1033 A.D.) He had thirty-six sons and 
forty daughters. All the daughters he married to illustrious 
nobles or learned men of repute. One of these princesses was 
ancestress in the third degree of Minhaj Siraj. The cause of 
the emigration of the author's ancestors from Juzjdn, was that 
Imdm 'Abdu-1 KhS,lik, who is buried at Tahirdbdd, in Grhazni, 
saw in a dream while he lived in Juzjan, an angel who told him 
to rise, go to Ghazni, and take a wife. Upon his awaking it 
struck him that this might be some work of the devil, but as he 
dreamed the same thing three times successively, he acted in 
compliance with his dream, and came to Ghazni. There he 
married one of the daughters of IbrAhim, and by that princess 


he had a son named Ibrahim. This Ibrahim was father of 
Mauland Minhaju-d din 'TJsman, who was father of Mauldiia 
Sirdju-d din, the wonder of his time, and father of Minh^ju-s 
Siraj. Sultan Ibrahim reigned happily for forty-two years, and 
died in the year 492 h. (1098 a.d.), at the age of sixty. 

XI. — 'Aldu-d din Mas'-itd, the Generous, son of Ibrahim?- 

Sultan Mas'ud, the generous, was a virtuous prince, who had 
a prosperous reign. He possessed many excellent qualities, and 
was adorned with justice and equity. He ascended the throne 
in the days of Al Mustazhar bi-Uah Ahmad, commander of the 
faithful, son af Muktadar. He was very modest and liberal. 
He abolished all the tyrannical practices which had been intro- 
duced in former reigns, and cancelled the newly-established im- 
posts throughout the dominions of Mahmiid, and the country of 
Zdwulistan. Taxes and imposts were remitted in all his do- 
minions. He restO'red to the princes, nobles, and grandees their 
possessions as they had held them in the reign of Sultan Ibra- 
him, and he adopted whatever seemed best for the welfare of the 
state. Amir 'Azdu-d daula was confirmed in the governorship 
of Hindustan. In the days of this prince the great Hajib died; 
but Hdjib Taghatigin crossed the river Ganges, and made an in- 
cursion into Hindustan, carrying his arms farther than any 
army had reached since the days of Sultdn Mahmud. All the 
affairs of state were reduced to a system in his reign, and there 
was nothing to disturb the minds of any one in any quarter. 
He was born in Ghazni in A.h. 453 (1061 a.d), and after reign- 
ing seventeen years, he died in the year 509 (1115 a.d.), at the 
age of fifty-seven. He married the sister of Sultdn Sanjar, who 
was called Mahd-i 'Ir^k (Cradle of 'Irdk). 

XII. — Malih Arsldn, son of Sultan Mas'ud. 
Malik Arsl4n Abu-1 raalik ascended the throne a.h. 509 (a.d. 
1115), and brought Garmsir and the kingdom of Ghazni under 

^ [A note gives the names of his seventeen sons.] 


his rule. Bahrain Shah, his uncle, fled to Sultan Sanjar, in 
Khur4sdn. Several wonderful phenomena occurred in tlie reign 
of this prince. One was that fire and lightning fell from the 
sky, and burnt the markets of GhaznI. Other distressing 
calamities and events occurred during his reign, making it hate- 
ful to the people. Arslan was famous for his magnanimity and 
energy, courage, and bravery. After he had ascended the throne 
he treated his mother, Mahd-i 'Irak, with contempt, and this in- 
censed Sanjar, who gave his aid to Bahram Shah, and marched 
to Ghazni. Malik Arslan gave him battle, but being defeated, 
he fled to Hindustan, and fell into great distress. He expired 
in A.H. 511 (1117 A.D.), after a reign of two years, in the thirty- 
fifth year of his age. 

XIII. — Bahram Shah} 

Mu'izzu-d daula Bahram Shah, was handsome and manly, 
liberal, just, and a friend of his people. In the early part of his 
career, when Malik Arslan succeeded his father. Sultan Mas'ud 
the generous, he went to Khurasan, the throne of which country 
was occupied in those days by the great Sultan Sa'id Sanjar. 
Bahram Shah remained for some time at his Court. But at 
length Sultdn Sanjar marched against Ghaznl, and defeated 
Malik Arslan in battle. Bahram Sh^h then mounted the 
throne, and was supported by Sultan Sanjar. Saiyid Hasan 
composed an ode, which he recited at Court in the presence of 
Sanjar. Sanjar went back to Khurasan, and Bahram took pos- 
session of the country. He made some expeditions to Hin- 
dustan, and on the twenty-seventh of Ramazdn, a.h. 612, he 
captured Muhammad Bahalim, and kept him a prisoner; but he 
afterwards liberated him, and assigned the whole country of 
Hindustan to him. This officer again revolted and built the 
fort of Ndgor, in the Siw^lik hills, in the vicinity of Bera.^ He 
had many sons and dependants. Bahram Shah proceeded to 
Hindustan to subdue the fort, and Muhammad Bahalim marched 

1 [A note gives the names of his nine sons.] 2 [" Sabra" in one MS.] 


towards Multan to meet him, and gave battle, but God punished 
him for his ingratitude, and he, with his ten '^ sons, their horses 
and arms, fell on the day of battle into a quagmire,^ so that no 
trace of him was left. Bahram Shdh returned to Ghazni, and 
had to fight against the kings of Ghor. In the war his son 
Daulat Sh4h was slain, and in one campaign he was defeated 
three times by Sultan 'Alau-d din. Ghazni fell into the hands 
of the Ghorians, who set it on fire and destroyed it. Bahrdm 
Shah went to Hindustan, but when the Ghorians had retired, he 
again came to Ghazni, and there expired. His reign lasted 
forty-one years. 

XIV. — KJiusru Shah, Son of Bahram 8hdh.^ 

Sultan Yaminu-d daula Khusru Shah ascended the throne 
in A.H. 552 (1157 a.d.) The kings and princes of Ghor had 
shaken the throne of the descendants of Mahmtid, and had 
wrested from them and desolated the countries of Ghazni, Bust, 
Zamin-dawar, and Takin^bad. Weakness had thus fallen on the 
kingdom and its splendour was departed. When Khusru Shah 
ascended the throne he was weak and unable to bring the country 
under his rule. 

A body of Ghuzz (Turks) also arose and attacked Khurasan* 
where the reign of Sultan Sa'id Sanjar had come to an end. 
An army likewise came against Ghazni, and Khusru Shah be- 
ing unable to resist them went to India. He thus lost Ghazni 
which fell into the hands of the Ghuzz, and so remained for 
twelve years. But at length Sultdn Sa'id Ghiydsu-d din Mu- 
hammad Sam led an army from Ghor, expelled the Ghuzz, took 
possession of Ghazni, and mounted the throne. Khusru Shah 

' [The printed text says " two," but " ten " seems to be the correct number. — See 
Firishta I. 151.] 

^ [The text has some unintelligible -words -which vary in the different MSS. 
Briggs says " a quagmire," and something like that must be intended.] 

3 [Note in the Text. — "Sons of Khusrti Sh^h — Khusru Malik, MahmiSd 
Sh^h, Kai Khusrii."] 

* [The printed text omits the -word " Khur4s&n," but it is necessary to the sense 
and true to the fact.] 


had gone to Lahore in Hindustan, where he died. He reigned 
seven years. 

XV. — Khusru Malik Son of Khusru Shah, the last King of the 
Ghaznivide Dynasty. 

Khusru Malik Taju-d daula Sultan Jahan, the gentle king, 
mounted the throne at Lahore. This prince was exceedingly 
gentle, liberal, and modest, but fond of pleasure. He possessed 
many excellent qualities, but as he lived when the rule of his 
family came to an end, he was held in small esteem. With him 
closed the power of his house, and anarchy reigned in the country. 
All the nobles and ofEcers of the State, both Turks and freemen, 
{atrdh o ahrdr\ deserted him. The slaves and servants of the 
throne took the government into their own hands, while he in- 
indulged in luxury and pleasure. 

Sultan Sa'id Mu'izzu-d daula Muhammad SAm came every 
year from G-hazni, continually increasing his hold upon Hind 
and Sind, till at length in a.h. 577 (1181 a.d.), he advanced to 
the gates of Lahore, where he took the elephant and the son of 
Khusru Shah and carried them off with him. 

In A.H. 583 (1187 A.D.) he again advanced on Lahore and 
took it. He then dethroned Khusru Malik, sent him to Ghazni 
from whence he was subsequently sent to Firoz-Koh, which was 
the capital of the great king Sultan GhiyAsu-d din Muhammad 
Sam. By order of this monarch, Khusru Malik was kept a 
prisoner in the fort of Balrawdn, in Gharjistan. When the war 
Qiddisa) of Sultan Shah (of Khwarizm) broke out in Khurasdn, 
the kings of Ghor ^ were obliged to throw themselves into it, and 
they then put Sultan Khusru Malik to death in the year 698 H. 
(a.d. 1201). His son Bahram Shdh who was a captive in the 
fort of Saifrud in Ghor, was also slain. Thus ended the house 
of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin. The kingdom of trka, the throne 
of Hindustan, and the country of Khurasan all fell into the pos- 
session of the Shansabaniya Kings. 

1 [Ghiy&su-d din and Muhammad Shahttu-d din were brothers, and held a sort 
of joint rule.] 



The. Shansabanita Sujltans and the Kings of Ghor.^ 
[Page 34 to 40 of tie printed Text.] 

I. — Amir Fuldd Ghori ShansaU? 

Amir Fulad Ghori was one of tke sons of Malik Shansab, son 
of Harnak. The mountains of Ghor came into his possession, 
and he gave new life to the names of his forefathers. When the 
founder of the house of 'Abb^s, Abti Muslim Marwazi, revolted, 
and resolved upon expelling the officers of the Ummayides from 
Khurasdn, Amir Fulad led the forces of Ghor to his assistance, 
and took an active part in the victories of the race of 'Abbas, and 
of the people of the house of the prophet. The fortress of Man- 
desh^ was in his possession, and he ruled for some time over the 
Jabbal and Ghor. Upon his death he v^as succeeded by the 
sons of his brother, but after these nothing is known of the 
rulers of Ghor until the time of Amir Banji Naharan. 

2. — Amir Banji, son of Nahdrdn. 

Amir Banji NaharS,n was a great chief, and his history is well 
known in Ghor. He is considered one of the greatest king's of 
that territory, and all its kings are descended from him. His 
pedigree is thus given. 

Amir Banji was a handsome and excellent man, possessing 
good qualities, and of very estimable character. When the 
power of the family of 'Abbas was established, and the territories 
of the Muhamraadans came under the rule of the Khalifs of that 
house, the first person of the Ghori family who went to the seat 

1 [The opening of this hook is occupied with genealogies by which the pedigree of 
the kings of Ghor is carried through Zuhik up to Noah.J 

''■ Briggs in Firishta writes this name " Shisty." See Mr. Thomas' Paper on the 
Coins of the Ghori Dynasty. — Jour, E. As. Soc. xvii. 190.] 

' [A fortress in KhurEis&n.] 


of the Khil^fat, and obtained the title of sovereignty and a royal 
banner was Amir Banji Nahdr^n. The cause of his going to the 
presence of H£ Eashid, the commander of the faithful, 
was as follows : — There was a tribe in Ghor called Shishani, who 
asserted that their ancestors were first converted to Muhara- 
madanism, and then the Shansabanis. Muhammad is called in 
the Grhori language Hamd, and when they espoused the faith 
they were designated Hamdis, or Muhamraadans. In the time 
of Amif Banji there was a man of the Shishani tribe whose 
name was Sis, or in the Ghori language Shish. A dispute arose 
between this Amir Shish and Amir Banji, for the chiefship 
of Ghor, and contention broke out among the people. It was 
agreed by both parties that Amir Banji and Shish should both 
repair to the Khalif, and whoever brought back a patent of 
sovereignty and royal ensign should be the chief 

[^Accotmt of the interview which the two chiefs had with the 
Khalif, when Amir Banji, through the instruction in court 
etiquette ivhich he had received from a Jeic, was named chief,, and 
Shish was made general.'] 

From that time the title of the Shansabani kings, according to 
the gracious words of Hdrunu-r Eashid, commander of the faith- 
ful, became Kasim-i Amiru-1 Muminin. The two chiefs returned 
to Ghor, and assumed their respective offices of ruler of Ghor 
and commander of the army. These two offices are held to this 
day by the different parties, according to this arrangement. The 
kings of Ghor were all Shansabanians, and the commanders of 
the army are called Shishdniyins, such as Muadu-d din, Abti-l 
'Abbas Shish, and Sulaiman Shish. 

3. — Amir Siiri. 

The writer of this work has not been able to obtain the annals 
of the kings of Ghor from the reign of Amir Banji down to the 
present reign, so as to enable him to write their history in detail. 
The author resides in Dehli, and through the disorders which the 
inroads of the infidel Mughals have caused in the territories of 


Islam, there has been no possibility of his copying from the 
histories which he had seen in Ghor. He has written what 
he found in the T^rikh-i Nasiri and the T4rlkh-i Haizam JSTabi, 
as well as what he was able to gleam from old men of Ghor, 
but his readers must pardon imperfections. 

It is said that Amir Stiri was a great king, and most of the 
territories of Ghor were in his possession. But as many of the 
inhabitants of Ghor, of high and low degree, had not yet 
embraced Muhammadanism, there was constant strife among 
them. The Saffarians came from Nimroz to Bust and Ddwar, 
and Yakub Lais overpowered Lak-lak, who was chief of Takin- 
khid, in the country of Rukhaj.^ The Ghorians sought safety 
in Sarhd-sang,^ and' dwelt there in security, but even among them 
hostilities constantly prevailed between the Muhammadans and 
the infidels. One castle was at war with another castle, and 
their feuds were unceasing ; but owing to the inaccessibility of 
the mountains of Easiat, which are in Ghor, no foreigner was 
able to overcome them, and Shansabani Amir Suri was the head 
of all the Mandeshis. In Ghor there are five great and lofty 
mountains, which the people of Ghor agree in considering as 
higher than the Rasiat mountains. One of these is Zar Murgh, 
in Mandesh, and the capital and palace of the Shansabani kings 
are at the foot of this mountain. It is said that Z41 Zar, father 
of Rustam, was here nourished by a Simurgh, and some of the 
inhabitants of the foot of the mountain say that between the 
fifth and sixth centuries a loud voice of cry and lamentation was 
heard to proceed from it, announcing the death of Zal. The 
second mountain is called Sar Khizr ; it is also in the territory 
of Mandesh, in the vicinity of Takhbar. The third is Ashak, in 
the country of Timran, which is the greatest and highest of the 
whole territory of Ghor. The country of Timran lies in the 
valleys and environs of this mountain. The fourth is Wazni, and 
the territories of Dawar and Walasht, and the fort of Kahwardn, 

' [A division of Sijist&n ; Arachosia.] 

^ [" Sarh^osang," or " SarliEi wa Sang," in some copies.] 


are within its ramifications and valleys. And the fifth mountain 
is Faj Hanis^r/ in the country of Ghor. It is very inaccessible 
and secure. It is said that the length, breadth, and height of 
of this mountain are beyond the limits of guess, and the power of 
understanding. In the year 590 (1194 a.d.), a piece of the 
trunk of an ebony tree was found on this mountain, which ex- 
ceeded two hundred mans in weight, and no one could tell how 
large and high the tree must have been. 

4. — Malik Muhammad Sitri. 

Abu-1 Hasan al Haizam, son of Muhammad-n Nabi author 
of the Tdrikhu-1 Haizam, says that when the government of 
Khurasan and Zawulistdn departed from the Samanians and 
SafFarians, and fell to Amir Subuktigin, he led his army several 
times towards the hills of Ghor, and carried on many wars. 
When Amir Mahmud Subuktigin succeeded to the throne, the 
kingdom of Ghor had devolved upon Amir Muhammad Suri, 
and he had brought all the territories of Ghor under his sway. 
Sometimes he made submission . to Sultan Mahmud, and at 
others he revolted, and withheFd the payment of the fixed 
tribute, and the contingent of arms which he had agreed to 
supply. Relying on the strength of his forts, and the numbers 
and power of his army, he was continually engaging in hostilities. 
Sultan Mahmud was consequently always on the watch, and his 
mind was much disturbed by Suri's power, his large army, and 
the security afforded to him by the height and inaccessibility of 
the hills of Ghor. At last he marched to Ghor with a consider- 
able army. Muhammad Suri was besieged in the fort of Ahan- 
garan, and held out for a long time. He fouglit desperately, but 
was at last compelled to evacuate the fort, upon conditions, and 
made his submission to Sultan Mahmud. 

The Sultan took him and his younger son, whose name was 
Shish, to Ghazni, because the lad was very dear to his father. 
When they reached the neighbourhood of Gilan, Amir Mu- 
1 [Or " Hansar."] 


hammad Suri died. Some say that he was taken prisoner, and 
and as he had a very high spirit he could not brook the disgrace. 
He had a ring, under the stone of which was concealed some 
poison, which he took and then died. The Sultan immediately 
sent his son Shish back to Ghor, and gave the chieftainship of 
G-hor to the eldest son. Amir Abii 'All bin Suri, an account of 
whom follows. 

5. Amir Abu Alt bin Muhammad iin Suri. 

6. Amir Abbas bin Shish bin Muhammad bin Suri. 

7. Amir Muhammad bin Abbas. 

8. Malik Kutbu-d din al Hasan bin Muhammad bin Abbas. 

9. Malik 'Izzu-d din al Husain bin Hasan Abu-s Saldtin. 

1 0. Malik Kutbu-d din Muhammad bin Husain, Xing of the 

11. Sultan JBahdu-d din Sam bin Husain. 

12. Malik Shahdbu-d din Muhammad bin Husain, King of 
Mddin, by Ghor. 

13. Malik Shujd'u-d din 'All bin Husain. 

14. Sultan Aldu-d din Husain bin Husain bin Sam. 
[Page 54 to 63 of the Printed Text.] 

Sult4n Bahdu-d din Sam, son of Husain, died in Kidan, whilst 
he was leading his army to Ghazni in order to exact revenge for 
the death of Sultan Suri, King of the Jabbal. Sultdn 'A14u-d 
din then ascended the throne of Ghor and Firoz Koh. He as- 
sembled the forces of Ghor and Gharjistan, firmly resolved upon 
attacking Ghazni. Sultan Yaminu-d daula Bahram Shah, when he 
heard of these preparations, assembled the troops of Ghazni and 
Hindustan and passing through Garmsir by way of Rukhaj and 
Takinabad, he came to Zamin-ddwar. When 'Alau-d din came 
up with his army, Bahrain ShS,h sent messengers to him, saying, 
" Go back to Ghor, and stay in the states of your forefathers ; 
you have not the strength to resist my army, for I have brought 
elephants with me." When the envoys delivered this message, 

TABAXST-I NAsmr. 287 

'Alau-d din replied, " If you have brought elephants {pil) I have 
brought the Kharrails, — besides, you mistake, for you have slain 
my brothers, whilst I have killed no one belonging to you. 
Have you not heard what the Almighty says ? ' Whosoever is 
slain unjustly we have given his heir power (to demand satisfac- 
tion) ; and let him not exceed bounds in putting to death, for he 
is protected.'" When the messengers returned, both armies 
made ready for battle. Sultan 'Alau-d din called for his two 
champions,"^ named Kharmil, who were the heads of the army 
and the renowned heroes of Ghor. One of these was Kharmil 
Sara Husain, father of Malik Nasiru-d din Husain ; the other 
was Kharmil Sam Banji. Both of these men were famous for 
courage. 'Alau-d din sent for them and said, " Bahram Shah 
has sent to say that he has brought elephants, and I have 
answered that I have brought the Kharmils. You must each 
take care to bring an elephant to the ground to-day." They 
bowed and retired. The two armies were drawn up at a place 
called Kotah-bciz-bab. The two champions were on foot, and 
throwing off their coats of mail, they advanced to battle. When 
the elephants of Bahram Shah charged, the two champions each 
singled out one ; and creeping under the armour, they ripped 
open the bellies of the animals with their knives. Kharmil ShAh 
Banjl fell under the feet of the elephant, and the animal rolling 
upon him, they both perished together. Kharmil Sam Husain 
brought down his elephant, extricated himself, and mounted a 

When 'Alau-d din had cased himself in armour ready for the 
fight, he called for an overcoat of red satin, which he put on over 
his armour. His attendants enquired why he did so, and he 
said, it was to prevent his men seeing his blood and feeling dis- 
couraged, in the event of his being wounded with a lance or arrow. 

It is the practice in the armies of G-hor for the infantry to 
protect themselves in battle with a covering made of a raw hide 
covered thickly on both sides with wool or cotton. This defen- 
1 \_" Pahlawdn." — Briggs ia his Firishta says "two gigantic brothers."] 


sive covering is like a board, and is called Mroh. When the 
men put it on they are covered from head to foot, and their 
ranks look like vralls. The wool is so thick that no weapon can 
pierce it. 

Daulat Shah, son of Bahrdm Shah, advanced to the assault, 
mounted on an elephant at the head of his cavalry, and 
'Alau-d din directed his A-aroA-wearers to make an opening in 
their line, and allow the prince and his followers to pass through. 
When all had gone through the Aaro/j-wearers closed up the gap 
in their line, and the prince with his elephant and all his cavalry 
were slain. 

When the armies of Bahram Shah saw this manoeuvre and its 
bloody result, they broke and fled. 'Alau-d din pursued them 
from stage to stage until they reached a place called Josh-ab- 
garm (hot wells) near Takinabad. Here Bahrdm Shah made a 
stand, but was again defeated. 'Alau-d din followed in hot 
pursuit, and Bahram Shah having drawn together some of his 
scattered forces, and some reinforcements from Ghazni, he a 
third time gave battle, and once more was routed. 

The victor then entered Ghazni, and for seven nights and days 
he gave it to the flames. Writers record how that during these 
seven days the clouds of smoke so darkened the air that day 
seemed to be night, and the flames so lighted the sky at night 
that night looked like day. For these seven days plunder, 
devastation, and slaughter, were continuous. Every man that 
was found was slain, and all the women and children were made 
prisoners. Under the orders of the conqueror, all the Mahmudi 
kings, with the exception of Mahmud, Mas'tid, and Ibrahim, 
were dragged from their graves and burnt. All this time, 'Alau-d 
din sat in the palace of Ghazni occupied with drinking and 
debauchery. He had directed that the tomb of Saifu-d din Suri 
and of the Kino; of the Jabbdl should be souoht out. Coffins 
were made for their bodies, and all the army was ordered to pre- 
pare for mourning. When the seven days were over, the citv 
burnt and destroyed, and its inhabitants slain or scattered, on 


that very night, 'Alau-d din composed some verses in his own 
praise, which he gave to the minstrels to set to music and sing 
before him. (Yerses.) 

He then ordered that the remnant of the people of Ghazni 
should be spared. Breaking up his court, he went to the bath, 
and on the morning of the eighth day he led the nobles and 
followers of G-hor to the tombs of his brothers, where he put on 
garments of mourning, and with all his army he remained there 
seven days and nights, mourning, making offerings, and having 
the Kuran read. He then placed the coiEns of his brothers in 
cradles, and marched with them towards D&war and Bust ; he 
destroyed all the palaces and edifices of the Mahmudi kings, which 
had no equals in the world, and devastated all the territory which 
had belonged to that dynasty. After that he returned to Ghor, 
and interred the remains of his brothers in the tombs of their 

While at G-hazni he had given directions that several of the 
Saiyids of that town should be taken in retaliation of Saiyid 
Majdu-d din, wazir of Sultan Siiri, who was hanged with him 
from the bridge of Ghazni. These captives were brought into 
his presence, and bags filled with the dirt of Ghaznl were 
fastened round their necks. They were thus led to Firoz-koh, 
and there they were slain. Their blood was mixed with the 
earth they had carried from Ghazni, and with that mixture 
'Alau-d din built some towers on the hills of Firoz-koh, which 
are standing to this day. May God forgive him ! 

Having thus exacted vengeance, he devoted himself to pleasure 
and wine, and he composed some more verses for minstrels to 
sing in his praise. 

When he ascended the throne of Firoz-koh he imprisoned his 
two nephews, Gliiyasu-d din Muhammad Sam and Mu'izzu-d din 
Muhammad S^m, sons of Sultan Bahau-d din Sam, in a fort 
of Wahiristan, and settled an allowance for their maintenance. 
^^Transactions with Sultan Sanjar SalJuM.'] 

Towards the end of his life some emissaries of the Muldhi- 

VOL. I. 19 


datu-1 maut came to him, and he paid great honour to these 
heretics, inviting them into all parts of his kingdom. They on 
their part were desirous of establishing their sway over the 
people of Ghor. This remains a stain upon the fame of 
'AMu-d din. 

15. Malik Ndsiru-d din al Husain bin Muhammad al Madaint. 

16. Sultan Saifu-d din Muhammad bin Sultan 'Aldu-d din 

17. Sultdnu-l 'azam Ghiydsu-d dunyd wau-d din Abu-l Fath 
Muhammad Sdm Kasim Amiru-l muminin. 

18. Mdliku-l Hdji 'Aldu-d din Muhammad bin Ahii Ali bin 

Susain ash Shansabi. 

19. Sultdn Ghiydsu-d din Mahmud bin Muhammad Sdm 


20. Sultdn Bahdu-d din Sdm bin Mahmud bin Muhammad Sdm. 

21. Sultdn Aldu-d din Atsar bin Husain. 

22. Sultdn Aldu-d din Muhammad bin Abu Ali, the last of 
these kings. 


The Shansabanita Sultans of Gthazni. 

[Printed Text, p. HI.] 

This book contains an abridged account of the Shansabdni 
Sultans, whose glory added lustre to the throne of Ghazni, and 
elevated the kingdoms of Hind and Khurds4n. The first of 
them was Sultan Saifu-d din Suri. After him came Sultdn 
'Alau-d din Husain, who took Ghazni, but did not reign there. 
The throne was next taken by Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad 
Sam. When he was killed the crown was confided to his slave, 
Sultan Tdju-d din Yalduz, and so the line ended. 


1. — Sultan 8aifu-d din Sitri^ 

Saifu-d din was a great king, of handsome appearance and 
noble carriage, and distinguished for courage, energy, humanity, 
justice, and liberality. He was the first individual of this family 
who received the title of Sultan. Wh&n the news reached him 
of the destruction which had fallen upon his elder brother the 
king of the Jabbal (Kutbu-d din), he resolved upon taking 
vengeance upon Bahrdm Shih. He gathered a great force in 
the states of Ghor and marched to Ghazni, where he routed 
Bahrdm and took the city. Bahrdm fled to Hindustan, and 
Saifu-d din ascended the throne of Ghazni, when he placed the 
territories of Ghor under his brother. Sultan Bah4u-d din Surl, 
father of Ghiyasa-d din and Mu'izzu-d din. After he had 
secured Ghazni the chiefs of the army and the nobles of the city 
and environs submitted to him, and he conferred many favours 
upon them, so that the army and the subjects of Bahrdm Shdh 
were overwhelmed by his bounteous care. When winter came 
on he sent his own forces back to Ghor, and kept with him only 
the troops and officers of Bahram Shah in whom he placed full 
confidence. His wazir, Saiyid Majdu-d din Musawi, and a few of 
his old servants remained with him, all the rest of his officers 
both at Court and in the country had been in the service of the 
old government. 

In the depth of the winter, when the roads to Ghor were closed 
by heavy falls of snow, the people of Ghazni saw that no army 
or assistance could come to Saifu-d din from that quarter, so they 
wrote to Bahram Shdh explaining how matters stood, and press- 
ing upon him the necessity of seizing this favourable opportunity 
for the recovery of his dominions. The deposed king acted upon 
these advices, and marched suddenly to Ghazni and attacked his 
foe. Suri, with his wazir and his old servants, abandoned the 
city and took the road to Ghor, but the horsemen of Bahrim 
Sh4h pursued them and overtook them in the neighbourhood of 
Sang-i Surakh.^ They fought desperately until they were unhorsed, 
' [Or Sang-i Surkh, a strong fort in Ghor, probably near the Hari river.] 


and then retreated into the hills, where they kept up such a 
shower of arrows that the foe could not approach them. When 
the last arrow had been shot the horsemen captured them, bound 
them hand and foot, and conducted them to Ghazni. At the gate 
of the city Sultan Siiri was placed upon a camel, and his wazir, 
Majdu-d din, upon another. They were then led ignominiously 
round the city, and from the tops of the houses, ashes, dirt, and 
filth were thrown upon their venerable heads. - When they 
reached the one-arched bridge of Ghazni, the Sultdn and his 
wazir were both gibbeted over the bridge. Such was the dis- 
graceful cruelty practised upon this handsome, excellent, just, 
and brave king. The Almighty, however, prospered the arms 
of Sultan 'Alau-d din Jahan-soz, brother of Sultan Suri, who 
exacted full retribution for this horrible deed, as we have already 
related in another place. 

2. 8uUdnu-l Ghctzi Mu'izzu-d dunyd wau-d din Abii-l Muzaffar 
Muhammad bin Sam} 

Historians relate that Sultan 'Alau-d-din was succeeded by his 
son Sultan Saifu-d din. This king released the two princes Ghiyd- 
su-d din and Mu'izzu-d din (his cousins) who were confined in a 
fort of Wahirist4n, as has been already narrated in the history of 
Sultan Ghiyasu-d din. Prince G-hiyasu-d din dwelt peacefully 
at Firoz-koh in the service of Sultan Saifu-d din, and Prince 
Mu'izzu-d din went to Bamian into the service of his uncle 
Fakhru-d din Mas'ud. 

When Ghiyasu-d din succeeded to the throne of Ghor after 
the tragical death of Saifu-d din, and the intelligence thereof 
came to B^mlan, Fakhru-d din addressed his nephew Mu'izzu-d 
din saying, " Your brother is acting, what do you mean to do ? 
You must bestir yourself." Mu'izzu-d din bowed respectfully to 

1 This king is commonly called "Muhammad Ghorl," or "Muhammad S&m." 
Ibn Asir and Firishta, followed hy Elphinstone, call him " Shah^bu-d din Ghorf." 
The superscription on his coins is " Sult&nu-l 'azam Mu'izzu-d duuy& wau-d din 
Ahii-1 Muzaffar Muhammad bin S&m." See Note on the Coins, in the Appendix. In 
the text of this work he is generally designated Sultin-i Gh&zi, the victorious king.] 


his uncle, left the Court, and started just as he was for Flroz- 
koh. When he ari'ived there he waited upon his brother and 
paid, his respects, as has been already related. One year he 
served his brother, but having taken some offence he went to 
Sijistan to Malik Shamsu-d din Sijistani and staid there one 
winter. His brother sent messengers to bring him back, and 
when he arrived he assigned to him the countries of Kasr-kajtiran 
and Istiya.i When he had established his authority over the 
whole of Garmsir he made over to his brother the city of Takind- 
bad, which was the largest town in Garmsir. This Takinabad is 
the place which was the cause of the quarrel with the house of 
Mahmtid Subuktigin, and it passed into the hands of the kings 
of Ghor. Sultan-i Ghazi 'AlS,u-d din sent the following quatrain 
to Khusrti Shah bin Bahram Shah : 

" Thy father first laid the foundation of this place 

" Before the people of the world had all fallen under injustice. 

" Beware lest for one Takin&.b§,d thou shouldest bring 

" The empire of the house of Mahmiid to utter ruin." 

When Sultan Mu^izzu-d din became master of Takinabad the 
armies and leaders of the Ghuzz had fled before the forces of Khit4 
towards Ghazni, where they remained for twelve years, having 
wrested the country from the hands of Khusrti Shah and Khusru 
Malik. Sultan Mu'izzu-d din kept continually assailing them 
from Taklndbad, and troubling the country. At length in the 
year 669 h. (1173 a.d.) Sult4n Ghiy4su-din conquered Ghazni, 
and returned to Ghor, after placing his brother Mu'izzu-d din 
upon the throne, as has been before related. This prince secured 
the territories of Ghazni, and two years afterwards in 570 h. 
(1174 A.D.) he conquered Gurdez. 

In the third year he led his forces to Multan and delivered 
that place from the hands of the Karmatians. In the same year 
571 H. (1175 A.D.) the people of Sankarau^ revolted and made 
great confusion, so he marched against them and put most of 
them to the sword. It has been written by some that these 

1 [Or " Istiyi," a city of Ghor, in the hills between Hirkt and Ghazni.] 

2 [Written also " Shankaran" and "Sanfarin."] 


Sankaranians have been called martyrs, in agreement with the 
declaration of the Kuran, but as they stirred up strife and re- 
volted they were made examples of, and were put to death from 
political necessity. 

In the year after this victory he conducted his army by way 
of TJoh and Multan towards Nahrwala. The Rai of Nahrwala, 
Bhim-deo,i was a minor, but he had a large army and many 
elephants. In the day of battle the Muhammadans were de- 
feated and the Sultan was compelled to retreat. This happened 
in the year 574 h. (1178 A.D.). 

In 575 H. (1179 A.D.) he attacked and conquered Farshawar 
(Peshawar), and two years afterwards he advanced to Lohor 
(Lahore). The power of the Ghaznivides was now drawing to 
its close and their glory was departed, so Khusru Malik sent his 
son as a hostage, and an elephant as a present to the Sultan. 
This was in the year 577 h. (1181 a.d.) Kext year the Sultan 
marched to Dewal, subdued all that country to the sea shore, 
and returned with great spoil. In 580 h. (1184 a.d.) he went 
to Lahore, ravaged all the territories of that kingdom, and re- 
turned after building the fort of Sialkot, in which he placed 
Husain Kharmil as governor. When the Sultan was gone, 
Khusru Malik assembled the forces of Hindustan, and having 
also obtained a body of Kokhars (Grakkars) he laid siege to 
Sialkot, but," after some interval, was obliged to withdraw. The 
Sultan returned to Lahore in 581 h. (1185 a.d.). 

The house of Mahmud had now come to its end; the sun of 
its glory was set, and the registrar of fate had written the man- 
date of its destruction. Khrusru Malik could offer no resistance ; 
he came forth peacefully to meet the Sultan, and was made pri- 
soner. Lahore fell completely into the power of the Grhori prince, 
and he secured all its dominions in Hindustan. 

'All Karmakh, chief of Multan, was appointed commander at 
Lahore, and the father of the writer of this book, Maulana 

>■ [The text has " Bhasu-deo," but some copies give the name correctly " Bhim 
deo." See post, page 300 ; Firishta I. 179.] 


A'jubatu-z Zamdn Afsahu-1 'Ajam Sirdju-d din Minhaj, was 
appointed Kazi of the army of Hindustan, and received the 
honour of investiture from Mu'izzu-d din. He held his Court at 
the head quarters of the army, and twelve camels were assigned 
for moving from place to place his Bench of Justice. 

The Sultan returned to Ghazni carrying Khusru Malik with 
him, and on arriving there he sent him on to Firoz-koh, to the 
Court of the great king Ghiy&su-d din. This monarch sent 
him prisoner to the fort of Bahrawan, and confined his son 
Bahram Shah in the fort of Saifriid.i When the war with 
Khwdrizm Shah broke out in the year 587 h. (1191 a.d.) 
Khusru Malik and his son were put to death.^ 

The victorious Sultan then prepared another army, with which 
he attacked and conquered the fort of Sarhind. This fort he 
placed under the command of Ziau-d din Kazi Tolak, (son of) 
Muhammad 'Abdu-s Saldm Nasawi Tolaki. This Kazi Zi^u-d 
din was cousin (son of the uncle) of the author's maternal grand- 
father. At the request of the Kazi, Majdu-d din Tolaki selected 
1200 men of the tribe of Tolaki, and placed them all under his 
command in the fort so as to enable him to hold it until the 
return of the Sultan froni Ghazni. 

Bal Kolah Pithaura came up against the fort, and the Sultan 
returned and faced him at Narain.^ All the R4is of Hindustan 
were with the Rai Kolah. The battle was formed and the 
Sultan, seizing a lance, made a rush upon the elephant which 
carried Gobind Rai of Dehli. The latter advanced to meet him 
in front of the battle, and then the Sultan, who was a second 
Rustam, and the Lion of the Age, drove his lance into the mouth 
of the Rai and knocked two of the accursed wretch's teeth down 

' [" Sankar&n," in some copies.] * [The text does not say by whom.] 

s [The text has " Tariin," but Firishta gives the name as N&r&iu and says it 
■was afterwards called Tirauri. He places it on the banks of the Sarsuti, 14 miles 
from Th&nesar and 80 from Dehli, but according to Gen. Cunningham the battle- 
field of N^ain is on the banks of the E&kshi river four miles south west of Tirauri 
and ten miles to the north of Karn5.1. Tirauri is also called AzimSibS,d. See Elphia- 
stone, p. 363.] 


his throat. The E4i, on the other hand, returned the blow and 
inflicted a severe wound on the arm of his adversary. The 
Sultan reined back his horse and turned aside, and the pain of 
the wound was so insufferable that he could not support himself 
on horseback. The Musulman army gave way and could not 
be controlled. The Sultan was just falling when a sharp and 
brave young Khilji recognized him, jumped upon the horse be- 
hind him, and clasping him round the bosom, spurred on the 
horse and bore him from the midst of the fight. 

When the Musulmans lost sight of the Sultan, a panic fell 
upon them ; they fled and halted not until they were safe from 
the pursuit of the victors. A party of nobles and youths of 
Ghor had seen and recognized their leader with that lion-hearted 
Khilji, and when he came up they drew together, and, forming a 
kind of litter with broken lances, they bore him to the halting- 
place. The hearts of the troops were consoled by his appearance, 
and the Muhammadan faith gathered new strength in his life. 
He collected the scattered forces and retreated to the territories 
of Islam, leaving K4zi Tolak in the fort of Sarhind. Eai Pithaura 
advanced and invested the fort, which he besieged for thirteen 

Next year the Sultan assembled another army, and ad- 
vanced to Hindustan to avenge his defeat. A trustworthy 
person named Mu'inu-d din, one of the principal men of the 
hills of Tolak, informed me that he was in this army, and that 
its force amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand horse- 
men bearing armour. Before the Sultdn could arrive the fort 
of Sarhind had capitulated, and the enemy were encamped in 
the vicinity of Nardin. The Sultdn drew up his battle array, 
leaving his main body in the rear, with the banners, canopies, 
and elephants, to the number of several divisions. His plan of 
attack being formed, he advanced quietly. The light un- 
armoured horsemen were made into four divisions of 10,000, and 
were directed to advance and harass the enemy on all sides, on 
the right and on the left, in the front and in the rear, with their 


arrows. When the enemy collected his forces to attack, they were 
to support each other, and to charge at full speed. By these 
tactics the infidels were worsted, the Almighty gave us the 
victory over them, and they fled. 

Pithaura alighted from his elephant, mounted a horse, and 
galloped oiF, but he was captured near Sarsuti,i and sent to hell. 
Gobind Edi, of Dehli, was killed in the battle, and the Sultdn 
recognized his head by the two teeth which he had broken. The 
capital, Ajmir, and all the Siwalik hills, Hansi, Sarsuti, and other 
districts were the results of this victory, which was gained in the 
year 588 h. (1192 a.d.) 

On his return homewards the Sultan placed Kutbu-d dm in 
command of the fort of Kahram, and in the same year this chief 
advancing to Mirat conquered that town, and took possession of 
Dehli. In the following year he captured the fort of Kol. The 
Sultan came back from Grhazni in the year 690 (1193 A.D.), by 
way of Benares and Kanauj,^ defeated Rai Jai Ohandar, in the 
neighbourhood of Chandawah, and captured over 300 elephants 
in the battle. 

Under the rule of this just king victory followed the stan- 
dards of his slave Kutbu-d din Aibak, so that the countries of 
Nahrwala and Bhangar, the forts of Grwalior and Badaun, and 
other parts of Hindustan were conquered. But these victories 
will be related more in detail hereafter, in describing the victories 
of Kutbu-d din. 

Sultan Sa'id Gbiyasu-d din died at Hirat, when his brother 
Sultan Mu'izzu-d din was between Tus and Sarakhs in Khurasan, 
but the latter returned and secured his succession to the throne. 
[Proceedings west of the Indus.] 

A rebellion had broken out among the Kokhars (Gakkars), and 
the tribes of the hills of Jud, and in the winter the Sultan went 
to Hindustan to put down the revolt. He defeated the rebels, 

1 [The text has " Sars! " in -which it is followed by Ntiru-1 Hakk and others. 
Krishta says " Sarsuti." Briggs I. 177.] 

2 [The author's knowledge of geography is evidently at fault. Firishta says the 
battle was fought " between Chandwar and Etawa."] 


and made their blood to flow in streams, but as he was returning 
home to Ghazni he fell into the hands of these infidels, and was 
put to death in the year 602 h. (1206 a.d. The period of his 
reign was thirty-two years. [Betailed lists are given of Ms 
judges, relations, generals, . victories, and of his^ Slaves who at- 
tained royalty: — Sultan Tdju-d din Yalduz, Sultan Nasiru-d 
din Kubacha, Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh, Sultan Kutbu-d 
din Aibak. 


The Mu'izziya Sultans of Hind. 
[Page 137 to 165 of the Printed Text.] 

This chapter is devoted to the history of those kings who were 
the slaves and servants of the Sultan Ghazi Mu'izzu-d din Muham- 
mad Sam, and sat upon the throne of royalty in the country of 
Hindustan. The throne of that king descended to them, as he 
had designed and as is mentioned above. They adorned their 
heads with the crown of royalty which had belonged to that king, 
and the influence of the light of Muhammadanism was preserved 
through- their power over the difierent parts and provinces of 

1 . Sultan Kutbu-d din Aibak} 
Sultan Kutbu-d din, the second Hatim, was a brave and 
liberal king. The Almighty had bestowed on him such courage 
and generosity that in his time there was no king like him from 
the east to the west. When the Almighty God wishes to ex- 
hibit to his people an example of greatness and majesty he 
endows one of his slaves with the qualities of courage and gene- 
rosity, and then friends and enemies are influenced by his boun- 
teous generosity and warlike prowess. So this king was generous 

' [This name is written l— ^^ lS< in the inscriptions of the Kutb-mina.r at Dehli. 
Mr. Thomas reads it "Ai-beg." — Thomas' PrLnsep I. 327. The Ariish-i Mahfil 
says " Tpak." See Note supra, p. 266.] 


and brave, and all the regions of Hindustan were filled with 
friends and cleared of foes. His bounty was continuous and his 
slaughter was continuous. 

When Sultdn Kutbu-d din was first brought from Turkistan, 
his lot fell in the city of Naishdpur, where he was bought by the 
chief Kazi, Fakhru-d din 'Abdu-1 'Aziz of Kufa, who was one 
of the descendants of the great Imam Abu Hanifa of Ktifa. 
This Kazi was governor of Naishapur and its dependencies. 
Kutbu-d din grew up in the service and society of his master's 
sons, and with them he learned to read the Kuran, and also 
acquired the arts of riding and archery. In a short time he 
became remarkable for his manly qualities. When he had nearly 
arrived at the age of manhood, merchants brought him to 
Ghaznin, and the Sultdn Ghazi Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad 
Sam purchased him from them. He was possessed of every 
quality and virtue, but he 'was not comely in appearance. His 
little finger '^ was broken from his hand, and he was therefore 
called Aibak, " maimed in the hand."^ 

Sultan Mu'izzu-d din used occasionally to indulge in music 
and conviviality, and one night he had a party, and in the course 
of the banquet he graciously bestowed gifts of money and of 
uncoined gold and silver upon his servants. Kutbu-d din received 
his share among the rest, but whatever he got, either gold or 
silver, coined or uncoined, he gave it all, when he went out of 
the assembly, to the Turki soldiers, guards, farashes and other 
servants. He kept nothing, either small or great, for himself. 
Next day when this was reported to the king, he was looked 
upon with great favour and condescension, and was appointed to 
some important duties about the Court. He thus became a great 
ofl3.cer, and his rank grew higher every day, until by the king's 
favour he was appointed Master of the Horse, While he held 

1 l_"Khinmr," little or middle finger.] 

2 ["/SAa/" is the Persian word used as the explanation of mJ«^. But the state- 
ment of the text cannot be correct, as the name Aibak frequently occurs, and must be 
the name of a tribe, not a nickname,] 


this station, the kings of Ghor, Ghaznin, and Bamian went to- 
wards Khurasan, Kutbu-d din showed great activity in repeUing 
the attacks of Sultdu Sh4h. He held the command of the 
foragers, and one day while in quest of forage, he was unex- 
pectedly attacked by the cavalry of the enemy. Kutbu-d din 
showed great bravery in the fight which ensued, but his party 
was small, so he was overpowered, made prisoner, and carried to 
Sultan Shdh. This prince ordered him into confinement, but 
when the battle was fought, and Sultdn Shah was defeated, the 
victors released Kutbu-d din and brought him in his iron fetters, 
riding on a camel, to his master Sultan Mu'izzu-d din. The 
Sultdn received him kindly, and on his arrival at his capital 
Ghaznin, he conferred on him the districts of Kahram. From 
thence he went to Mirat, of which he took possession in a.h. 
687 (1191 A.D.) In the same year he marched from Mirat and 
captured Dehli. 

In A.H. 590 (1194 a.d.) he and 'Izzu-d din Husain Kharmil, 
both being generals of the army, accompanied the Sultan and 
defeated Eai Jai Ohand of Benares in the neighbourhood of 
Chandawdl. In the year 591 h. (1195 a.d.) Thankar was con- 
quered; and in 593 h. (1197 a.d.) he went towards Nahrwala, 
defeated Ecii Bhim-deo, and took revenge on the part of the 
Sultan. He also took other countries of Hindustan as far as the 
outskirts of the dominions of China on the east. Malik 'Izzu-d 
din Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khilji had subdued the districts of 
Bihar and Nudiya^ in those quarters, as will be related hereafter 
in the history of that general. 

When Sultan-i GhazI Muhammad Sam died, Sultdn Ghiyasu-d 
din Mahmud Muhammad Sdm, his nephew, gave Kutbu-d 
din the royal canopy, and the title of Sultan. In a.h. 602 
(1205 A.D.) the new monarch marched from Dehli to attack 
Lohor, and on Tuesday, the 18th of the month of Zi-1 Ka'da, in 
the same year (June 1206), he mounted the throne in that city. 
After some time a dispute arose between him and Sultdn T4ju-d 
^ [<)JJ«3 — Nuddea.] 


din Yalduz respecting Lohor, and it ended in a battle, in which 
the victory was gained by Sultan Kutbu-d din. T4ju-d din fled. 
Sultan Kutbu-d din then proceeded towards Ghaznin, which he 
captured, and for forty days he sat upon the throne of that city, 
at the end of which time he returned to Dehli, as has been before- 
mentioned. Death now claimed his own, and in the year 607 h. 
the Sultan fell from his horse in the field while he was playing 
chaugan, and the horse came down upon him, so that the 
pommel of the saddle entered his chest, and killed him. The 
period of his government, from his first conquest of Dehli up to 
this time, was twenty years, and the time of his reign, during 
which he wore the crown, and had the Khutba read and coin 
struck in his name, was something more than four years. 

2. Aram Shah, son of Sultan Kuibu-d din Aibak. 

On the death of Sultan Kutbu-d din, the nobles and princes of 
Hindustan deemed it advisable for the satisfaction of the army, 
the peace of the people, and the tranquillity of the country, to 
place ^ram Shah upon the throne. Sultan Kutbu-d din had 
three daughters, of whom the two eldest were, one after the death 
of the other, married to Malik Nasiru-d din Kub^cha, and the 
third to Sultan Shamsu-d din. Now that Kutbu-d din was dead, 
and Kxkm Shah was raised to the throne, Malik Nasiru-d din 
Kubacha marched towards Uch and Multan. Kutbu-d din had 
regarded Sultan Shamsu-d din as well suited for empire, had 
called him his son, and had given him Bad^iin in Jagir. The 
chief men of Dehli now invited him from Badaun and raised him 
to the throne. He espoused the daughter of Sultan Kutbu-d din. 

When KTkm Shah expired, Hindustan was divided into four 
principalities. The province of Sind was possessed by Nasiru-d 
din Kubdcha ; Dehli and its environs belonged to Sultdn Sa'id 
Shamsu-d din ; the districts of Lakhnauti were held by the 
Khilji chiefs and Sultans, and the province of Lohor was held 
sometimes by Malik Tdju-d din, sometimes by Malik Ndsiru-d 
din Kubacha, and sometimes by Sultan Shamsu-d din. An 
account of each will be given hereafter. 


3. Ndsiru-d din Kubdcha. 
Malik Nasiru-d din was an excellent monarch, and was a 
slave of Sultan Mu'izzu-d din. He was a man of the highest 
intelligence, cleverness, experience, discretion, and acumen. He 
had served Sultan-i Ghazi Mu'izzu-d din for many j^ears in all 
kinds of ofEces and positions, and he was well acquainted with 
all matters, small and great, concerning courts, and military and 
and civil affairs. He obtained Uch and Multdn, which were 
ruled by Malik Nasiru-d din Aitamur.i In the battle of And- 
khod,^ which Sultan Mu'izzu-d din fought with the armies of 
Khit4 and the princes of Turkistan, Nasiru-d din had displayed 
great valour by the stirrups of the Sultan, where he fought 
desperately, and sent many of the infidels to hell. The warriors 
of the army of Khitd were distressed by the slaughter which he 
dealt around, so they all at once came upon him and thus he was 
overpowered.' The Sultan Ghdzi, through this event, came 
safely to the throne of Ghaznin, and the town of Uch was 
assigned to Malik Nasiru-d din Kubdcha. He married two 
daughters of Sultan Kutbu-d din ; by the first he had a son, 
Malilc 'Alau-d din Bahrdm Shah, who was handsome and of 
amiable character, but he was addicted to pleasure, and gave way 
to his youthful passions. When Malik N4siru-d din Kubacha, 
after the death of Sultan Kutbu-d din, went to Uch, he took 
the city of Multdn ; and Hindustan, Dewal, and all as far as the 
sea shore, fell into his power. He also took the forts, towns, and 
cities of the territory of Sind, and assumed regal dignity. He 
extended his rule to Tabar-hindh,* Kahrdm, and Sarsuti. He 

* [This sentence is defcctire and ambiguous.] 

* [The name is -written correctly " Andkhod," not " Andkho" as in the transla- 
tion of Firishta, which is followed by Elphinstone and the maps. The text of 
Firishta has " Andkbod," and this is the spelling of Ibn Hauk&l, Yakut, and the 
geographers generally. Yakut says the " ethnic name is Ankbudi," and Gen. Cun- 
ningham proposes to identify it with the " Alikodra" of Ptolemy.] 

' [" Shahddat ydft," lit. " be obtained martyrdom" or, " was slain."] 

* [There can be little, if any, doubt that this place is the same as Sarhindh, but 
from this point onwards the name is most persistently written " Tabarhindh," al- 
though the name " Sarhindh," has been used previously (pp. 295, 296). It may be a 


took Lohor several times, and fought a battle with the army of 
Grhaznin which had come there on the part of Sultdn Taju-d din 
Yalduz ; but he was defeated by Khwaj4 Muwaidu-1 Mulk 
Sanjari, who was minister of the king of Ghaznin. He still 
maintained possession of the territory of Sind. During the 
struggles with the infidels of Ohin, many chiefs of Khurasan, 
Ghor, and Ghaznin joined him, and upon all his associates he 
bestowed great favours and honours. There was continual vari- 
ance between him and Sultan Sa'id Shams. 

When the battle between Jalalu-d din Khwdrizm Shah and 
Ohangiz Khan was fought on the banks of the Indus, Jalalu-d 
din came into Sind and went towards Dewal and Makrdn. After 
the victory of Nandua-tari the Moghal prince came with a large 
army to the walls of the city of Multan and besieged that strong 
fort for forty days. During this war and invasion Malik N4siru-d 
din opened his treasures and lavished them munificently among 
the people. He gave such proofs of resolution, energy, wisdom, 
and personal bravery, that it will remain on record to the day of 
resurrection. This Moghal invasion took place in the year 621 
H. (1224 A.D.) One year and six months after, the chiefs of 
Ghor through this irruption of the infidels, joined Nasiru-d din. 
Towards the end of the year 623 h. (1226 a.d.), the army of 
Khilj, consisting of all the forces of Kliwarizm, under the com- 
mand of Malik Khan Khilj, invaded the lands of Mansura, one 
of the cities of Siwistan. Malik Nasiru-d din marched to expel 
them, and a battle ensued, in which the army of Khilj was de- 
feated and the Khan of Kliilj was slain. Malik Nasiru-d din 
then returned to Multan and TJch. 

In this same year, the compiler of these leaves, Siraj Minh^j, 
came from the country of Khurasan, via Ghaznin and Mithan, and 
thence reached Fch by boat, on Tuesday, the 26th of the month 
of Jumada-1 awwal A.H. 624 (April, 1227 a.d.). In the month 

blunder of the copyist, but on the other hand, it raay be another and older form of 
the name. The etymology of the word Sarhiudh is doubtful, and has been a subject 
of speculation. — See Thornton.] 


of Zi-1 hijja of the same year, the Firozi college at TJch 
was consigned to the care of the author. On the provoca- 
tion of the army of 'Alau-d din Bahrdm Shah, in the month 
of Eahi'u-1 awwal, a.h. 624, Sultdn Sa'id Shamsu-d din en- 
encamped in sight of Uch. Malik N4siru-d din fled by water 
towards Bhakkar, and the army of the Sultan, under the com- 
mand of the Minister of State, Nizamu-1 Mulk, pursued him and 
besieged him in that fort. The Sultan remained two months 
and twenty-seven days before Uch, and on Tuesday the 27th 
of Jumada-1 awwal the fort was taken. When the news of 
this conquest reached Malik N4siru-d din, he sent his son, 
'Alau-d din Bahram Shdh to wait upon the Sultan ; but as he 
reached the camp on the 22nd of Jumada-1 akliir, the news of 
the conquest of Bhakkar arrived. Malik Nasiru-d din drowned 
himself in the river Sind and thus ended his life. He reigned in 
the territory of Sind, Uch, and Mult4n for twenty-two years. 

4. 8'tilfdn Bahdu-d din Tiighril. 

Malik Bahdu-d din Tughril was a man of kindly disposition, 
just, charitable, and polite. He was one of the oldest servants 
of Sultan Ghazi Mu'izzu-d din, who with his favour had made 
him a. great man. When the Sultan conquered the fort of 
Thankar^ in the country of BhaycLna^ after fighting with the Rai, 
he consigned it to Bahau-d din, and he so improved the condi- 
tion of the country that merchants and men of credit came 
thither from all parts of Hindustan and Khurasdn, He gave all 
of them houses and goods, and also made them masters of landed 
property, so that they settled there. As he and his army did 
not like to reside in the fort of Thankar, he founded the city of 
Sultan-kot,3 in the territory of Bhaydna and made it the place of 
his residence. From this place he constantly sent his horsemen 
towards Gwalior. When Sultdn Ghdzi retired from that fort 

^ ["Bhankar" or "Bhangar" in other places, see p. 296. A note in the text 
gives the preference to " Thankar," but no reason is assigned,] 

2 [Bay&na or Biana, fifty miles S.W. of Agra.] 

3 [See Firishta I. 195. A note in the text says " SISlkot," but this is impossible.] 


he told Bahdu-d dm that he ought to secure it for himself. 
Upon this hint Bahdu-d din, posted a division of his army at 
the foot of the fort of Gwalior, and at two parasangs distance he 
constructed a fortification, where his cavalry might picket at 
night and return in the morning to the base of the rock. A 
year passed and the garrison being reduced to extremities sent 
messengers to Kutbu-d din and surrendered the fort to him. 
There was a little misunderstandino; between Bahau-d din and 
Sultan Kutbu-d din. Malik Bahau-d din Tughril was a man 
of excellent qualities, and he has left many marks of his goodness 
in the territory of Bhaydna. 

5. Malik Ghdzi Ikhtiydru-d din Muhammad Bakhtiydr Khilji, of 


It is related that this Muhammad Bakhtiydr was a Khilji, of 
Ghor, of the province of Garmsir. He was a very smart, enter- 
prising, bold, courageous, wise, and experienced man. He left his 
tribe and came to the Court of Sultan Mu'izzu-d din, at Ghaznin, 
and was placed in the diwdn-i ""an (office for petitions), but as the 
chief of that department was not satisfied with him he was dis- 
missed, and proceeded from Ghaznin to Hindustdn. When he 
reached the Court of Dehli, he was again rejected by the chief of 
the dkvdn-i 'arz of that city,-^ and so he went on to Baddtin, into 
the service of Hizbaru-d din Hasan, commander-in-chief, where 
he obtained a suitable position. After some time he went to Oudh 
in the service of Malik Hisdmu-d din Ughlabak. He had good 
horses and arms, and he had showed much activity and valour at 
many places, so he obtained Sahlat and Sahli^ in Jagir. Being 
a bold and enterprising man, he used to make incursions into the 
districts of Munir (Monghir), and Behdr, and bring away much 
plunder, until in this manner he obtained plenty of horses, arms, 

1 [Here there is a variation in the text for four or five lines, but the reading 
adopted seems the most intelligible and consistent. See printed text p. 146.] 

2 [Var. " Salmat," " Sahlast."] 

VOL. II. 20 


and men. The fame of his brayery and of his plundering raids 
spread abroad, and a body of Khiljis joined him from Hindustan. 
His exploits were reported to Sultan Kutbu-d din, and he sent 
him a dress and showed him great honour. Being thus en- 
couraged, he led his army to Beh4r and ravaged it. In this 
manner he continued for a year or two to plunder the neigh- 
bourhood, and at last prepared to invade the country. 

It is said by credible persons that he went to the gate of the 
fort of Behar with only two hundred horse, and began the war by 
taking the enemy unawares. In the service of Bakhtiyar there 
were two brothers of great intelligence. One of them was named 
Niz4mu-d din and the other Samsamu-d din. The compiler of 
this book met Samsamu-d din at Lakhnauti in the year 641 h. 
(1243 A.T).), and heard the following story from him. When 
Bakhtiycir reached the gate of the fort, and the fighting began, 
these two wise brothers were active in that army of heroes. 
Muhammad Bakhtiydr with great vigour and audacity rushed in 
at the gate of the fort and gained possession of the place. Great 
plunder fell into the hands of the victors. Most of the inhabi- 
tants of the place were Brahmans with shaven heads. They 
were put to death. Large numbers of books were found there, 
and when the Muhammadans saw them, they called for some 
persons to explain their contents, but all the men had been 
killed. It was discovered that the whole fort and city was a place 
of study (maclrasa). In the Hindi language the word Behar 
ipihar) means a college. 

When this conquest was achieved, Bakhtiydr returned laden 
with plunder, and came to Kutbu-d din, who paid him much 
honour and respect. A body of the nobles "of the Court looked 
upon the favours which Sultdn Kutbu-d din bestowed upon him, 
with jealousy. In their convivial parties they used to sneer at 
him, and to cast jibes and ironical observations at him. Their 
animosity reached to such a pitch that he was ordered to combat 
with an elephant at the White Palace. He struck it such a 
blow with his battle-axe on the trunk that it ran away, and he 


pursued it. On achieving this triumph, Sultdn Kutbu-d din be- 
stowed rich gifts upon him from his own royal treasuTe, and he also 
ordered his nobles to present to him such ample oflFerings as can 
scarcely be detailed. Muhammad Bakhtiyar in that very meeting 
scattered all those gifts and gave them away to the people. 
After receiving a robe from the Sult6,n he returned to Behar. 
Great fear of him prevailed in the minds of the infidels of the 
territories of Lakhnautl, BehS,r, Bang (Bengal), and Kamrup. 

It is related by credible authorities that mention of the brave 
deeds and conquests of Malik Muhammad Bakhtiyar was made 
before Eai Lakhmaniya, whose capital was the city of Ntidiya. 
He was a great ES,i, and had sat upon the throne for a period of 
eighty years. A story about that Rai may be here related : — 

When the father of the Eai departed this world, he was in 
the womb of his mother, so the crown was placed upon her belly, 
and all the great men expressed their loyalty before her. His 
family was respected by all the Rdis or chiefs of Hindustan, and 
was considered to hold the rank of Khalif, or sovereign. When 
the time of the birth of Lakhmaniya drew near, and symptoms of 
delivery appeared, his mother assembled the astrologers and 
Brahmans, in order that they might see if the aspect of the time 
was auspicious. They all unanimously said that if the child 
were born at that moment it would be exceedingly unlucky, for 
he would not become a sovereign. But that if the birth occurred 
two hours later the child would reign for eighty years. When 
his mother heard this opinion of the astrologers, she ordered her 
legs to be tied together, and caused herself to be hung with her 
head downwards. She also directed the astrologers to watch for 
the auspicious time. When they all agreed that the time for 
delivery was come, she ordered herself to be taken down, and 
Lakhmaniya was born directly, but he had no sooner come into 
the world than his mother died from the anguish she had en- 
dured. Lakhmaniya was placed upon the throne, and he ruled 
for eighty years. It is said by trustworthy persons that no one, 
great or small, ever suffered injustice at his hands. He used to 


give a lac to every person that asked him for charity ; as was 
also the custom of the generous Sultdn, the H4tim of the time, 
Kutbu-d din. In that country the current money is kaudas 
(kauris) instead of ehitals,^ and the smallest present he made was 
a lac of kaudas. 

Let us return to the history of Muhammad Bakhtiydr. When 
he came back from his visit to Sultan Kutbu-d din and con- 
quered Behdr, his fame reached the ears of Rdi Lakhmaniya and 
spread throughout all parts of the Rai's dominions. A body of as- 
trologers, Brahmans, and wise men of the kingdom, came to the 
Edi and represented to him that in their books the old Brahmans 
had written that the country would eventually fall into the hands of 
the Turks. The time appointed was approaching ; the Turks 
had already taken Behar, and next year they would also attack 
his country, it was therefore advisable that the B.^i should make 
peace with them, so that all the people might emigrate from the 
territory, and save themselves from contention with the Turks. 
The Eai asked whether the man who was to conquer the country 
was described as having any peculiarity in his person. They 
replied, Yes ; the peculiarity is, that in standing upright both his 
hands hang down below the knees, so that his fingers touch his 
shins. ^ The Eai observed that it was best for him to send some 
confidential agents to make enquiry about that peculiarity. Ac- 
cordingly confidential agents were despatched, an examination 
was made, and the peculiarity was found in the person of Mu- 
hammad Bakhtiyar. When this was ascertained to be the fact, 
most of the Brahmans and many chiefs (sdhdn) went away to the 
country of Sanknat,^ and to the cities of Bang and Kamrup, but 
Eai Lakhmaniya did not like to leave his territory. 

Next year Muhammad Bakhtiyar prepared an army, and 
marched from Beh^r. He suddenly appeared before the city of 
Nudiya with only eighteen horsemen, the remainder of his army 

1 [See Thomas, Jour. E. A. S. New Series II. 165.] 
' [An old Hind<i idea of the figure of a hero.] 

2 [Var. " Sank&t" and " Saknit ;" query "" See belovr.] 


was left to follow. Muhammad Bakhtijkv did not molest any 
man, but went on peaceably and without ostentation, so that no 
one could suspect who he was. The people rather thought 
that he was a merchant, who had brought horses for sale. In 
this manner he reached the gate of E,4i Lakhmaniya's palace, 
when he drew his sword and commenced the attack. At this 
time the E,ai was at his dinner, and golden and silver dishes 
filled with food were placed before him according to the usual 
custom. All of a sudden a cry was raised at the gate of his 
palace and in the city. Before he had ascertained what had 
occurred, Muhammad Bakhtiyar had rushed into the palace and 
put a number of men to the sword. The Eai fled barefooted 
by the rear of the palace, and his whole treasure, and all his 
wives, maid servants, attendants, and women fell into the hands 
of the invader. Numerous elephants were taken, and such booty 
was obtained by the Muhammadans as is beyond all compute. 
When his army arrived, the whole city was brought under sub- 
jection, and he fixed his head quarters there. 

Eai Lakhmaniya went towards Sanknat^ and Bengal, where he 
died. His sons are to this day rulers in the territory of Bengal. 
When Muhammad Bakhtiyar had taken possession of the Rii's 
territory, he destroyed the city of Nudiya and established the 
seat of his government at Lakhnauti. He brought the sur- 
rounding places into his possession, and caused his name to be 
read in the Khutba and struck on the coins. Mosques, colleges, 
and monasteries were raised everywhere by the generous efforts 
of him and his officers, and he sent a great portion of the spoil 
to Sultan Kutbu-d din. 

When several years had elapsed, he received information about 
the territories of Turkistan and Tibet, to the east of Lakh- 
nauti, and he began to entertain a desire of taking Tibet and 
Turkistan. For this purpose he prepared an army of about 
ten thousand horse. Among the hills which lie between Tibet 
and the territory of Lakhnauti, there are three races of people. 
' [Stewart in his History of Bengal says Jaggcmdth.'] 


The one is called Kuch (Kuch Behir), the second Mich, and the 
third, Tih^ru.i They all have Turki features and speak different 
languages, something between the language of Hind and that of 
Tibet. One of the chiefs of the tribes of Kuch and Mich, who 
was called 'Ali Mich, had been converted to Muhammadanism 
by Muhammad Bakhtiyar, and this man agreed to conduct him 
into the hills. He led him to a place where there was a city 
called Mardhan-kot.^ It is said that in the ancient times when 
Gurshasp Shdh returned from China, he came to Kdmrud (Kdm- 
rup) and built this city. Before the town there runs a stream 
which is exceedingly large. It is called Bangamati.^ When it 
enters the country of Hindustan it receives in the Hindi lan- 
guage the name of Samnndar. In length, breadth, and depth, 
it is three times greater than the Ganges. Muhammad Bakh- 
tiyar came to the banks of this river, and 'Ali Mich went before 
the Muhammadan army. For ten days they marched on until 
he led them along the upper course of the river into the hills, to 
a place where from old times a bridge had stood over the water 
having about twenty (Mst o and) arches of stone. When the 
army reached the bridge, Bakhtiyar posted there two officers, one 
a Turk, and the other a Khilji, with a large force to secure the 
place till his return. With the remainder of the army he then 
went over the bridge. The Edi of Kamriip, on receiving intelli- 
gence of the passage of the Muhammadans-, sent some confi- 
dential officers to warn Bakhtiydr against invading the country of 
Tibet, and to assure him that he had better return and make 
more suitable preparations. He also added that he, the Rai of 
Kdmrup, had determined that next year he also would muster 
his forces and precede the Muhammadan army to secure the 
country. Muhammad Bakhtiyar paid no heed to these represen- 
tations, but marched on towards the hills of Tibet. 

One night in the year 641 (1243 a.d.) he halted at a place 

' [Stewart gives these names " Koonch, Mikeh, (or Miekli) and Neharu." — 
Sistory of Bengal, p. 46.] 
2 [Var. " Bardhan, Dardhan.'' Stewart has " Burdehun or Murdehun."] 
" [The Brahmaputra. It is so called in this part of its coiu'se.] 


between Deo-kot and Bangawan, and stayed as a guest in the 
house of Mu'atamadu-d daula, who had formerly been an equerry 
in the service of Muhammad Bakhtiy^r and had lived in the town 
of Lakhnauti. From this man he heard that after passing over 
the bridge, the road lay for fifteen stages through the defiles and 
passes of the mountains, and at the sixteenth stage level land was 
reached. The whole of that land was well populated, and the 
villages were flourishing. The village which was first reached 
had a fort, and when the Muhammadan army made an attack 
upon it, the people in the fort and the surrounding places came 
to oppose them, and a battle ensued. The fight raged from 
morning till the time of afternoon prayer, and large numbers 
of the Muhammadans were slain and wounded. The only 
weapons of the enemy were bamboo spears ; and their armour, 
shields and helmets, consisted only of raw silk strongly fastened 
and sewed together. They all carried long bows and arrows. 
When night came on, the prisoners who had been taken were 
brought forward and questioned, and it was then ascertained that 
at five parasangs from that place there was a city called Karam- 
batan,^ and in it there was about three hundred and fifty 
thousand brave Turks armed with bows. The moment the horse- 
men of the Muhammadans arrived, messengers went to report 
their approach, and these messengers would reach their destina- 
tion next morning. When the author was at Lakhnauti, he made 
enquiries about that place, and learnt that it was a pretty large city. 
The ramparts of it are built of stone. The inhabitants of it are 
Brahmans and Nunis,^ and the city is under the sway of the 
chief of these people. They profess the Buddhist^ religion. 
Every morning in the market of that city, about fifteen hundred 
horses are sold. All the saddle horses* which come into the 

1 [Var. " Karam-bain," " Laram-tam." Stewart has " Ktinnputtim.] 

2 ["NuuiyS.n," Tar. " Tfiniy^n."] 

' I" Sin-i Tarsdi," ■which according to the dictionaries, means Ghristianity, or 
Fixe-"worship. It is not Kkely that either can be intended here, though Stewart in 
his Sist. of Bengal says, "their prince was a Christian?' The term is probably 
applied to any established religion other than Muhammadanism.] 

i [" Asp-i tang-bastah." Stewart reads " Tdnghan," which is probably right.] 


territory of Lakhnauti are brought from that country. Their 
roads pass through the ravines of the mountains, as is quite com- 
mon in that part of the country. Between Kamrup and Tibet 
there are thirty-five mountain passes through which horses are 
brought to Lakhnauti. 

In short, when Muhammad Bakhtiyar became aware of the 
nature of the country, and saw that his men were tired and 
exhausted, and that many had been slain and disabled in the 
first day's march, he consulted with his nobles, and they resolved 
that it was advisable to retreat, that in the following year they 
might return to the country in a state of greater preparation. 
On their way back there was not left on all the road a single 
blade of grass or a bit of wood. All had been set on fire and 
burnt. The inhabitants of the valleys and passes had all re- 
moved far away from the road, and for the space of fifteen days 
not a sir of food nor a blade of grass or fodder was to be found, 
and they were compelled to kill and eat their horses. 

When, after descending the hills of the land of Kamrup, they 
reached the bridge, they found that the arches of it had been 
demolished. The two officers who had been left to guard it had 
quarrelled, and in their animosity to each other had neglected to 
take care of the bridge and the road, so the Hindus of Kamrup 
had come there and destroyed the bridge. When Muhammad 
Bakhtiyar with his army reached the place, he found no means of 
crossing. Neither was there a boat to be found, so he was greatly 
troubled and perplexed. They resolved to fix on some place 
where to encamp, and prepare rafts and boats to enable them to 
cross the river. 

In the vicinity of this place was perceived a temple, very lofty 
and strong, and of beautiful structure. In it there were numer- 
ous idols of gold and silver, and one very large golden idol, which 
exceeded two or three thousand miskals in weight. Muhammad 
Bakhtiyar and the remnant of his army sought refuge in that 
temple, and set about procuring wood and ropes for constructing 
rafts to cross the stream. The Edi of Kdmrup was informed of 


the distress and weakness of the Muhammadans, and he issued 
orders to all the Hindus of his territory to come up, levy after 
levy, and all around the temple they were to stick their bamboo 
spears in the ground and to plait them together so as to form a 
kind of wall. When the soldiers of Islam saw this they told 
Muhammad Bakhtiyar that if they remained passive they would 
all be taken in the trap of the infidels and be made prisoners ; 
some way of escape must be sought out. By common consent 
they made a simultaneous sally, and directing their efforts to 
one spot, they cleared for themselves a way through the danger- 
ous obstacle to the open ground. The Hindus pursued them to 
the banks of the river and halted there. Every one exerted his 
ingenuity to devise some means of passing over the river. One 
of the soldiers urged his horse into the water, and it was found 
fordable to the distance of a bow-shot. A cry arose in the 
army that a fordable passage was found, and all threw themselves 
into the stream. The Hindus in their rear took possession of the 
banks. When the Muhammadans reached the middle of the 
stream, the water was found to be very deep, and they nearly all 
perished. Muhammad Bakhtiydr with some horse, to the number 
of about a hundred, more or less, crossed the river with the 
greatest difficulty, but all the rest were drowned. 

When Muhammad Bakhtiydr escaped from this watery grave, 
the intelligence of it reached the people of Kuch and Mich. 'Ali 
Mich, the guide, sent his relatives forward on the road to meet 
him, and received him with much kindness and hospitality. 
When Bakhtiyar reached Deokot he was seized by sickness, oc- 
casioned by excess of grief. He would never go out, because 
he felt ashamed to look on the wives and children of those 
who had perished. If ever he did ride out, all people, women 
and children, from their housetops and the streets, cried out 
cursing and abusing him. In this position the remark often fell 
from his tongue, "Has any misfortune befallen Sultan Ghazi 
Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sdm, that ray fortune has turned so 
bad ?" It was even so, for Sultdn Ghdzi was killed about that 


time. Muhammad Bakhtiyar grew worse under his trouble, took 
to his bed, and died. Some writers say that there was a chief 
under Muhammad Bakhtiyar, of the same tribe as himself, 
'AH Mardan Khilji by name. He was a very bold and 
dauntless man, and the district of Kuni had been assigned to 
him. When he heard of Bakhtiyar's sickness he came to Deokot, 
where Bakhtiyar was lying ill. Three days had elapsed since 
anyone had been admitted to see him, but 'Ali Mardan by some 
means got in to him^ drew aside the sheet with which he was 
covered, and, killed him with a knife. His death took place in 
A.H. 602 (1206 A.D.) 

6.. Malik 'Izzu-d dm Muhammad Shiran Khilji. 

It is related that Muhammad Shiran and Ahmad Tran were 
two brothers, sons of a noble Khilji. They were in the service of 
Muhammad Bakhtiyar, and when this chief started on his cam- 
paign in K^mrup and Tibet, he sent Shiran and his brother 
Ahmad with detachments of his troops to Lakhnauti and 
Jajnagar. On the arrival of the news of the defeat and death 
of BakhtiySr, they returned from their stations, and came duti- 
fully to Deokot. From that place he (Muhammad Shirdn) went 
to Karkoti, which belonged to 'Ali Mardan, and seizing him in 
punishment of the crime he had committed, put him in prison 
under the charge of the KotwSl of the place, whose name was Babd 
Kotwal Isfahani. He then came back to Deokot and collected 
all the nobles. This Muhammad Shiran was a very active and 
high principled man. 

When Muhammad Bakhtiyar sacked the city of Nudiya and 
defeated Rai Lakhmaniya, the soldiers, followers, and elephants 
of the Eai were dispersed, and the Muhammadans pursued and 
plundered them. Muhammad Shiran was three days absent 
from the camp on this pursuit, so that all the officers began to 
be apprehensive about him. After the third day, news was 
brought that Muhammad Shiran had captured eighteen or more 


elephants in a certam jungle, with their drivers, and alone by 
himself he was keeping them there. Horsemen were sent out to 
his assistance and all the elephants were brought in. In short, 
Muhammad Shirdn was an energetic man, ready and full of ex- 
pedients. When he returned, after taking 'All Mardan prisoner, 
as he was the chief of all the Khilji nobles, they all rendered him 
homage, but each noble continued to rule over the districts which 
belonged to himself. 'Ali Mardan contrived to ingratiate him- 
self with the Kotwal, and, escaping from prison, he went to 
the Court of Delhi. Upon his representations Sultan Kutbu-d 
din sent KaimSz ^ E-uml from Oude towards Lakhnauti, and in 
execution of the royal orders the Khilji chiefs were quieted. 
Hisamu-ddin 'Auz Khilji, who had received the districts of Gan- 
gatori^ from Muhammad Bakhtiyar, came to receive Kaimaz 
Biumi, and went with him to Deokot. Here Kaimaz transferred 
to him the district of Deokot, and then returned. Muhammad 
Shiran and other Khilji chiefs having assembled, determined to 
attack Deokot, so Kaimaz came back from the middle of his 
journey and fought a battle with the Khilji chiefs, and Muham- 
mad Shiran and the other Khiljis were defeated. Quarrels after- 
wards broke ont among these chiefs in the neighbourhood of 
Makida^ and Mantus, and Muhammad Shiran was slain.. His 
tomb is in that country, 

7. Malik 'Aldu-d dm 'Alt Mardan Khilji^ 

'Ali Mardan was very resolute, bold, and fearless. When he 
escaped from the prison at Narkoti, he came to Sultdn Kutbu-d 
din, and with him went to Ghaznin, where he fell into the hands 
of the Turks of that place. It is related that one day as he was 
going to a hunting-ground with Sultan- Taju-d din Yalduz, he 
said to one of the Khiljf nobles, who was called S41dr-i Zafar 
(victorious general), " What would you say if I were to kill 

1 [Var. "Karanaz," "KImar."] "^ [Var. "Kankori."] 

^ [Var : Sakananda.] 


T^ju-d din Yalduz with one arrow, and to make you king on the 
spot." Zafar Khilj was a wise man, and he prevented him from 
committing the (crime). When he returned from the hunt Zafar 
gave him two horses and sent him away. On reaching Hin- 
dustan, he waited upon Sultan Kutbu-d din and received much 
honour and favour. The province of Lakhnauti was conferred on 
him and he went to that place. When he had crossed the Kosi 
river, Hisamu-d din 'Auz Khilji came from Deo-kot to meet him. 
He then entered Deo-kot, assumed the reins of government, and 
brought all the territories under his rule. When Sultan Kutbu-d 
din died, 'Ali Marddn assumed royal state, and ordered his 
name to be read in the Khutba, under the title of Sultan 'Alau-d 
din. He was a cruel and sanguinary man. He sent his army 
in different directions and slew many Khilji chiefs. The Edis 
of the surrounding places grew apprehensive of him, and sent 
him presents and tribute. He began to issue orders to various 
parts of Hindustan, and to utter most extravagant vaunts before 
the assembly, and in open court he talked about the kings of 
Khurasan, G-hazni, and Ghor, and uttered the most useless ab- 
surdities. He even talked of sending his mandates to Ghaznin 
Khurasan, and 'Irak, requiring them to submit to his rule. 

It is related that there was a merchant in that country who 
was reduced to poverty and had lost all his wealth. He requested 
a donation from 'All Mardan, and the king enquired what place 
he was a native of. He replied, Safdhan (Ispahan). The king 
then ordered a farman to be written, granting to him Safdhan 
as his jagir. Through dread of his great severity and harsh- 
ness, no one dared to say that Safahan was not in his possession. 
If any person told him, when he made such grant, that the place 
was not his, he replied, " I shall take it." So he granted Safahdn 
to that merchant, who was indigent and miserable. The great 
and wise persons of the place represented in behalf of the poor 
fellow, that he required money for the expences of the journey 
and for the fitting out of an army to take possession of his grant 
of Ispahan. A large sum of money was accordingly ordered to 


be- given to the merchant. To such a degree was the haughti- 
ness and severity and false pride of 'Ali Mardan excited. Be- 
sides all this, he was a cruel man and a tyrant. The poor people, 
the peasants, and the army were all tired of his tyranny and 
cruelty. They had no way of escape but in rebellion. A num- 
ber of Khilji chiefs combined against him and killed him. They 
then placed His4mu-d din 'Auz upon the throne. The length 
of 'All Mardan's reign was two years, more or less. 

8. Malik JEEisdmu-d din ""Auz Khilji. 

Hisamu-d din 'Auz was a man of kindly disposition. He was 
a Khilj of Ghor. It is said that once upon a time he was driving 
a laden mule along the skirts of the hills of Grhor to a certain 
village, on his journey from the country of Zawulistan to the 
highlands called Pasha-afroz. Two fakirs in religious garb came 
to him and asked him whether he carried any food on his mule. 
'Auz Khilji replied that he did. He had with him some travel- 
ler's bread, which he took from a bag on the back of the mule 
and spread it before the darweshes. When they had eaten the 
food, he produced some water and held it in a vessel before them. 
The fakirs partook of the food and drank of the water which he 
presented ; they began to talk with each other saying, " This 
man has rendered us a service, we must not let him lose by it." 
They turned their faces towards 'Auz Khilji and said, " chief, 
go towards Hindustan ; we give you the country as far as Mu- 
hammadanism has spread." 

At this direction of the fakirs he returned from that spot, 
and placed his wife upon his mule, and took his way to- 
wards Hindustan. He joined Muhammad Bakhtiyar; and 
his fortune reached such a degree of success that his name 
was read in the Khutba and struck upon the coin through- 
out the territory of Lakhnauti. To him the title of Sultan 
Grhiydsu-d din was given. He made the city of Lakhnauti 
the seat of his government, and built a fort for his residence. 
People flocked to him from all quarters, for he was exceedingly 


good, and possessed solid endowments, both external and in- 
ternal. He was polite, brave, just and generous. During his 
reign, the army and the people in general lived in tranquillity 
and comfort. All his nobles were greatly benefitted by his gifts 
and bounty, and obtained immense wealth. He left many fine 
monuments of his goodness behind him in the country. He 
raised public buildings and mosques. He gave stipends to learned 
men and to shaikhs and saiyids ; he also bestowed property and 
goods upon other classes of the people. For instance, there was 
a descendant of the Imdm of Firoz-koh, who was called Jalalu-d 
din, son of Jamdlu-d din Ghaznawi. He came with a body of 
men from his native country to Hindustan in a.h. 608 (1211 
A.D.) After some years he went back to Firoz-koh, taking im- 
mense wealth with him. On beinjr asked how he obtained those 
riches, he said, that when he reached Hindustan, he went to 
Dehli, and from thence he determined to proceed to Lakhnauti. 
When he reached that place the Almighty so favoured him that 
his name was mentioned in the Court of G-hiyasu-d din. That 
kind-hearted king awarded him from his treasure a large dish- 
full of gold and silver tankas, worth about ten thousand silver 
tankas. He also ordered the chiefs, nobles and ministers to give 
something, and accordingly each one gave him some present, 
amounting in the whole to about three thousand pieces more, and 
at the time of his departure, five thousand pieces were added to 
what he had formerly received ; so that the Imdm-zada ob- 
tained eighteen thousand tankas through the favour of that 
Ghiyasu-d din Khilji, king of Lakhnauti. 

When the writer of this book reached the territory of Lakh- 
nauti in A.H. 641 (1243 a.d.), he witnessed the charity of this 
king with his own eyes. 

The territory of Lakhnauti consists of two parts, on opposite 

banks of the Ganges. That to the west is called Dal,' the city 

of Lakhnauti is on this side. The eastern side is called Bar- 

banda,^ and the city of Deo-kot is on that side. From Lakh- 

1 [Var. "Azil."] ' [Var. "Bartad."] 


nauti to the gates of Lakhnaur/ and on the other side of the 
river as far as the city of Deo-kot, embankments {pul) have been 
raised, which extend for ten days' journey. The reason for this 
is that during the rains all that country is inundated and if there 
were no embankments people would have to go to different parts 
and places in boats. In his reign, the roads by means of these em- 
bankments became passable by all men. It is also said that when, 
after the death of Malik Nasiru-d din Mahmiid, Sultan Sa'id 
Shamsu-d din came to the territory of Lakhnauti to repress the 
rebellion of Ikhtiyaru-d din, he noticed the charity of Ghiyasu-d 
din. Whenever afterwards he mentioned his name he used to 
call him Sultan, and it pleased him to say that, considering 
his great charity, no one ought to hesitate about giving him 
that title. Indeed he was a generous, just, and good-natured 
man. All the territories of Lakhnauti, such as Jajnagar and the 
provinces of Bengal, K^mrup, and Tirhut, used to send him 
offerings. The district of Lakhnaur submitted to him, and 
brought him elephants, furniture, and treasures in abundance, 
and he established his officers there. 

Sultan Sa'id Shamsu-d din sent armies several times from 
Dehli, and having conquered the province of Behdr he stationed 
his oflScers there. In 622 (1225 a.d.) he invaded Lakhnauti and 
Grhiyasu-d din advanced his boats up the stream to oppose him, 
but peace was made between them. Shamsu-d din accepted thirty- 
eight elephants, and treasure to the amount of eighty lacs. He 
ordered the Khutba to be read in his name. On his departure 
he gave Behar to Malik 'A14u-d din Jani. Ghiyasu-d din 'Auz 
came to Behar from Lakhnauti, and took it, and acted tyranni- 
cally. At last in the year 624 (1227 a.d.), Malik Shahid ISTasiru-d 
din Mahmiid, son of Sultan Shamsu-d din, having collected an 
army in Hindustan, and accompanied by 'Izzu-1 Malik Jani, 
marched from Oude to Lakhnauti. At this time Ghiyasu-d din 
'Auz had gone on an expedition to Bengal and Kamrup, and 
had left Lakhnauti stripped of defenders. Malik Nasiru-d din 
1 [Stewart reads " Nagor (in Birbhiim) ;" but Nagor is right away from the riyer.] 


Mahmud captured the place, and when Ghiydsu-d din heard of 
its fall, he returned and fought a battle with the conqueror, but 
he and all his officers were made prisoners. He was then killed, 
after a reign of twelve years. 



[Page 164 to page 228 of the Text.] 

1. — Sultan Shamsii-d dunyd wau-d din Abu-l Muzaffar Altamsh. 

It was destined from all eternity by the most high and holy 
Grod that the country of Hindustan should be placed under the 
protection of the great king, the light of the world and religion. 
Sultan Abu-l Muzaffar Altamsh. [The exordium goes on at some 
length in a similar inflated style of eulogy of tlie monarch and of 
Dehli his capital.'] 

It is related by credible persons that Sultdn Shamsu-d dm was 
chosen by the destiny of Providence in his early age from the 
tribes of Albari^ in Turkistan for the sovereignty of Islam and of 
the dominions of Hindustan. His father, whose name was 
Yalam Khan, had numerous dependents, relatives, and followers 
in his employ. The future monarch was from his childhood re- 
markable for beauty, intelligence, and grace, such as excited 
jealousy in the hearts of his brothers, so they enticed him away 
from his father and mother with the pretence of going to see 
a drove of horses. His case was like that of Joseph : " They 
said, father, why dost thou not trust Joseph with us, for we are 
sincere friends to him ? Send him with us in the morning, that 
he may amuse himself and sport, and we will take care of him." 
When they brought him to the drove of horses, they sold him 
to the dealer. Some say that his sellers were his cousins. The 
horse-dealers took him to Bukhara, and sold him to one of the 


relations of the chief judge of that city. For some time he 
remained with that great and nohle family, the chiefs of which 
nourished and educated him like a son. 

A credible person has related, that he heard in the gracious 
words of the king himself, that on a certain occasion one of the 
members of the family gave him a piece of money and ordered 
him to go to the bazar and buy some grapes. He went to the 
baz4r, and on the way lost the piece of money. Being of 
tender age, he began to cry for fear ; and wJiile he was 
weeping and crying, a fakir came to him, took his hand, 
purchased some grapes, and gave them to him, saying : " When 
you obtain wealth and dominion, take care that you show re- 
spect to fakirs and pious men, and maintain their rights." He 
gave his promise to the fakir, and whatever fortune and power 
he obtained he always ascribed to the favour shewn him by 
that fakir. It is firmly believed that no king so benevolent, 
so sympathising, and so respectful to the learned and to elders 
as he was, ever rose by his native energy to the cradle of 

From that noble and distinguished family, he was purchased 
by a merchant whose name was Hdji Bukhari, and he sold him 
to another merchant named Jamdlu-d din Chast Kaba, who 
brought him to Ghazni. No Turk equal to him in beauty, virtue, 
intelligence, and nobleness, had at that time been brought to that 
city. Mention of him was made before his majesty Sultdn 
Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam, who ordered that a price should 
be named for him. He was coupled with another Turk named 
Aibak, and a thousand dinars in refined gold was fixed as the price 
of each, but Jamdlu-d din Ohast Kaba demurred to sell him for 
this price, so the Sultan gave orders that nobody should purchase 
him. After this, Jam^lu-d din Ohast KabA stayed one year in 
G-hazni, and then went to Bukhara, carrying the future Sultdn 
with him. After staying there three years, he again brought 
him back to Ghazni ; but no one, for fear of the king's orders, 
ventured to purchase. He had been there one year, when 

VOL. II. 21 


Kutbu-d difli returned to Ghaznin with Malik Nasiru-d din 
Husain, after the invasion of NahrwAla and the conquest of 
Guzerat. He heard an account of Shamsu-d din, and asked the 
permission of Sultan Mu'izzu-d din to purchase him. The 
Sultan said that orders had been passed that he should not be 
purchased in Ghazni, but he might take him to Dehli and buy 
him there. Kutbu-d din consigned to Nizamu-d din Muham- 
mad the management of the business, and ordered him to take 
Jamalu-d din Chast Kaba with him to Hindustan that he might 
purchase Shamsu-d din there. According to these directions, 
Nizamu-d din brought them to Dehli, and Kutbu-d din purchased 
him and the other slave for one lac of chitah. The other slave was 
a Turk, whose name was Aibak, but this was changed to Tamghaj,^ 
and he became chief of Tabarhindh. He was slain in the battle 
fought between T4ju-d din Yalduz and Kutbu-d din. Altarash was 
made chief of the guards. Kutbu-d din called him his son and kept 
him near his person. His rank and honour increased every day. 
Marks of intelligence were evident in all his actions, so he was 
elevated to the rank of Amir-shikdr (chief huntsman). When 
GwS,lior was taken he became amir of that place. After that he 
obtained the district and town of Baran and its dependencies. 
Some time after this, when the proofs of his energy, bravery, 
and heroism were fully displayed, and had been witnessed by 
Kutbu-d din, the country of Baddun was entrusted to him. When 
Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam returned from Khwarizm, 
after being defeated in the battle of Andkhod by the armies of 
Khit4, the Kokhar (Gakkar) tribes broke out in rebellion, and 
the Sultan marched against them from Gliazni. Kutbu-d din, 
according to his orders, brought up an army from Hindustan, and 
Shamsu-d din accompanied him with the forces of Baddun. In 
the height of the battle, Shamsu-d din rode into the stream of 

1 [The author constantly prefixes by anticipation the title of Sult&n to the names of 
Eutbu-d din, Shamsu-d din, and others who eventually became kings; but, to avoid 
confusion, this title has been omitted in passages relating to times anterior to their 
attainment of the regal dignityj. 2 [" Toghan " in Firishta.] 


the Jailam, where that wretched rabble had taken refuge, and 
exhibited great bravery, galling the enemy so with his arrows that 
he overcame their resistance, and sent them from the tops of the 
waves into the depths of hell : " they drowned and entered the 

The Sultan in the midst of the battle observed his feats of 
daring and courage, and enquired who he was. When his 
majesty was enlightened upon this point he called him into his 
presence and honoured him with especial notice. Kutbu-d din 
was ordered to treat Altamsh well, as he was destined for 
great works. His majesty then ordered the deed of his freedom 
to be written out and graciously granted him his liberty. 

When Sultan Kutbu-d din expired at Lahore,' the commander- 
in-chief, 'AH Isma'il, who had charge of Dehli, joined with some 
other nobles and principal men, and sent letters to Badaun in- 
viting Shamsu-d din. When he arrived he mounted the throne 
of Dehli in a.h. 607 (1210 a.d.) and established his authority. 
The Turks and the Mu'izzi chiefs assembled from all quarters in 
Dehli, but the Turks and Mu'izzi chiefs of that city did not join 
them. They resolved to try the effect of resistance, so they went 
out of Dehli, collected in the environs and raised the standard of 
revolt. Sultan Shamsu-d din marched out of Dehli with a body 
of horse and his own personal followers, defeated them in the 
plains of the Jumna and put most of their horsemen to the sword. 
Afterwards Sultan Taju-d din made a treaty with him from 
Lahore and Ghazni and sent him some insignia of royalty. 
Quarrels arose several times between Sultdn Shamsu-d din 
Altamsh and Malik Nasiru-d din Kub^cha about Lahore, Tabar- 
hindh, and Kalirdm ; and in the year 614 (1217 a.d.) he de- 
feated Kub^cha. Hostilities also broke out at different times 
between him and the chiefs of various parts of Hindustan and 
the Turks, but as he was assisted by Divine favour, every one 
who resisted him or rebelled was subdued. Heaven still con- 

' [The name is here invariably spelt "Lohor."] 


tinued to favour him, and all the territories belonging to Dehli, 
Baddtin, Oudh, Benares, and the Siwalik hills came into his 

Sultan Taju-d din Yalduz having fled before the army of 
Khwdrizm came to Lahore. A dispute arose between him and 
Sultan Shamsu-d din regarding the limits of their possessions, 
and a battle was fought between them at Nardin in a.h. 612 
(a.d. 1215) in which the Sultan achieved the victory, and Taju-d 
din Yalduz was taken prisoner. He was brought, according to 
orders, to Dehli and was sent to Badaiin, where he was buried.^ 

After this another battle was fought in the year 614 h. (1217 
A.D.) with Malik Nasiru-d din Kubdcha, and he was again de- 

Great events now occurred in Khurdsdn through the appear- 
ance of the Moghal Ohangiz Khan. In a.h. 615 (1218 a.d.) 
Jalalu-d din, king of Khw&rizm, having fled from the army of 
the infidels came towards Hindustan, and some fighting followed 
on the frontiers of Lahore. Shamsu-d din led his forces out of 
Dehli towards Lahore, and Khw&rizm Shdh fled before the army 
of Hindustan and went towards Sind and Siwistin. 

After this, in 622 h. (1225 a.d.), Sultdn Shamsu-d din carried 
his arms towards Lakhnauti, and Ghiyasu-d din 'Auz Khilji 
placed the yoke of servitude on the neck of submission and pre- 
sented thirty elephants and eighty lacs of the current coin. He 
also ordered the Khutba to be read and the coin to be struck 
in the name of Shamsu-d din. 

In A.H. 623 (1226 a.d.) he marched to conquer the fort of 
Ranthambhor^ which is celebrated in all parts of Hindustan for 
its great strength and security. It is related in the Hindu 
histories that it had been invaded by more than seventy (Jiaftdd o 

' [The author is silent here as to his death, hut in the memoir of TEiju-d din he 
says that he was killed.] 

2 [This name is spelt in many diilerent ways. Here in the text we have " Ran- 
tampor." It also occurs as " Rinthamhor," " Runtamboor," etc. Colebrooke 
derives the name from the Sanskrit Rana-sthamba-ihramara, "the hee of the pillar 
of war."— Trans, E. As. Soc. I. 143.] 


and) kings, and no one had been able to take it. In the space of a 
few months in the year 623, through the favour of God, the fort 
fell into the hands of Shamsu-d din. One year after this, a.h. 
624, he attacked the fort of Mandur in the Siwalik hills ^ there 
also God bestowed victory on him, and much plunder fell into 
the hands of his followers. After another year, in a.h. 625 
(122 A.D.), an army was sent from Dehli towards the cities of 
Uch and Multan. The author of this book, Minhaj Siraj, had 
come from Ghor and Khurasdn to Sind, Uch, and Multdn, in the 
month of Rajab, a.h. 624. On the first of Rabi'u-1 awwal, a.h. 
625 (Feb. 1228), Sultdn Sa'id Shamsu-d din reached the foot of 
the fort of Uch. Malik Nasiru-d din Kubdcha had pitched his 
camp at the gate of the fort of Amrawat^ and all his followers 
and baggage were in ships and boats moored in front of the camp. 

On Friday, after the time of prayer, some swift runners came 
from the direction of Multan and reported that Malik Ndsiru-d 
din Aitamur had been detached from Lahore and had come to 
the fort of Multan ; also that Sultan Shamsu-d din himself 
was marching towards Uch via Tabarhindh. Malik Nasiru-d 
din Kubacha fled with all his army in boats to Bhakkar, and 
ordered his minister, 'Ainu-1 Mulk Husain Ashghari, to remove 
all the treasure from the fort of Uch to Bhakkar. 

Sultdn Shamsu-d din sent two of his principal generals in 
advance with an army to the walls of Uch. One of these was 
Malik 'Izzu-d din Muhammad Sdlar, lord chamberlain, and the 
other was Kazlak Khan Sanjar Sult^ni, chief of Tabarhindh. 
Four days after, the Sultan himself arrived at Uch with all his 
elephants and baggage, and pitched his tents there. He sent his 
minister, Nizdmu-d din Muhammad JunaidI, with other nobles, 
in pursuit of Malik Nasiru-d din to the fort of Bhakkar. Fight- 

' [Briggs in the translation of Firishta says, " Mando and the country of Malwa ;" 
and this statement has been adopted by Elphinstone. It is manifestly wrong, and 
there is no warrant for it in the text of Firishta, which fully agrees with the state- 
ment of our author. The true version of Firishta's words is " He marched to the 
fort of Manddr, which fort, with all the SiwSlik hills, he reduced."] 

2 [Tar. " Amrfit, Ahriit."] 

326 MmHAJ.U-S SIRA'J. 

ing continued for one month under the walls of Uch, and on 
Tuesday, the 29th of Jumada-1 dkhir a.h. 625 (May, 1228), the 
place capitulated. In the same month Malik Nasiru-d din 
Kubacha drowned himself at the fort of Bhakkar in the waters 
of the Indus, having a few days before sent his son, Malik 'Alau-d 
din Bahram Shdh to wait upon Sultan Shamsu-d din. After a few 
days the treasures were taken possession of, and the remaining 
forces of Malik Nasiru-d din entered into the service of the 
conqueror. All that country down to the sea shore was subdued. 
Malik Sinanu-d din Habsh, chief of Dewal and Sind, came and 
did homage to the Sultan. When the noble mind of the king- 
was satisfied with the conquest of the country, he returned to 

The writer of this book had obtained an audience at the Court 
of that great and religious king on the first day his camp was 
pitched at Uch (may God preserve it !), and was received with 
favour. When his majesty returned from that fort, the com- 
piler also came to Dehli (may God glorify it !) with the victorious 
army of that invincible king, and reached the city in the month 
of Ramazan a.h. 625 (August 1228). At this time messengers 
bringing splendid robes from the seat of the Khilafat reached 
the frontiers of Nigore, and on Monday, the 2nd of Rabi'u-l 
awwal A.H. 626, they arrived at the capital, and the city was 
adorned by their presence. The king and his chief nobles and 
his sons and the other nobility and servants were all honoured 
with robes sent from the metropolis of Islam. 

After great revelling and rejoicing, news arrived in Jumada-1 
awwal, 626 (April, 1229), of the death of Prince Sa'id Nasiru-d 
din Mahmud. Balk4^ Malik Khilji had broken out in rebellion 
in the territories of Lakhnauti, and Sultan 8hamsu-d din led 
thither the armies of Hindustan, and having captured the rebel, 
he, in a.h. 627, gave the throne of Lakhnauti to Malik 'A14u-d 
din J4ni, and returned to his capital in the month of Rajab of 
the same year. 

1 [Var. " Malk&.-] 


In A.H. 629 he marched for the conquest of Gwalior, and 
when his royal tents were pitched under the walls of the fort, 
Milak Deo/ the accursed son of Basil the accursed, began the 
war. For eleven months the camp remained under the fort. 
In the month of Sha'ban of the same year the author of this 
book came to the Court from Dehli and obtained audience. He 
was ordered to preach in turn at the door of the royal tent. 
Discourses were appointed to be delivered three times every week, 
and during the month of Ramazan on every day. But in other 
months the rule of three times was observed. Ninety -five times 
religious assemblies were convened at the royal tents. On both 
'fds, viz. 'I'd-! fitr and Td-i azha', the appropriate prayers were 
read at three different places in the army of Isl4m. At one of 
these, at the fort of Gwalior on the northern side, this well- 
wisher of the government, Minhaj Sir^j, was ordered on the 
Id-i azha' to read the Khutba and the prayers, and was honoured 
with the reward of a costly khil'at. The same rule was observed 
until the fort was conquered, on Tuesday, the 26th of Safar 
A.H. 630 (November, 1232). 

The accursed Milak Deo went out of the fort in the night time 
and fled. About seven hundred persons were ordered to receive 
punishment at the door of the royal tent.^ After this, promotions 
were made in the ranks of the nobles and great officers. Malik 
Ziau-d din Muhammad Junaidi was appointed chief justice, and 
the commander-in-chief Rashidu-d din (peace be to him!) was 
made kotwal, and Minhaj Siraj, the well-wisher of this govern- 
ment, was made law ofiicer, and was entrusted with the supervision 
of the preaching, and of all religious, moral, and judicial affairs. 
Rich khiPats and valuable largesse^ were distributed. May the 
Almighty aid the pure soul and generous heart of that most 
beneficent, heroic, and kind king ! His majesty started on his 
return from the fort on the 2nd of Babi'u-1 awwal in the same 

1 [Firishta has the more likely name of " Deobal."] 

2 [Firishta says three hundred were put to death. Siydsat, the word here employed, 
signifies punishment inflicted at the discretion of a judge in cases not provided for 
hy law, and there is no doubt that the punishment of death is intended.] 


year, and pitched his tents that day at about one parasang to- 
wards Dehli from the walls of the fort. A halt of five days was 
made there. After he had reached the capital he sent, in a.h. 
6321 (1234 A.D.), the army of Isl4m towards Mdlwa and took 
the fort and city of Bhilsci..^ There was a temple there which 
was three hundred years in building. It was about one hundred 
and five gaz high. He demolished it. From thence he pro- 
ceeded toUjjain, where there was a temple of Mahd-kal, which he 
destroyed as well as the image of Bikramajit, who was king of 
Ujjain, and reigned 1316 years before this time. The Hindu 
era dates from his reign. Some other images cast in copper were 
carried with the stone image of Mahd-kdl to Dehli. 

In A.H. 636, he led the armies of Hindustan towards Banyan.^ 
In this journey his majesty fell sick and was obliged by his 
severe illness to return home. Wednesday morning, the 1st of 
Sha'ban, was fixed by the astrologers for his entr0,nce into Dehli, 
the seat of his government, and he entered the city in a howda 
on the back of an elephant. His illness increased, and nineteen 
days after, on the 20th of Sha'ban, 633 h. (end of April, 1235), 
he departed from this perishable to the eternal world. The 
period of his reign was twenty-six years. \Lists of his judges, 
generals, relations, and victories, follow.} 

2. Malik Sa'id Ndsini-d dunyd wau-d din Mahmiid. 

Malik Nasiru-d din Mahmud was the elder son of Sultan 
Shamsu-d din. He was an intelligent, learned, and wise prince, 
and was possessed of exceeding bravery, courage, generosity, and 
benevolence. The first charge which the Sultan confided to him 
was that of Hansi. Some time after, in 623 h. (1226 a.d.), 
Oudh was entrusted to him. In that country the prince ex- 

^ ["631" in some copies.] 

^ [In one copy the name is written " Bhllasan," and in another " Bllistin." This • 
is probably the same as the "Bhaylas&n" or " Mah&balast&u" of Birtinl. See Vol. 
I. p. 59.] 

" Var. "Badhy&n" and "Bay&na." Firishta, the TEirikh-i Baditini, and the 
Tabakit-i Akbarf agree in saying " Multan." 


hibited many estimable qualities. He fought several battles, 
and by his boldness and bravery he made his name famous in the 
annals of Hindustan. He overthrew and sent to hell the ac- 
cursed Bartuh (?) under whose hands and sword more than one 
hundred and twenty thousand Musulmans had received martyr- 
dom. He overthrew the rebel infidels of Oudh and brought a 
body of them into submission. 

From Oudh he determined to march against Lakhnauti, and 
the king placed the armies of Hindustdn under his command. 
Several well-known chiefs, as Bol4n (?) and Malik 'Alau-d din 
Jani, went with him to Lakhnauti. Sult4n Grhiyasu-d din 'Auz 
Khilji had marched from Lakhnauti to invade the territory of 
Bang (Bengal), and had left no force at his centre of government. 
Malik Sa'id N^siru-d din, on arriving there with his army, 
took peaceable possession of the fort of Basankot and of the city. 
Ghiy&su-d din 'Auz Khilji, on receiving this intelligence, returned 
to Lakhnauti, and Malik Nasiru-d din with his army met him 
and defeated him. Ghiyasu-d din, with all his relations and 
chiefs of Khilj, the treasures and the elephants, fell into his 
hands. He put Grhiyasu-d din to death and confiscated all his 
treasures. From thence he sent presents and offerings to all 
the saiyids and the learned and religious men of Dehli and all 

When Shamsu-d din received the khil'ats from the reigning 
Khalifa, he sent one of the most valuable with a red canopy to 
Lakhnauti, and Malik Nasiru-d din thus received great honour 
and distinction. All the nobles and great men turned their eyes 
towards him as the heir of his father's kingdom, but the decrees 
of fate did not accord with the wishes of the people. One year 
and a-half afterwards he fell sick and died. When the news of 
his death reached Dehli all people were greatly distressed. 

Sultan Ruknu-d dinfFiroz Shah. 
Sultan Euknu-d din Firoz Shah was a generous and hand- 
some king, full of kindness and humanity. In liberality he was 


a second Hatim. His mother, the queen of the world, Shah 
Turkdn, was originally a Turki handmaid, but had become the 
chief wife of Sultan Shamsu-d din Altamsh. She lavished many 
offerings and much charity on learned men, saiyids, and devotees. 

In the year 625 h. (1228 a.d.) Sultan Ruknu-d din received 
a grant of Bad4u.n with a green umbrella. 'Ainu-1 Mulk Husain 
Ash'ari, who had been the wazir of N4siru-d din Kubdcha, 
then became wazir of Euknu-d din. When Shamsu-d din 
returned from the conquest of Grwalior to Uehli, he con- 
ferred the territories of Lahore, which had been the capital of 
Khusru Malik, on Ruknu-d din ; and. on his return from 
his last campaign, from the Indus and Banyan, he took 
Ruknu-d din with him to Dehli, for the eyes of all men were 
on him, as the eldest of the king's sons since the death of 
Nasiru-d din Mahmud. On the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din 
Altamsh, the princes and nobles placed Rukuu-d din upon the 
throne on Tuesday, f9th of Sha'ban 633 h. (beginning of 
of May, 1236), and the crown and throne were graced by his 
accession. The nobles were gratified and received robes of 
honour. When they returned home from the capital, the new 
monarch opened the doors of his treasury and gave himself up 
to pleasure, squandering the public wealth in improper places. 
So devoted was he to licentiousness and debauchery that the 
business of the State was neglected and fell into confusion. 

His mother. Shah Turkan, began to interfere in the govern- 
ment of the country. During the life of her husband his other 
women had looked upon her with envy and disdain. She now 
seized the opportunity of punishing them, and in blind fury and 
vindictiveness she put several of them to death. This state of 
things began to trouble the minds of public men. In addition 
to her other cruel acts she caused the young prince Kutbu-d din, 
son of the late king, and a very excellent youth, to be blinded 
and afterwards to be put to death. These acts aroused an in- 
imical feeling in the hearts of the great men in all directions. 
Malik G-hiyasu-d din Muhammad Shdh, son of the late Sultan, 


and younger than Euknu-d din, commenced hostilities in Oudh. 
He seized upon the treasure of Lakhnauti in its passage to the 
capital, and plundered several towns of Hindustan. Malik 
'Izzu-d din Muhammad Salciri governor of Badaun revolted. 
Malik 'Izzu-d din Kabir Khan, governor of Mult6,n, Malik 
Saifu-d din Kochi, governor of H&nsi, and Malik 'Alau-d din, 
governor of Lahore, conspired and broke out into rebellion. 
Sultan Euknu-d din led his army from Dehli to repress these 
malcontents, but his wazir, Nizamu-1 mulk Muhammad Junaidl, 
took the alarm and deserted him at Kilu-ghari. He then went 
off towards Kol and joined 'Izzu-d din Muhammad Salari 
of Badaun. These two afterwards joined Malik Jdni and 
Kochi. Sultdn Ruknu-d din marched on to Kahram. The 
Turki nobles and the royal attendants who were about the person 
of the Sultan leagued too-ether, and, in the neighbourhood of 
Mansiirpur and Narain, Taju-d din Muhammad, secretary and 
controller, Bahdu-l Mulk Husain Asha'ri, Karimu-d din Zdhid, 
Zidu-1 Mulk son of Niz4mu-1 Mulk Junaidi, Nizamu-d din 
Sharkani, Khwdja Eashidu-d din Mdlkani, Amir Fakhru-d din, 
and other confederate officials, killed the Tazik.^ In the month 
of Eabi'u-1 awwal 634 h. (November, 1236 a.d.), Eaziya, 
eldest daughter of the late Sultan, quarrelled with the mother 
of Sultdn Euknu-d din, and the Sultdn was constrained to 
return to Delhi. His mother had attempted to capture and 
kill Sultan Eaziya, but the people rose, and the latter seized 
upon the royal palace and made the mother of the Sultan 

When Euknu-din arrived at Kilu-ghari he found that rebellion 
had broken out, and that his mother had been made prisoner. 
The guards and Turkish nobles came into the city, and joining 
Eaziya, proffered their allegiance to her, and raised her to 
the throne. Being thus elevated to the throne, she sent an 
army of Turks and nobles to Kild-ghari and they brought Sultan 

' [jkJJ^ J^,.i \j l-livjlj ^j^^j^ kj:.-.£Up-^_t> J. Firishta, more 
intelligibly, says they deserted Euknu-d din.] 


Ruknu-d din prisoner to Dehli, where he was kept in confine- 
ment and died. His death happened on Sunday, the 18th of 
Eabi'u-1 awwal a.h. 634 (November, 1236 a.d.) He reigned for 
six months and twenty-eight days. He was very generous ; no 
king in any reign had ever scattered gifts, robes of honour, and 
grants in the way he did, but all his lavishness sprang from his 
inordinate addiction to sensuality, pleasure, and conviviality. 
He was so entirely devoted to riot and debauchery, that he often 
bestowed his honours and rewards on bands of singers, buffoons, 
and catamites. He scattered his riches to such a heedless extent, 
that he would ride out drunk upon an elephant through the 
streets and bazars, throwing tankas of red gold around him for 
the people to pick up and rejoice over. He was very fond of 
playing with and riding upon elephants, and all the elephant 
drivers were much benefited by his bounty. His nature was 
averse to hurting any creature, and his tenderness was the cause 
of his downfall. 

Kings should possess all virtues that their people may live at 
ease. They should be generous, that the army may live satis- 
fied ; but sensuality, gaiety, and the society of the base and 
unworthy bring an empire to ruin. May God pardon him ! 

Sultan^ Raziya, Daughter of the Sultan. 
Sultan Eaziya was a great monarch. She was wise, just, and 
generous, a benefactor to her kingdom, a dispenser of justice, 
the protector of her subjects, and the leader of her armies. She 
was endowed with all the qualities befitting a king, but she was 
not born of the right sex, and so in the estimation of men 
all these virtues were worthless. (May God have mercy on her !) 
In the time of her father, Sult4n Sa'id Shamsu-d din, she had 
exercised authority with great dignity. Her mother was the 

' [The queen is always called " Sult&n" and " B&dslia.h," not SultSina, asby Briggs 
and Elphinstone. Sult&,n signifies " ruler," and although, from Musulmin aversion 
to female rulers, it is practically confined to the male sex, yet it is exceptionally used 
for queens regnant, as in this case. " Sultana" is not compUmeutary, for it signifies 
a scold.l 


chief wife of his majesty, and she resided in the chief royal 
palace in the Kushk-firozi. The Sultan discerned in her coun- 
tenance the signs of power and bravery, and, although she was 
a girl and lived in retirement, yet when the Sultan returned from 
the conquest of Gwalior, he directed his secretary, Taju-1 Malik 
Mahmiid, who was' director of the government, to put her 
name in writing as heir of the kingdom, and successor to the 
throne. Before this farman was executed, the servants of the 
State, who were in close intimacy with his majesty, represented 
that, seeing the king had grown up sons who were worthy of the 
dignity, what wisdom could there be in making a woman the 
heir to a Muhammadan throne, and what advantage could accrue 
from it ? They besought him to set their minds at ease, for the 
course that he proposed seemed very inexpedient. The king 
replied. My sons are devoted to the pleasures of youth, and no 
one of them is qualified to be king. They are unfit to rule 
the country, and after my death you will find that there is no 
one more competent to guide the State than my daughter. . It 
was afterwards agreed by common consent that the king had 
judged wisely. 

When Sultan Raziya succeeded to the throne, all things re- 
verted to their old order. But the wazir of the State, Nizamu-1 
Mulk Junaidi did not give in his adhesion. He, together with 
Malik Jani, Malik Kochi, Malik Kabir Khan, and Malik 'Izzu-d 
din Muhammad Salari, assembling from different parts of the 
country at the gates of Dehli, made war against Sultan Eaziya, 
and hostilities were carried on for a long time. After a while, 
Mahk Nasiru-d din Tabashi Mu'izzi, who was governor of Oudh, 
brought up his forces to Dehli to the assistance of Sultdn Eaziya. 
When he had crossed the Ganges, the generals, who were fighting 
against Dehli, met him unexpectedly and took him prisoner. He 
then fell sick and died. 

The stay of the insurgents at the gates of Dehli was protracted. 
Sultan Eaziya, favoured by fortune, went out from the city and 
ordered her tents to be pitched at a place on the banks of the 


Jumna, Several engagements took place between the Turkish 
nobles who were on the side of the Sultdn, and the insurgent 
chiefs. At last peace was effected, with great adroitness and 
judicious management. Malik 'Izzu-d din Muhammad S^lar 
and Malik 'Izzu-d din Kabir Khdn Ayydz secretly joined the 
Sultan and came at night to her majesty's tents, upon the under- 
standing that Malik J4ni, Malik Koohi, and Nizamu-1 Mulk 
Junaidi were to be summoned and closely imprisoned, so that 
the rebellion might subside. When these chiefs were informed 
of this matter they fled from their camps, and some horsemen of 
the Sultan pursued them. Malik Kochl and his brother Fakh- 
ru-d din were captured, and were afterwards killed in prison. 
Malik Jdni was slain in the neighbourhood of Babul and Nakwan. 
Nizamu-1 Mulk Junaidi went into the mountains of Bardar,i and 
died there after a while. 

When the affairs of Raziya were thus settled, she conferred the 
office of wazir on an upright officer who had been the deputy of 
Nizdmu-1 Mulk, and he likewise receired the title of Nizamu-1 
Mulk. The command of the army was given to Malik Saifu-d 
din Aibak Bahtu, with the title of Katlagh Khan. To Kabir 
KhAn was assigned the province of Lahore. The country now 
enjoyed peace, and the power of the State became manifest. 
Throughout its territories from Lakhnauti to Dewal all the 
princes and nobles made their submission. 

Shortly after Malik Aibak Bahtu died, and Malik Kutbu-d 
din Hasan Ghori was appointed to his office, and was ordered to 
march against the fort of Eantambhor. The Hindus laid siege 
to this fort after the death of Shamsu-d din, and had been before 
it some time, but when Kutbu-d din arrived, he drew the Musul- 
man forces out of the fort and destroyed it. He then returned 
to Dehli. 

About this time Malik Ikhtiydru-d din Ttigin was appointed 
lord chamberlain, and Amir Jamalu-d din Ydkut, the superin- 
tendent of the stables, was made a personal attendant of her 
' [Var. " Sarmand-bar&dar." Firishta says " Sirmor."] 


majesty. This created jealousy among the Turkish generals and 
nobles. The Sultan Eaziya now threw off the dress and veil of 
women. She put on a coat (kabd) and cap, and showed her- 
self among the people. When she rode on an elephant all men 
clearly saw her. She now ordered an army to march to Gwalior, 
and sent with it large gifts. There being no possibility of re- 
sistance, this well-wisher of the victorious government, Minhaj 
Siraj, together with Majdu-1 Umara Zia'u-d din Junaidi, chief 
justice of Gwalior, and with other principal officers, came out of 
the fort of Gwalior on the 1st of Sha'ban, a.h. 635 (Feb. 1238), 
and proceeded to the Court of Dehli. In the month of Sha'ban of 
the same year. Sultan Eaziya (may peace be to her!), appointed 
this well-wisher to the Nasiriya college^ and to the office of K4zi 
of Gwalior. In a.h. 637 (1239 a.d.) Malik 'Izzu-d din Kabir 
Khan, governor of Lahore, broke out in revolt. The Sultan led 
her army from Dehli in that direction and pursued him. After 
a time he made peace and did homage. The province of Multan, 
which was held by Malik Karakash, was given to Malik 'Izzu-d 
din Kabir Khan. 

On Thursday, the 19th of Ramazan a.h. 637 (April, 1240), 
Sultan Eaziya returned to the capital. Malik Altuniya, who 
was governor of Tabarhindh,^ revolted, and some of the officers of 
the Court on the frontier supported him. On "Wednesday, the 
9th of the same month and year she marched with a numerous 
army towards Tabarhindh to put down these rebels. When she 
arrived there she was attacked by the Turks, who put Amir 
Jalalu-d din Yakut, the Abyssinian, to death. They then 
seized the Sultan Eaziya and sent her a prisoner to the fort of 

Among the incidents which occurred at the beginning of 
the reign of Sultan Eaziya, this was the most remarkable, that 
the Karmatians and heretics of Hindustan, being seduced by a 
person with some pretensions to learning, who was called Nur 

' [The EabiiU'S Siyar says distinctly Sarhiml. Firishta has " Bhatinda."] 


Turk, flocked to him in large numbers from all parts of Hindus- 
tan : such as Guzerat, Sind, the environs of the capital, and the 
banks of the Jumna and Ganges. They assembled in Dehli, 
and making a compact of fidelity to each other, they, at the in- 
stigation of this Nur Turk, declared open hostility against 
the people of Isl4m. When Nur preached, the rabble used to 
gather round him. He used to say that the learned Sunnis and 
their flocks were ndsibis, and to call them marjis} He en- 
deavoured also to inflame the minds of the common people 
against the wise men who followed the doctrines of Abu 
Hanifa and Sh^fi'i. On a day appointed, on Friday, the 6th 
of the month of Rajab. a.h. 634 (March, 1237), the whole body 
of heretics and Karmatians, to the number of about one thousand 
meu, armed with swords, shields, arrows, and other weapons, came 
in two parties to the J^ma' masjid of Dehh. One division came 
from the northern side and passed by the fort of Nur to the gate 
of the masjid. The other proceeded from the clothes bazar, 
and entered the gate of the Mu'izzi, under the impression that it 
was the masjid. On both sides they attacked the Musulmans. 
Many of the faithful were slain by the sword and many were 
trampled to death by the crowd. When a cry arose from the 
people in consequence of this outrage, the brave officers of the 
government, such as Naslru-d dm Aitamur Balarami, Amir 
Imdm Nasir Sha'ir and others, fully armed with mail, cuirass, 
and helmet, with spears, shields, and other weapons, gathered on 
all sides and rode into the masjid. They plied their swords on 
the heretics and Karmatians ; and the Musulmans who had gone 
(for refuge) to the top of the mosque hurled down stones and 
bricks till every heretic and Karmatian was sent to hell, and the 
riot was quelled.^ Thanks be to God for the favour and glory 
he has given to the faith. 

' [jTOsiii's are the enemies of 'Ali, and the marjis or " procrastinators" are a sect 
who think faith sufficient and works unnecessary.] 

2 This curious anecdote is omitted by almost all the general historians, but is 
quoted nearly verbatim by Niiru-l Hakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh. — See note in 
Appendix " Karmatians." 


When Sultdn Raziya was taken prisoner to Tabarhindh, 
Malik Altuniya espoused her and led her army towards Dehli 
to regain possession of the kingdom. Malik 'Izzu-d din Mu- 
hammad Saldri and Malik Karikash left the capital and went 
to join them. Meanwhile, Mu'izzu-d din had ascended the 
throne, Ikhtiydru-d din Ttigin, lord chamberlain, had been slain, 
and Badru-d din Sankar Rumi had been appointed his successor. 
In the month of Rabi'a-1 awwal a.h. 638 (Sept. 1240), the Sultdn 
marched his army from Dehli to repel his opponents, and Sultdn 
Raziya and Malik Altuniya were defeated. When in their flight 
they reached Kaithal, their remaining forces abandoned them, 
and they both fell into the hands of the Hindus and were killed. 
The date of this defeat was the 24th of Rabi^u-l awwal a.h. 638 
(Oct. 1240), and the Sultdn Raziya was killed on the day follow- 
ing. She had reigned three years and six days. 

5. Mu'izzu-d din Bahrdm Shah. 

Sultd.n Mu'izzu-d din Bahram Shah was a victorious king ; a 
fearless, intrepid, and sanguinary man. Still he had some 
virtues. He was shy and unceremonious, and had no taste for 
the gorgeous attire which kings love to wear, nor for the belts, 
accoutrements, banners, and other insignia of royalty. When 
Sultan Raziya was sent to prison at Tabarhindh, the nobles and 
the generals agreed to send him to Dehli, and on Monday the 
27th of Ramazan 637 (April, 1240) they raised him to the 
throne. After all the nobles and the generals and the army 
had returned to Dehli, on Sunday the 11th Shawwdl of the same 
year, they assembled at the palace and made a general agreement 
to uphold him as king on condition of Ikhtiyaru-d din ftigin 
being made deputy. On that day the author of this work was 
present and composed the following gratulatory lines. 

Ikhtiydru-d din, having been appointed deputy, he in virtue 
of his office assumed the direction of all affairs of State, and with 
VOL. II. 22 


the acquiescence of the wazir Niz4mu-1 mulk Mahzabu-d din 
Muhammad 'Auz Mustaufi the duties of administration also came 
under his control. After a month or two this state of affairs 
became very irksome to the Sultdn. The Sult4n's sister had been 
married to Kazi N4siru-d din, but being divorced, the deputy 
took her to wife. Music played three times a day at his gate, 
an elephant was always there in waiting,^ and he maintained 
great state. On Monday, the 8th of Muharram 638 h. (July, 
1240), there was a sermon in the Palace of the White-roof, and 
after the sermon the Sultd,n sent two inebriated Turks from the 
top of the palace as assassins, who killed Ikhtiydru-d din in front 
of the royal seat in the White Palace. The wazir Mahzabu-d din 
also received two wounds in his side, but his time was not come, 
and he rushed out away from them. Malik Badru-d din Sankar 
became lord chamberlain and assumed the management of the State. 

When Raziya and Altuniya marched from Tabarhindh upon 
Dehli, they were baffled in their enterprise and were defeated. 
Both were killed by the Hindus as we have already related. 
Badru-d din Sankar now assumed a very imperious position ; 
he issued orders and carried on the government without con- 
sulting the Sultan, and sought to domineer over the wazir 
Nizamu-1 Mulk Mahzabu-d din. The wazir complained to 
the Sultan and succeeded in setting him against Badru-d din. 
When the latter perceived this he was afraid of the Sultdn, and 
sought to set him aside and to raise one of his brothers to the 
throne in his stead. 

On Monday, the 8th of Safar, 639 h. (Aug. 1241) Badru-d 
din convoked a meeting of nobles and chiefs at the house of 
Sadru-1 Mulk Taju-d din 'AH Musawi, mushrif of the State. 
There were present the chief Kazi Jal41u-d din K^shani, Kazi 
Kabiru-d din. Shaikh Muhammad Shami, and others. When 
they had met and were deliberating about the removal of the 
Sultan, they determined to send Sadru-1 mulk to the wazir 
Nizamu-1 mulk Mahzabu-d din to invite his attendance, and to 
1 [Eegal priTileges.] 


finally settle the matter in concurrence with him. It so hap- 
pened that when Sadru-1 mulk came to the house of the wazir, 
one of the confidential attendants of the king was present. When 
the wazir heard of the arrival of Sadru-1 mulk, he concealed this 
trusty servant in a place where he could hear the conversation. 
Sadru-1 mulk entered and proceeded to talk about the removal 
of the king abd to ask the co-operation of the wazir. The 
minister desired his visitor to return and say that he would wait 
upon the gentlemen as soon as he had performed his ablutions. 
Sadru-1 mulk had no sooner departed than the wazir released the 
Sultan's man and asked him if he had heard what had passed. 
He then directed him to go quickly and tell his master that the 
best thing he could do would be to take horse and to proceed 
against the conspirators and scatter them. 

The facts being reported to the Sultan by his faithful adherent, 
he instantly mounted and dispersed the plotters. Badru-d din 
Sankar joined the king's party, and the Sultan returned to his 
palace, where he held a darbar. Badru-d din was ordered to 
depart instantly to Badatin and assume the management of that 
province ; Kazi Jalalu-d din Kashani was dismissed from his 
post of Kdzi, and Kazi Kabiru-d din and Shaikh Muhammad 
Shami took the alarm and fled the city. After four months, 
Badru-d din Sankar returned to the capital, but the Sultdn's 
heart was entirely alienated from him, so he ordered him to be 
imprisoned. The king also directed Jalalu-d din Musawi to be 
apprehended, and he had them both slain in prison. 

These proceedings set the hearts of the ■ nobles against the 
Sult4n ; they were alarmed and had no longer any confidence in 
him. The wazir also longed to exact vengeance for the wounds 
he had received. The nobles, generals, and Turks all became 
disaffected, while on his side the Sultdn was alarmed by their 
proceedings. In the end this uneasy feeling spread like an 
epidemic, and was the cause of the fall of the Sultan and of 
rebellion among his people. 

One of the most important events in the reign of Mu'izzu-d 


din was that which, happened to the city of Lahore. An army 
of infidel Mughals came from Khurdsdn and Ghazni to the gates 
of that city and waged war for some time. Malik Karakash, 
governor of Lahore, was a brave, energetic, and intrepid man, 
but the people of the city did not support him, and were back- 
ward in keeping watch and in fighting. When Kardkash per- 
ceived this lukewarmness, he one night left the city with his own 
soldiers and went off towards Dehli. The infidels pursued him, 
but the Almighty watched over him and gave him safe deliver- 
ance. When the city was left without a ruler the infidels cap- 
tured it on Monday, 18th of Jumdda-1 akhir, 639 h. (December 
1241), slaughtered the Muhammadans and made their depen- 
dants captives. 

As soon as this dreadftil intelligence reached Dehli, the Sultdn 
assembled the people of the city at the White Palace, and the 
writer of this book received orders to preach and induce the 
people to support the Sultan. 

There was a Turkoman darwesh named Ayub, a devout man, 
clad in the hairy garment of a recluse. He had lived for some 
time quietly in the SultS,n's water palace, and was brought into 
the society of the Sultan, who conceived a liking for him. This 
darwesh began to take a part in the business of the state. He 
had formerly lived in the town of Mihrpur, where he had been 
imprisoned by Kdzi Shamsu-d din Mihr. When the Sultan had 
become accustomed to listen to his advice, the darwesh exerted 
himself so that he induced the king to have Kazi Shamsu-d din 
Mihr cast under the feet of an elephant. On this fact becoming 
known the people conceived a great dread of the Sultdn. The 
Sultan now sent Kutbu-d din Husain and his wazir, with 
nobles, generals, and soldiers, to oppose the Mughals who were 
at Lahore, and to guard his frontier. 

On Saturday, 10th Jumdda-1 awwal, 639 h. (November, 1241), 
his majesty Mu'izzu-d din conferred upon the author of this work 
the office of K4zi of the capital and of all his territories, accom- 
panied with many honours and costly presents. 



The army which had been sent against the Mughals reached 
the banks of the Biyah. There the minister Mahzabu-d din 
Niz4mu-1 mulk, who cherished hopes of vengeance and of re- 
moving the Sult4n from the throne, wrote a letter secretly to 
him. In this letter he represented that the generals and Turks 
in the army were never likely to become loyal, and that the best 
course for the king to adopt would be to send orders for him (the 
wazlr) and Kutbu-d din to kill all the generals and Turks in any 
way they could, and so free the kingdom of' them. 

When this letter arrived, the Sultan hastily and rashly, with- 
out thought or consideration, wrote the desired order, and sent 
it off. On its reaching the wazir he showed it to the generals 
and Turks, and told them how the king wished to deal with 
them. They all at once revolted, and at the suggestion of 
Khwdja Mahzabu-d din they formed a plot for the removal and 
deposition of the king. 

Oil the Sultan's receivino; intelligence of this revolt of his 
generals and army, he sent the Shaikhu-1 Islam Saiyid Kutbu-d 
din to endeavour to allay the outbreak. He accordingly went to 
the army, but exerted himself to increase the strife.^ He re- 
turned with the army at his heels, and hostilities commenced 
under the walls of the capital. The author, Minhaj Sir^j, and 
some of the chief men of the city, endeavoured in vain to allay 
the strife and make peace. 

The army reached the city on Saturday, the 19th Sha'ban, 
639, and the siege went on until the month of Zi-1 ka'da. 
Many were killed on both sides, and the suburbs of the city were 
laid waste. The reason of these protracted hostilities was that 
there was in the king's service a man named Fakhru-d din Mu- 
bdrak Shah Farkhi, who was chief of the carpet spreaders 
{mihtar-farrdsh). This man had gained the favour of the king, 
and had great ascendancy over him. Whatever he advised the 
king performed, and the counsels of the farrdsh were not for 


On Friday, the 7th Zi-1 ka'da, the followers of Khwaja Mah- 
zab distributed three thousand chitals among a lot of foolish men, 
and excited inimical feelings among some even of this author's 
kindred (Grod forgive them !). They made a riot in the Jdmi' 
masjid, after prayers, and drew their swords upon him. By 
God's mercy the author had a knife and a staff, which he seized, 
and with the help of some armed slaves whom he had with him 
he made his way through the crowd. 

The generals and Turks took the fort, and next day, on Satur- 
day, the 8th Zi-1 ka'da, 639 h. (May, 1242), they obtained pos- 
session of the whole city. The Sultan was made prisoner. 
Mubarak Shah, farrdsh, who had embittered the strife, was also 
taken and was killed. In the night of Tuesday, the 17th of 
Zi-1 ka'da, the Sultan was slain. He had reigned two years 
one month and a-half. 

6. — Sultan 'Aldu-d din Mas'ud Shah bin Firoz Shah. 
Sultan 'Al&u-d din Mas'ud Shah was son of Sultan Ruknu-d 
din Firoz Shdh. He was a generous and good-natured prince, 
possessed of many estimable qualities. On Saturday, the 8th of 
Zi-1 ka'da, 639 H. (May, 1242), when the city of Dehli was 
wrested from the hands of Mu'izzu-d din, the generals and nobles 
by common consent released from prison the three princes 
N4siru-d din, Malik Jalalu-d din, and 'Alau-d din. They con- 
veyed them from the White Palace to the public hall of the palace 
of Firoz, and there they agreed to make 'AMu-d din king, 
although Malik 'Izzu-d din Balban had previously seated himself 
upon the throne. This Balban had caused his name to be pro- 
claimed as king through the city, but it was not accepted. 
'Alau-d din was raised to the throne, and the people gave a 
general acquiescence. Kutbu-d din Husain Ghori was made 
deputy of the kingdom, and Niz4mu-1 Mulk wazir, and Malik 
Kardkash lord chamberlain. The districts of Nagor, Mandawar, 
and Ajmir were assigned to Malik 'Izzu-d din Balban, and the 
country of Badaun was given to Malik Tdju-d din SanjarKatlak, 


Ou the fourth day after the capture of Dehli the writer of 
these pages hegged to be relieved of his office of Kkzi, and the 
post remained vacant for twenty-six days, till the fourth of Zi-1 
hijja, when Kdzl 'Imadu-d din Muhammad Shakurkani was 

Nizdmu-1 Mulk Mahzabu-d din exercised unbounded power 
over the country, and he took the district of Kol as his appanage. 
Previous to this he had caused music to play, and an elephant to 
wait at the door of his mansion. Everything was taken out of 
the hands of the Turk! nobles, so that they became embittered 
against him. They conspired together, and on Wednesday, 2nd 
Jumdda-1 awwal, 640 h. (30th Oct., 1242 a.d.), they killed him 
in the camp before the city, in the plain of Hauz-rani. 

The author of this work resolved at this time to make a 
journey to Lakhnauti, and he started from Dehli on Friday, the Rajab, 640 h. Taju-d din Katlak paid him great attention 
in Badaun, and so also did Kamru-d din Kairan in Oudh (May 
God immerse them in his mercy !). Tugh^n Kh4n 'Izzu-d din 
Tughril had come with his army and boats to the confines of 
Karra. The author joined him from Oudh, and went with him 
to Lakhnauti. On Sunday, the 7th Zi-1 hijja, 640 h., the 
author arrived at that place, having left his children and wives all 
in Oudh. Subsequently he sent some trustworthy persons who 
brought them to Lakhnauti. Tughan Khan showed'him "reat 
kindness, and bestowed upon him boundless favours. The writer 
stayed at Lakhnauti two years. 

In the course of these two years 'Alau-d din achieved many 
victories in different parts of his dominions. After the death of 
Khwdja Mahzab, the post of wazir was given to Sadru-1 Mulk 
Najmu-d din Abu Bakr, and the office of lord chamberlain was 
given to Daru-1 Mulk Baligh Khan, together with the district of 
Hdnsi. At this time there was much fighting going on. 

When Tughan Khan returned from Karra to Lakhnauti he 
deputed Sharfu-1 Mulk Ash'ari to the presence of 'Alau-d din, 
and he was named governor of Lakhnauti, receiving the honour 


of the red umbrella throTigh Kazi Jalalu-d din, who was kdzi of 
Oudh. On Sunday, 11th of Rab'u-1 dkhir, 641 h., the bearers 
of these honours arrived at Lakhnauti and Tughan Khan was 

One of the good things done by 'A14u-d din was that about 
this time, he, with the assent of the nobles and officers, released 
his two uncles. On the 'fd-i azha' they left their confinement. 
Malik Jalalu-d din received the district of Kanauj, and Nasiru-d 
din the district of Bahraich. Each one in his province devoted 
himself to peaceful pursuits and the improvement of the con- 
dition of his subjects. 

In Shawwdl 642 h. (March 1245), the infidels of Changiz 
Khdn came to the gates of Lakhnauti, On the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 
Tamar Khan Kairdn arrived at Lakhnauti with an army and 
generals under orders received from Sultdn 'Alau-d din. Jealousy 
sprung up between Tamar Khdn and Tughdn Khdn. On 
Wednesday, 3rd Zi-1 ka'da of the same year, peace was made : 
Lakhnauti was given to Kairan Khan, and Tughdn Khan pro- 
ceeded to Dehli, The author of this work accompanied him and 
arrived at Dehli on Monday, 14th Safar, 124.3. Here the author 
was granted the honour of an interview with the sovereign, and 
on Thursday the I7th Safar, at the suggestion of Ulugh Khan, 
he was appointed principal of the Ndsiriya college, and superin- 
tendent of its endowments. He was also made kazi of Gwalior 
and preacher in the JkmV masjid : all his old offices being again 
entrusted to him. He also received the royal grant of a horse 
with proper ornamental trappings : honours which none of his 
family had ever before attained. 

In the month of Eajab news arrived from the upper parts 
{taraf-i hdid) that an army of infidel Mughals had arrived at 
TJchh. This army was under the command of the accursed 
Mankutai (Mangu Khdn). Sultdn 'Aldu-d din gathered his 
forces from all sides to drive back the Mughal invaders. When 
he arrived on the banks of the Biydh the infidels raised the siege 
1 [Var. " Mauktina."] 

tabaka:t-i NAsmr. 345 

of Uclih. The author accompanied his majesty in this campaign, 
and it was universally admitted by all men of knowledge and 
intelligence that such an army as was then under the orders of 
the Sultan had never before been seen. When the infidels heard 
of its strength and perfection they retreated towards Khurasan. 

In this army there was a party of good-for-nothing fellows who 
had gradually made their way into the society of the Sultan, 
and were the means of leading him into unworthy habits and 
practices. It was thus that he acquired the habit of seizing and 
killing his nobles. He became confirmed in his cruelty ; all his 
excellent qualities were perverted, and he gave himself up to 
unbounded licentiousness, pleasure, and hunting. Disaffection 
began to spread through the kingdom, and all the business of the 
State fell into disorder. The princes and nobles agreed to send 
envoys with letters inviting Nasiru-d din, and the result will be 
hereafter related. On Sunday, 23rd Muharram 644 h. (June, 
1246) Sultan 'Alau-d din was put into prison and died. He 
reigned four years, one month, and one day. 

7. 8ultdn-i Mu'azzam Nasiru-d dunyd wau-d din Mahmiid. 

This prince, son of Sultdn Sa'id Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din 
(Altamsh) was born after the death of his eldest brother, whose 
name and titles were conferred upon him by his father. His 
mother was sent to a palace in the town of Loni,i where he was 
brought up and educated as a prince. Under the blessing of 
God he acquired every pleasing virtue.^ 

First Year of the Reign — Sijra 644 (1246 a.d.) 

Sultan-i Mu'azzani Nasiru-d dunya wau-d din ascended the 
throne in the Green Palace at Delhi with the most favourable 
auspices on Sunday, 2Srd Muharram 644 h. (10th June, 1246). 

1 [Var. " Toll," " Boll."] 

2 [The author goes oa in a strain of eulogy, and inserts specimens of two poems 
which he wrote on the accession of this king. A list of the king's nobles and rela- 
tions is given, and the period of his reign is said to be " twenty-two years." The 
real period was twenty years. Our author's annals cease with the 15th year]. 


Princes and nobles, chiefs and great men, saiyids and learned 
men, all hastened with joy to express their devotion, and every 
one, according to his rank, offered congratulations upon his 
accession. On Tuesday, the 25th, he held a public court iu the 
Firozi palace, and the people with one acclaim approved of the 
elevation of this generous, virtuous, and noble looking prince. 
The great rejoiced at this renewal of the sovereignty, and all parts 
of Hindustan were happy under his equitable rule. (May his 
reign endure to the extreme limits of possibility !) 

When (in the course of the last reign) the prince left Dehli for 
Bahraieh, his mother Malika-i Jahan Jalalu-d dunya wau-d din 
accompanied him. In that country and in the hills he fought 
many battles against the infidels. Under his kind rule Bahrdich 
attained great prosperity. The fame of his victorious and suc- 
cessful government spread in all parts of Hindustan, and when 
the princes and nobles were disgusted with the rule of 'Alau-d 
din, they sent letters secretly to him pressing him to come to the 
capital. The princess, his mother, prudently gave out that he 
was going to Dehli for medical attendance. He was placed in a 
litter, and started from Bahraieh attended by the princess, and 
by some careful men on horse and foot. When night came on 
they covered the prince's face with a woman's veil, mounted him 
on horseback, and making all speed they soon reached Dehli. 
No one knew of his arrival until the day he ascended the throne, 
and his occupation of the seat of royalty shed honour and splen- 
dour upon it. 

In the month of Rajah, 644 h., he brought forth the royal 
standards, and led his army to the banks of the Indus and to 
Multan, in order to repulse the infidels of Chin. On Sunday, 
the 1st of Zi-1 ka'da he crossed the river of Lahore, from whence 
he sent a force to ravage the hills of Jud, and the provinces on 
the Indus. 1 Ulugh Khan-i A'zam,^ who now held the office of 

' [The text has il) iXij nandna, hut this evidently a mistake for ifJC^s "Sindh" or 
the river Indus, which agrees with what follows, and with Firishta's statement.] 
^ [The titles KMn-i a'zam, Khdn-i mu'azzam, and Ulugh Khdn, are synonymous, 


lord chamberlain, was placed in command of this army. The 
Sultan with the baggage and elephants encamped on the river 
Sodra.i TJlugh Khan, with the help of God, ravaged the hills of 
Jud and the Jailam, and sent many of the Kokhars (G-akkars) 
and rebellious infidels to hell. He then advanced to the banks 
of the Indus, and laid waste all the neighbourhood, but he was 
obliged to return for want of provender and other necessaries. 
He returned victoribus to the royal camp on the Sodra with 
great renown, and on Thursday, 5th Zi-1 ka'da of the same year 
his majesty started for Dehli. On the 'fd-i azha' he offered up 
his prayers on the hills of Jalandar, and from thence proceeded 
to the capital. Minhaj Sirdj, the writer of this work, received 
under his majesty's orders the gift of a coat and turban, and of a 
horse with princely trappings. 

Second Year of the Reign — Jlijra 645 (1247 a.d.) 

His Majesty reached Dehli on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 
(9th May, 1247) and was detained there for six months by heavy 
rains. In Jumada-1 akhir the royal army marched to Panipat, 
but in Sha'ban it returned and proceeded towards Hindustan 
through the Doab. In the neighbourhood of Kanauj there is a 
fortified village called Nandana,^ where there is a very strong 
fort vying with the wall of Alexander, A body of infidel 
Hindus shut themselves up in this place, resolved to fight to the 
last extremity. For two days the royal army carried on a 
murderous conflict at this village, but at length the rebels were 
sent to hell, and the place was subdued. 

The author of this work celebrated the victory and all the 
events of the campaign in verse. The slaughter of the rebellious 

and signify "great Khta." They designate the same person, test known as Sult^ 
Ghiy&su-d din Balban, successor to Sultan NSsiru-d din. I have employed the name 
Ulugh Kh^n as being most distinctive.] ' fThe Chin&b.] 

2 [Var. " Talanda," and in another place, " Talsanda." Briggs says "Bitunda" 
which place he identifies with Bulandshahr. But Bitunda or Bhatinda is in Pattiala 
almost in a line between Dehli and Lahore. Neither this nor Bulandshahr can be the 
place here intended.] 


infidels, the capture of their fortifications, and the success of 
Ulugla Khan-i Mu'azzam in killing and taking prisoner Dalaki wa 
Malaki,^ these and all the other incidents are celebrated fully 
in the poem to which the author gave the name of his gracious 
master, and called it " Nasirl-nama." For this poem the author 
received from the SultAn the grant of a fine annual allowance, 
and from Ulugh Khdn he received the grant in irHdm of a village 
near Hansi. (May God long maintain the seats of their empire 
and rule !) , But I return to the thread of my history. 

On Thursday, 24th Shawwal, 645 (Febuary, 1248), the fort 
was captured after much fighting and bloodshed. Subsequently, 
on Monday, 12th ZI-1 ka'da, 645, the army marched to Karra. 
Three days before TJlugh Khan had been sent on before with all 
the generals and princes of the army. The exploits and suc- 
cesses of this brave and skilful warrior, his victories in the field, 
his conquests of forts, fortified places, and jungles, his slaughter 
of rebellious infidels, his taking of booty and captives, and his 
capture of the dependants of great Eanas cannot here be re- 
counted, but they are celebrated in the Nasiri-ndma, 

There was in this neighbourhood a E.^na^ who {pro?) was called 
Dalaki wa Malaki. He had many dependants, countless fight- 
ing men, great dominions and wealth, fortified places, and hills 
and defiles extremely difficult of access. All these he (Ulugh 
Khdn) ravaged. He took prisoners the wives, sons, and de- 
pendants of that accursed one, and secured great booty. He 
secured 1500 horses of a peculiar breed, which he brought in for 
the use of the army. His other booty may be inferred from this. 
When he returned and waited on his sovereign all his brother 
nobles congratulated him on his victories.^ On Thursday, llth 

' [ JX»j ^S^d jJ\ ^ Jijj Our author in a following paragraph and else- 
where distinctly treats the two names as helonging to one person. Briggs, in his 
translation of Firishta says, " the E&jas Bulky and Mulky," and " these two rajas," 
but the text has " Dalaki Malaki," and adds, " this Dalaki Malaki was a raja."] 

'■' [The scene of this "victory is not named, but Firishta tells us it was Kilinjar.] 


Zi-1 ka'da, 645, the Sultan started on his return from that 
country, and during his progress he was waited upon by Malik 
Jal41u-d din Mas'ud, governor of Kanauj, who had the lionour 
of an interview and went home. The Sultdn then continued his 
journey to the capital. 

Third Tear of the Reign— Hijra 646 (1248 a.d.). 

On Wednesday, 24th Muharram, 646 (20th May, 1248), the 
Sultdn reached Dehli, and took his seat upon the throne with 
great state. When Malik Jal^lu-d din waited upon the king as 
he was returning, he was appointed governor of Sambal and 
Badaun, but he all at once took alarm about these two districts 
and came to the capital. The Sultan stayed at Dehli seven 
months, until the 6th Sha'b^n. He then marched out on a 
campaign towards the hills and deserts ; but he sent on his 
generals, and then returned to the capital, not finding occasion to 
proceed in person. He reached Dehli on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 
ka'da. The royal army continued its march to the mountains of 
Eantambhor. Two important events occurred during this cam- 
paign. First — Kazi 'Imadu-d din Shakurkani incurred suspicion, 
and on Friday, 9th Zi-1 hijja he was dismissed from office in the 
White Palace, and by royal command proceeded to Badaun. 
On Monday, 12th Zi-1 hijja, he was killed by 'Imadu-d din 
E.ih4n. Second — Malik Bahau-d din Aibak was killed by the 
infidel Hindus near the fort of Eantambhor, on the 11th Zi-I 

Fourth Tear of the Reign — Hijra 647 (1249 a.d.). 

On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 (May, 1249), Ulugh Kh4n re- 
turned with his army to the capital. Being held in high esti- 
mation as a great supporter of the State, and the mainstay of the 
army, the Sultan, with the concurrence of the princes and nobles, 
o-ave his daughter in marriage to the son of the Khan. The 
marriage took place on Monday, 20th Eabi'u-1 akhir. On Mon- 


day, 10th Jum4da-1 akhir, Kdzi Jalalu-d dm K4sh4ni came 
from Oudh and was made Kdzl of the State. On Monday, 22nd 
Sha'b4n, the Sultan marched from Dehli. On Sunday, 4th 
Shawwdl, he crossed the Jumna, intending to war against the 
Hindus in those parts. The author now received letters from 
his sister in Khurasan, and the Sultan being informed of the 
fact, he was graciously pleased, on the suggestion of Ulugh Khan, 
to give her one hundred beasts of burden,^ and one hundred ass- 
loads of presents. The Sultan returned to Dehli on Wednesday. 
On Monday, the 29th Zi-1 hijja, the author left Dehli for 
Mult^n, with the object of forwarding the presents to Khurasan. 
When he reached Hdnsi, he, with the permission of Ulugh 
Khan took possession of his in'dm, village. He then proceeded 
towards Multan by way of Abuhar. 

Fifth Year of the Eeign—Hijra 648 (1250 a.d.) 

On Sunday, 11th Safar (the author) had an interview with 
Sher Khan on the banks of the river Sind and Biyah.^ He pro- 
ceeded from thence to Multan where he arrived on Wednesday 
6th Rabi'u-l awwal. On the same day, Malik 'Izzu-d din Lashkar 
Khan came from TJchh to take Multan, and the author had an 
interview with him. He encamped there until the 26th of 
Eabi'u-1 akhir, but was unable to conquer Multan, which was in 
the possession of the followers of Sher Khan. The author started 
for the capital and Malik 'Izzu-d din Balban went off to TJchh. 
The author, passing by the fort of Marut (Mirat ?) to Sarsuti and 
Hansi, arrived at Dehli on the 22nd Jumada-1 awwal. In this 
year Ikhtiyaru-d din Gurez made many of the infidel Mughals 
prisoners at Multan and sent them to Dehli, where their arrival 

' [The word used is H^iji for which the dictionaries give the meaning of " cap- 
tive, slave, servant." It can hardly hear this meaning here, and in other places it is 
connected with asp (horse), so I have translated it " beast of burden," from the verb 
burdan, to carry.] 

2 [Firishta's account is somewhat different. He says that the Sult&n was joined 
on the Biyah by Sher Kh&n, and marched to Multin. Our text has no nominative 
in this sentence, but the words used " muldkdl-i Sher Khan hdsil shud" show that 
the person who had the interview was not superior in rank to Sher Kha.u.] 


caused much triumph. On Friday, 17 ZI-1 ka'da, Kazi Jalalu-d 
din Kashdni died. 

Sixth Year of the Reign — Sijra 649 (1251 a.d.). 

Malik 'Izzu-d din broke into revolt at Ndgor, and the Sultan 
marched forth with his army to crush the outbreak, but 'Izzu-d 
din came forward and made his submission. The Sultan then 
returned to the capital. After this Sher Khan marched from 
Multan to take Uchh, and Malik 'Izzu-d din returned thither 
from Nagor, but he was captured in his encounter with Sher 
Khan and quietly surrendered the fort of Uchh to him, after 
which he went to Dehli, where he arrived on Sunday, 17th 
Eabi'u-l dkhir and was appointed governor of Badaun. 

On Sunday, 10th Jumada-1 awwal, the writer Minhaj Siraj was 
for the second time appointed KazI of the State and magistrate 
of the capital. 

On Tuesday, 25th Sha'ban, his Majesty marched towards 
Gwalior, Chanderi, Bazawal (?) and Malwa. He advanced nearly 
as far as Malwa. Jahir Deo^ was the greatest of all the Eanas 
of that country and neighbourhood. He had five thousand horse 
and two hundred thousand infantry, but he was defeated. The 
fort of Balwar^ which he had built was taken and plundered. 
TJlugli Khan exhibited great energy in this campaign, and great 
plunder and many captives fell into the hands of the victors. 
The Sult4n returned in safety and with honour to Dehli. 

Seventh Year of the Eeign — Hijra 650 (1252 a.d.) 
His Majesty reached Dehli on Monday, 23rd Rabi'u-1 awwal 
650 (2nd June, 1252) and dwelt for seven months at the capital 

' [The text has " Jahir&j&r" with the variants "J^hir^jid" and " JahawSTJar." 
Firishta and other writers say, "Jahir Deo." The name is douhtless the same as 
the " Chahar Deo,'' found on a local coin bearing the name of Altamsh as sovereign. 
See Thomas' Coins of Patan Sultans, page 15.] 

2 [Var. " Bagor or Bagwar," and " Bazor or Bazawar." It is probably the same 
name as " Bazaw&l " a few lines above. Briggs in his translation of Firishta says 
" Narwar,'" which is perhaps right, though his text has " Tarwar." — See post, 
page 369.] 


in great comfort and splendour, engaged in works of benevolence, 
and in strengthening the administration of justice. On Monday, 
22nd Shawwal, he proceeded towards Lahore and Ghazni on the 
way to Uchh and Multan. "When the author took leave of him 
near Kaithal he was honoured with the gift of a horse with trap- 
pings of gold and a saddle. In the course of this journey all the 
princes and Khans near the king's route came in to wait upon 
him. Katlagh Kh% from Bayana, and Lashkar Khan 'Izzu-d 
din from Bad^un, with their followers, attended the Sultdn to the 
banks of the Biyah. 'Imadu-d din Eihan secretly set the feelings 
of the Sultan and of the princes against Ulugh Khan and per- 
verted their minds. 

Eighth Year of the Reign — Hijra 651 (1253 a.d.). 

At the beginning of the new year, on Saturday, the 1st Mu- 
harram, Ulugh Khan received orders to go to his estates in the 
Siwalik hills and Hansi. When the. Khan under these orders 
proceeded from Eohtak towards Hansi, the Sultan returned to 
Dehli, and directed his attention to the nobles and public affairs. 
In Jumdda-1 awwal the post of wazir was given to 'Ainu-1 
mulk Muhammad Nizam Junaidi. Malik Kishli Khan was 
made lord chamberlain. Ulugh Mubarak Aibak, brother of the 
Kh^n-i mii'azzam (Ulugh Khdn) was granted the fief of Karra, 
and was sent thither. In the same year 'Imadu-d din Rihan be- 
came prime minister (wakiMar)?- 

The royal army then marched from Dehli towards Hansi, 
with the design of ousting' Ulugh Khan. 'Imad Khan now 
brought forward Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahr4ichi, and on the 
27th Rajab he made him Kdzi of the state. Ulugh Khan 
went from H4nsi to Nagor, and his fief of Hansi was, 

^ [Briggs, in Firishta (I. 281), reads it as Wakil-i dar, officer of the door, one "who 
superintended the ceremonies of presentation." A very reasonable explanation ; and 
Vullers explains it " Procurator palatii regii, i.q. vicarius." Still there is no doubt 
that 'Im&du-d din was in reality minister, whatever the literal meaning of his title. 
In other places where it is used it would also appear to bear the meaning here given 
to it.] 


through the interest of the lord chamberlain, bestowed upon 
Prince Euknu-d din. In Sha'b^n the king returned with the 
army to Dehli. In the beginning of Shaww^l he again set forth, 
with the intention of subduing Uchh, Multdn, and Tabarhindh. 
When he approached the river Biyah, a force was despatched to 
Tabarhindh. Previous to this Sher KhAn, through the attacks of 
the infidels had crossed the river Sindh, and had gone towards 
Turkistan. Uchh, Multdn, and Tabarhindh were left in charge 
of his ojficers. On Monday, 22nd Zi-1 hijja, (the country) was 
conquered, and placed under the charge of Arslan Kh^n. The 
royal army then returned from the Biyah. 

Ninth Tear of the Reign — Sijra 652 (12.54 a.d.). 

At the beginning of this year victories and spoils were gained 
in the vicinity of the mountains of Bard6-r^ and Pinjor. The 
army then crossed the Jumna. On Wednesday, 1 6th Muhar- 
ram, it passed over the Ganges at Miy^pur, and continued its 
march along the base of the hills to the banks of the Eahab.^ In 
the course of these hostilities, 'Izzu-d din Daramslii was killed 
at Tankala-bali.^ In revenge for his death the Sultan ordered 
an attack to be made on K^ithar (Kaithal), on Monday, 
16th Safar, such that the inhabitants might not forget for the 
rest of their lives' He then marched to Baddiin, and arrived 
there with great pomp and display. After a stay of nine days 
he started for Dehli. 

On Sunday, 6th Pabi'u-1 awwal, Sadru-l mulk Najmu-d din 
Abu Bakr was made minister for the sec6nd time, and on Sun- 
day, 20th of the same month, the author was honoured with the 
title of Sadr-i Jahan (Chancellor of the World), in the neighbour- 
hood of Kol. On Tuesday, 26th Rabi'u-awwal, the Sultan 
arrived at Dehli, and remained there six months, until news was 
brought of the confederacy of the nobles with Malik Jalalu-d din. 
His Majesty left Dehli in Sha'bdn, and proceeded towards Sanam 
and Tabarhindh. He passed the 'Id-i fitr in Sanam. 

1 [Sirmor ?] « [See Yol. I. p. 49.] s [Var. Takiya-mani.] 

VOL. II. 23 


The forces of the confederate nobles, of Arsl4n Khdn of Tabar- 
hindh, Sanjdn Aibak, and Ulugh Khan, were assembled with 
Jal41u-d din in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh. His Majesty 
advanced from Sandm to Hdnsi, and the nobles retired to Kah- 
r4m and Kaithal. The royal army marched thither, and then 
the confederates made propositions of peace. 'Imadu-d din 
Rihan was the cause of all the contention, so on Wednesday, 
22nd Shawwal, the Sultan directed him to proceed to Badaun, 
which was given to him as his fief. Peace was thus made. On 
Tuesday, 17th Zi-1 ka'da, after oaths had been taken and agree- 
ments concluded, all the nobles and officers waited on the king, 
and paid their allegiance. Lahore was given to Jalalu-d din. 
On Tuesday, 9th Zi-1 hijja, the king returned with pomp and 
splendour to Dehli. 

Tenth Tear of the Reign — Hijra 653 (1255 a.d.) 

At the beginning of the new year an extraordinary event oc- 
curred. Under the behests of fate the mind of his Majesty was 
turned against his mother, the Malika-i Jahan, who was married 
to Katlagh Khdn. Oudh was now granted to them, and they 
were ordered to proceed thither, which command they obeyed. 
This happened on Tuesday, 6th Muharram. On Sunday, 23rd 
Rabi'u-1 awwal, his Majesty conferred the office of Kazi of the 
State and magistrate of the capital, as he had done before, on 
the writer of this work, Minhaj Siraj. In Eabiu'-l dkhir, Malik 
Kutbu-d din, who was deputy of the State, uttered something 
which was offensive to the Sultan, and on the 23rd of that month 
he was arrested and placed in prison, where he was killed. 

On Monday, 7th Jumada-1 awwal, the fief of Mirat was con- 
ferred on Malik Kishli Kh^n Ulugh A'zzam Barbak-sultani, 
upon his coming from Karra to pay his respects to the Sultdn. 
On Tuesday, 16th Rajab, Jamalu-d din Bastdmi was made 
Shaikhu-1 Isl4m. In the same month Malik T4ju-d din Siwis- 
tani proceeded from Oudh, and expelled 'Imddu-d din Eihdn 
from Bahrdich, and he died. 


In the month of Shawwal the royal army marched from the 
capital to Hindustan. On Sunday, I7th Zi-1 ka'da, Ulugh 
Khan Mu'azzam went to H4nsi to superintend the military or- 
ganization of the Siw^lik hills, which having arranged he returned 
to Dehli. At the end of the year, on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 
hijja, he proceeded to the royal camp. Previous to this, Kat- 
lagh Khan had been directed to leave Oudh, and go to- the fief of 
Bahrdich. He resented this, so the Sultan sent a force under 
Malik Baktam Rukni to put him down. The two armies met 
near Baddun, and Baktam was killed. The royal army then 
marched to Oudh to retrieve this disaster, but Katlagh Khdn 
retreated to Kdlinjar. Thither Ulugh Khdn pursued him, but 
failing to overtake him, he returned to the royal camp with great 

Eleventh Year of the Reign — Sijra 654 (1256 a.d.) 

At the beginning of the new year, in the month of Muharrara, 
the royal army having achieved victory, marched triumphant 
towards Dehli under the protection of the Almighty, and reached 
the city on the 4th Eabiu-l avvwal. When Katlagh Khdn 
heard of the Sultan's homeward march he began to interfere in 
the districts of Karra and Manikpur. A battle followed between 
him and Arslan Kiian Sanjar Ohist, in which the latter was 
victorious. Katlagh Khdn could no longer remain in Hindus- 
tan, so he proceeded into Mawas,^ with the intention of proceed- 
ing to the highlands. He reached Santur,' and there took 
refuge among the hills and the tribes of those parts. The royal 
army marched out to quell this disturbance on Tuesday, 20th 
Zi-1 hijja, and at the beginning of the following year the army 
went to Santur, and fought a battle with the Hindus of the 
mountains. Katlagh Khan was with these mountaineers, and a 

1 [These two names are writteE (jM^y and jj:-^. t^fm.jjx^'^ The former 
is prohahly Mew&r, and the hills the Ar&valli mountains. Briggs says there is a 
town called Santp\ir, near Ab(i. Thornton has a "Santoo," 84 miles S.S."W. from 


party of nobles in the royal army, -who had suspicious fears, went 
and joined him. They were unable to withstand the troops of 
the Sultd,n, so they turned their backs. Ulugh Khdn ravaged 
the whole of the hills with the sword, and penetrated as far as 
the town of Salmur, in the defiles and fastnesses of the moun- 
tains. Ho king had ever laid hold upon Salmur, nor had any 
Musulman army reached it. He now plundered it, and carried 
on a devastating warfare. So many of the rebellious Hindus 
were killed that the numbers cannot be computed or described. 

Twelfth Year of the Reign— Eijra 655 (1257 a.d.). 

After the return from the campaign, on Sunday, 6th Rabiu'-l 
awwal, Malik Sanjdn Aibak, of Khita, fell from his horse and 
died. On Sunday, 26th Rabi'u-1 ^khir, the Sultan reached the 
capital with his army. 

When the army returned victorious, 'Izzu-d din Kishlu Kh^n 
Balban advanced to the borders of the river Biyah, with the 
forces of Uchh and Multan. Malik Katlagh Khan and the 
nobles who were with him proceeded to join this new revolter in 
the neighbourhood of Sam^na. 

When intelligence of this rebellion reached the Sultan, he 
placed Ulugh Khdn at the head of an army, with which he 
marched from Dehli on Thursday, 15th Jumada-1 awwal. He 
approached the enemy, and there was only ten kos between the 
opposing forces, when he discovered that a party of conspirators 
in the capital, such as the Shaikhu-1 Islam, Kutbu-d din, and 
Kazi Shamsu-d din Bahr^ichi, had secretly addressed letters to 
to Katlagh Kh^n and Malik Kishlu Kh4n Balban, inviting them 
to come to Dehli, where they would find the gates open and every 
one in the city ready to assist and support these proceedings. 
Some faithful reporters in the capital conveyed intelligence of 
this conspiracy to Ulugh Khdn, who sent the letters back to his 
sovereign in Dehli, informing him of the plot of the nobles, and 
advisintj him to order such of them as had fiefs in the neigh- 
bourhood of Dehli to proceed to those estates. When the storm 


had blown over, aud they returned to the capital, the Sultdn 
might make an end of them. 

On Sunday, 2nd Jumada-1 dkhir, an order was issued direct- 
ing Saiyid Kutbu-d din and Kdzl Shamsu-d din Bahraichi to 
proceed to their estates. 

When the letters which the conspirators sent from the city 
reached Malik Katlagh Khkrx and Malik Kishlu Khdn, they 
instantly started with all their forces to Dehli, and in two days 
and a-half they accomplished the distance, one hundred kos. On 
Thursday, 6th Jum4da-1 dkhir, they alighted at their gardens 
(outside the city), and in the morning, after prayers, they came 
to the gate of the city and made the circuit of the walls. At 
night they pitched their camp within sight of Dehli, between 
the Jumna, 1 Kilu-ghari and the city. By the mercy of God it 
so happened that two days before these nobles came to their 
gardens on the Jumna, in reliance upon the promises held out in 
the letters, ar number of the conspirators had gone out of the 
city. When the nobles heard of this they became very cautious 
in their proceedings. 

The Sultan ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and as 
as the army was absent every preparation was made for war. 
'Aldu-d din Ayydz Zanjani, lord chamberlain, the deputy of the 
lord chamberlain, TJlugh Kotwal Beg Jamalu-d din Naishapuri, 
and the diwdn i'arz i mamdlih, exerted themselves most laudably 
in making the city secure and in arming the fighting men. At 
night the nobles, officers, and chief men were posted on the walls 
of the city. On the following morning, a Friday, the Almighty 
showed the inhabitants a pleasant sight. Kishlu Khdn had 
made up his mind to retire, and sundry other nobles and the 
mother of the Sultdn, when they perceived this, all made up their 
minds to retreat. The greater .part of their forces, however, 
would not consent to retreat with them, but encamped near the 
city. Many of the chief men and officers asked forgiveness, and 

' [The text has "Jud," which I take to be a mistake for /mm = Jumna.] 


joined the royal service, and those nobles returned disappointed 
to the Siwalik hills. 

When the news of this enterprise reached Ulugh Khan and 
the officers of the royal army, they returned towards Dehli, and 
as they approached the result became known to them. On 
Tuesday, 11th Jum&da-l akhir, TTlugh Kh§,n entered the city 
safely and triumphantly. After this, on Wednesday, 8th Ram- 
zan, Ziyau-1 mulk Taju-d din was raised to the dignity of wazir. 

At the close of this year the infidel Mughals approached from 
Khurdsdn, and advanced into the territories of TJchli and 
Multan. Kishlu Khan entered into a treaty with them, and 
joined them at the camp of S^lin-nawin. 

Thirteenth Tear of the Reign — Hijra 656 {1258 a.d.) 

At the beginning of the new year, on Sunday, the 6th Mu- 
harram, the SultS,n marched with his army from Dehli to oppose 
the infidel Mughals. Trustworthy writers have recorded that on 
Wednesday, 4th of the same month, Hulaku, chief of the 
Mughals, was defeated before the gates of Baghdad, by the forces 
of the Khalifa M'utasim Bi-llah.i 

When the royal army left the city nobles and generals were 
appointed to the command of forces in different parts. The main 
body returned to the capital on the 1st Ramazan, and remained 
there five months. On the 18th Zi-1 ka'da the country of Lakh- 
nauti was given to Malik Jalalu-d din Mas'ud Malik Jani. 

Fourteenth Year of the Reign — Sijra 657 (1259 a.d.). 

On the 16th Muharram the royal army marched from the 
the capital on a campaign against the infidels. On Sunday, 21 st 
Safar, the districts of, Kol, Bala-rcim, and Gfwalior were 
assigned to Malik Sher Khan. Maliku-n naww^b Aibak was 
appointed to command an army sent against the infidels of Ran- 
tambhor, and the Sultan returned to Dehli. On Wednesday, 

1 [A note in the printed text says that all the four MSS. used agree in this state • 
ment, so contrary to the truth. Baghdad fell, and the Khalifa was put to death.] 


4tli Juin4da-1 akhir, two elephants with treasure came to the 
court from Lakhnauti. On the 6th of the same month, the 
Shaikhu-1 Isl4m Jamalu-d din Bastdmi died, and on the 24th 
Kdzi Kabiru-d din also departed. (May God have mercy on 
them !) By the favour of the Sultan their mansabs were con- 
tinued to their sons. In Eajab Malik Kishli Khan-i a'zam 
Barbak Aibak died, and the office of lord chamberlain was given 
to his son, Malik 'Alau-d din Muhammad. On the 1st Ram- 
az4n, Imkm. Haaiidu-d din M^rikala died, and the Sultan 
graciously continued his in'dms to his sons. 

After all this trouble the State enjoyed repose ; troubles were 
appeased and wounds were healed. All things went on pros- 
perously. On the 29th Eamaz^n the Almighty in his bounty 
gave the Sultdn a son. The gifts and honours which were 
showered on the rich and poor exceeded all powers of description. 
At the end of Shawwdl, Malik Tamar Kh4n Sanjar under the 
royal orders returned to Dehli with his army. 

Fifteenth Tear of the Eeign—Eijra 658 (1260 a.d.) 

The new year opened auspiciously. On the 16th Ramazan 
Ulugh Khan was sent into the hills of Dehli, to chastise the 
rebel inhabitants of Mewat, and to intimidate their Deo. Ten 
thousand horsemen in armour, and a large army of brave and 
warlike soldiers were under his command. Great booty was 
gained, and many cattle captured. Defiles and passes were 
cleared', strong forts were taken, and numberless Hindus perished 
under the merciless swords of the soldiers of IsMm. 

I have resolved, upon reflection, to close my history at this place 
and with this victory. If life and opportunity are given to me, I 
may hereafter record any remarkable events that may happen* 
I beg the indulgent reader to forgive my errors, faults, and 
omissions, I pray that God may preserve in continued prosperity 
my gracious Sultdn, and I hope that my composition of this 
work may be deemed meritorious both in this world and the next.^ 
1 [I have here greatly compressed the author's flourishes.] 



[Page 281 to 324 of the printed text.] 

No. 25. Al KhdMnu-l Mu'azzani Bahdu-l hakh wau-d din Ulugh 
Khan Balbanu-s Sultdni [otherwise called Ghiydm-d din Balban'] . 

The Khakdn-i Mu'azzam Ulugh Khan-i 'azam belonged to the 
stock of the Khdkans of Albari.i His father and the father of 
Sher Khdn were born of the same father and mother, the father 
being of the race of the Khakans of Albari. He was Jchdii over 
ten thousand houses (khdna), and the family was well known in 
Albari of Turkistan, among the Turki tribes. At the present 
time the sons of his (Ulugh Khdn's) paternal uncles rule over 
these tribes with great distinction. I was informed of these facts 
by Kurbat Khdn Sanjar. The Almighty desired to grant a 
support to the power of Isl4m and to the strength of the Mu- 
hammadan faith, to extend his glorious shadow over it, and to 
preserve Hindustan within the range of his favour and protection. 
He therefore removed Ulugh Khdn in his youth from Turkistan, 
and separated him from his race and kindred, from his tribe and 
relations, and conveyed him to the country (of Hindustan), for 
the purpose of curbing the Mughals. God conducted him to 
Baghdad, and from that city to Guzerat. Khwcija Jamalu-d din 
Basri, a man remarkable for piety and integrity, ability and 
worth, bought him, and brought him up carefully like, a son. 
Intelligence and ability shone out clearly in his countenance, so 
his patron looked upon him with an eye of kindness and treated 
him with especial consideration. 

In the year 630 H. (1232 a.d.) he brought him to Dehli when 
Sult4n Said Shamsu-d duny6, wau-d din adorned the throne. 
With several other Turks he was brought into the presence of 
the Sultan. When the monarch observed him he bought all the 
lot of Turks and appointed them to attend before his throne. 

' [j^ *li b ^j^\ yliU- Ltjsrj\2 


Ulugh was seen to be a youth of great promise, so the king 
made him his personal attendant, placing, as one might say, 
the hawk of fortune on his hand. So that in after times, in 
the reigns of this monarch's children, it might come to pass 
that this youth should save the kingdom from the violence and 
machinations of its -foes, and raise it to a high pitch of glory 
and honour. 

At this period, while he was discharging his duties, by the 
decree of fate, he recovered his brother Kishli Khdn (afterwards) 
lord chamberlain, at which he rejoiced greatly. His power 
became conspicuous. When Sult4n Euknu-d din came to the 
throne, he went off along with the Turks from Dehli to Hindus- 
tan, and when the Turks were brought back he returned to Dehli 
in their army. He was imprisoned for some days and subjected 
to some indignity. The design in this may have been (God 
knows !) that he should taste the sufferings of the miserable, so 
that when he attained to the sovereign dignity he might have 
compassion on them, and be thankful for his own exaltation. [A 
story is introduced here.'] 

Let us return to our history. When Sultan Eaziya ascended 
the throne Ulugh Khan continued to be one of the royal attend- 
ants (Khdssa-ddr) till fortune favoured him, and he became 
chief huntsman (Amir shikar). Fate proclaimed that the earth 
was to be the prey of his fortune and the world the game of his 
sovereignty. He held this office and discharged its duties for 
some time, till the sun of the supremacy of Eaziya set and that 
of Muizzu-d din Bahram Shah shone forth. Fortune still be- 
friended him. After remaining some time in his position of 
chief huntsman, performing his service, and exhibiting marks of 
ability, he was made master of the horse. The steed of sove- 
reignty and empire thus came under his bridle and control. 
When Badru-d din Sankar became lord chamberlain, he showed 
a paternal interest in Ulugh Khan, and took such care of his 
advancement that he was raised to a higher position, and re- 
ceived a grant of the lands of Eiwdri. He went to that place, 


and by his vigour and bravery punished the hill chiefs^ and 
brought the district under his rule. 

When the power of the Mu'izzi dynasty was declining, the 
nobles conspired together and came to the gates of the city 
(Dehli). The princes and nobles all agreed as to the course to 
be pursued. Ulugh Khan,^ grantee of Eiwari, displayed such 
energy and exhibited such remarkable resolution in securing the 
submission of the proviiices, that no one of the princes and nobles, 
Turks and Taziks, was worth the hundredth part of him. All 
the confederates admitted that in vigour, courage, and activity 
he surpassed them all. When the city was conquered he re- 
ceived a grant of H^nsi. On taking possession of the terri- 
tory he applied himself to its improvement, and through his 
justice and generositjr all the inhabitants were happy and content. 
His success was so great that other nobles began to look upon it 
with jealousy, and the thorn of envy began to rankle in their 
hearts. But it was the will of God that he should excel them 
all, so that the more the fire of their envy burnt, the stronger 
did the incense of his fortune rise from the censer of the times. 
" They seek to extinguish the light of Grod with their mouths, 
but Grod willeth only to perfect his light." [_The author continues 
in a high strain of henediction and eulogy. '\ 

To return to our history. In the year 640 h. (1242 A.D.) 
this humble individual (the author) had to travel to LakhnautI 
with his family and dependants. In this journey he spent two 
years. Trustworthy persons have recorded that in the year 641 
Ulugh Kh^n was appointed lord chamberlain. When the royal 
army marched from the capital he inflicted a severe chastisement 
on the rebelg of Jalali and Dewali, and the Mawas in the doah 
between the Ganges and Jumna. He fought much against the 

' \d\{i /»L«J' i>u.!L» \i H^i {J:J[^\y^ The word mawds signifies protection, 
dependence ; but it appears to have some other technical meaning. Further on we 
read of the Mawdsdt of the Doab, and " the Mawdsdt and Ildnagdn."'\ 

'^ [The text says " the Sulta,u (may God prolong his reign) ;" plainly showing 
that this part of the work was written in the reign of Balban]. 


infidels and cleared the roads and neighbouring country from 

In the year 648 the author under the imperial orders, left 
Lakhnauti with his family and returned to the capital in com- 
pany with Tughan Khan Tughril. In this year the accursed 
Mankuti (Mangu-Khan), who was one of the generals of the 
Mughals and a prince of Turkistdn, marched from the neighbour- 
hood of Talikan and Kunduz into Sindh. He laid siege to 
Uchh, one of the most renowned fortresses of Sindh, and 
equal to Mansura.^ There was a eunuch in (command of) the 
fort who belonged to the household of Taju-d din. Abu Bakr- 
Kabir Khan Aksunkar was chief justice, and Mukhlisu-d din 
was kotwal. When intelligence of this inroad reached the Court, 
Ulugh Khan made known his views to the Sultan and prepared 
an army to oppose the Mughals. The princes and nobles were 
opposed to this expedition,^ but Malik Ulugh Kh4n was very 
earnest about it. 

When the royal army marched towards the seat of warfare, the 
Khakan-i Mu'azzam^ Ulugh Khan (may his reign endure !) ap- 
pointed guides to lead the way, so that the marches might be 
made with the greatest celerity. In ordinary cases eight kos 
would be one day's march, but under his arrangements, twelve 
Itos or even more were accomplished. The army arrived on the 
banks of the Biyah, made the transit of that river, and reached 
Lahore on the banks of the Ravi. He there showed great energy 
and bravery in pushing forward the expedition, and incited the 
Sultdn and the nobles to be earnest for the repulse of the infidel 

On Monday, 25th Shabdn, 643 h. (Nov. 1245), intelligence 

jlj .(1 J>iJ The words are not very precise, but the mention of MansOra is 
curious.] 2 ^'^jj^ if^ ij?)liliU«jl] 

3 [In this memoir the title " Khikin-i Mu'azzam" is generally employed, but for 
for the sake of uniformity and simplicity I have substituted " Ulugh Khin."] 


was brought to the royal camp that the infidel Mughals had 
raised the siege of Uchh. The reason of their retreat was that 
Ulugh Khan (when he reached the Biydh) had sent forward mes- 
sengers bearing letters from the Sultan addressed to the garrison 
of the fort, announcing the approach of the royal army, and 
dilating upon the vast numbers of the soldiers and elephants and 
the great yalour and spirit of the forces which followed the royal 
standards. He also sent forward an advance force to reconnoitre. 
When the messengers came near Uchh, some of the letters fell 
into the hands of the accursed warriors, and some reached the 
garrison of the fort. The drums were beaten in the fort to an- 
nounce the joy of the besieged. The contents of the letters and 
the approach of the army of Isldm became fully known to the 
accursed foe, and the horsemen of the advanced force were in the 
vicinity of Sindh on the banks of the Biydh of Lahore. Fear 
and dismay fell upon the hearts of the accursed, and the good- 
ness of God lent its aid (to the forces of Islam). Trusty men 
record that when Manktiti heard of the approach of the army of 
Islam under the royal standard, that it had proceeded by the 
river Biydh, near the skirts of the hills, and that it was advanc- 
ing along the banks of the river,^ he made enquiry of a party (of 
prisoners) why the army of Isldm marched along the bases of 
the mountains, for that route was long, and the way by Sarsuti 
and Marut (Mirat?) was nearer? He was answered that the 
numerous fissures on the banks of the river rendered the way 
impassable for the army.^ 

This answer convinced Manktiti that he had not sufficient 
strength to withstand the approaching army, and that he must 
retreat. Panic obtained mastery over him and his forces, so 
that they could no longer retain their position. He divided his 

'[j,jT^_5^ uJ\ j\:S ji^ 

'^ [j.,i)U ill ' ' T ,L^ J j>- CJii' '\ The text is far from intelligible, 

and is apparently contradictory. The royal forces are said to have marched 
along the banks of the river, although that route is declared to have been impracti- 
cable. The whole passage is omitted from Sir H. Elliot's MS.] 


army into three bodies and fled. Many Musulman and Hindu 
prisoners obtained their freedom. This victory is attributable to 
the activity, bravery, and strategy of Ulugh Khdn ; but for him 
the victory would not have been gained (may the Almighty keep 
him safe under his protection !) 

After the achievement of this victory Ulugh Kh4n advised that 
the royal army should march towards the river Sodra'^ in order 
to impress the minds of the enemy with the great power, bravery, 
and numbers of the army of Isl4m. So the army proceeded to 
the banks of the Sodra, and from thence, on the 27th Shawwal, 
643 H., it returned to Dehli, which city it reached on Monday 
12th Zi-1-hijja 643 h. (May 1246). 

For some time past the mind of Sultan 'Alau-d din had been 
alienated from the nobles, he was seldom visible to the army, 
and besides this he was given up to depravity. The nobles all 
agreed to write secretly from Dehli to N4siru-d duny4 wau-d din, 
inviting him to set up his pretensions to the throne. On Sunday, 
23rd Muharram, 644 (June 1246) he came to Dehli and sat upon 
the seat of empire. The Khutba was read and the coin of the 
realm was struck in the auspicious name of Nasir. So Ulugh 
Khan represented how the accursed foe had in the previous 
year fled before the armies of Islam, and had gone to the upper 
parts (taraf-i bald). It now seemed advisable that the royal 
army should proceed in that direction. This advice was approved 
and orders were given for the march. On Monday, the 1st 
Rajab, 644 h., the army set forth and proceeded to the river 
Sodra. Here Ulugh Khan was detached with several nobles 
and generals to make an incursion into the hills of Jtid. The 
Eana of these hills had acted as guide to the infidel Mughals, 
and it was now determined to take vengeance. Ulugh Khan 
accordingly attacked the hills of Jud, and the countries on the 
Jailam, and led his forces as far as the banks of the Indus. All 
the women and dependants of the infidels which were in those 
parts were obliged to flee, and a party of the Mughal army 

1 [The Chinib.] 


crossed over the Jailam, and saw the forces which were arrayed 
under the command of Ulugh Khdn. The manifold lines of 
the army, the numbers of the horse, the armour and the arms, 
filled the observers with wonder and dismay. The bravery and 
generalship which Ulugh Kh4n displayed in sealing the moun- 
tains, breaking through defiles, capturing fortified places, and 
crossing jungles, cannot be described in writing. The fame of this 
campaign extended to Turkist^n. There was no husbandry or 
agriculture in this country, and fodder became unobtainable. 
Hence he was compelled to retire, and he returned victorious and 
triumphant to the royal camp, bringing back all his officers and 
troops in safety. 

On Thursday, 6th Zi-1 ka'da, his majesty returned to the 
capital, which he reached on Thursday, 2nd Muharram, 645 h. 
The perseverance and resolution of Ulugh Kh^n had been the 
means of showing to the army of Turkistan and the Mughals 
such bravery and generalship that in the course of this year no 
one came from the upper parts towards Sindh. So Ulugh Khan 
represented to his Majesty, in the month of Sha'ban, that the 
opportunity was favourable for making an expedition into Hin- 
dustan. The Mawas and Eanas^ had not been pinched for 
several years, but some coercion might now be exercised on them, 
by which spoil would fall into the hands of the soldiers of Isl4m, 
and wealth would be gained to strengthen the hands of the State 
in resisting the Mughals. The royal armies accordingly marched 
to Hindustan, passing down the Doab between the Ganges and 
Jumna. After some fighting, the fort of Nandana^ was cap- 
tured, and Ulugh Khan was sent with some other generals and 
a Muhammadan force to oppose Dalaki wa Malaki. This was 
a Edna in the vicinity of the Jumma, between Kalinjar and 
Karra, over whom the R4is of Kdlinjar and Mdlwa had no autho- 
rity. He had numerous followers and ample wealth ; he ruled 
wisely ; his fortresses were strong and secure ; in his territories 

2 [Var. " Talanda" and " Talsanda." See supra, page 347.] 


the defiles were arduous, the mountains rugged, and the jungles 
many. No Muhammadan army had ever penetrated to his 
dwelling place. WhenTJlugh Kh^n reached his abode, the Edna 
took such care for the safety of himself and his family, that he 
kept quiet from the dawn till the time of evening prayer, and 
when it grew dark he fled to some more secure place. At 
daybreak, the Muhammadan army entered his abode, and then 
pursued him, but the accursed infidel had escaped into the lofty 
mountains, to an inaccessible spot impossible to reach except 
by stratagem, and the use of ropes and ladders. Ulugh Khan 
incited his soldiers to the attempt, and, under his able direction, 
they succeeded in taking the place. All the infidel's wives, 
dependants, and children fell into the hands of the victors with 
much cattle, many horses and slaves. Indeed, the spoil that 
was secured exceeded all computation. At the beginning of 
Shawwal 645 h. (Feb. 1248), the force returned to the royal 
camp with their booty, and after the Id-i azha', the whole army 
marched towards the capital, which it reached on the 4th Muhar- 
ram, 646 h. (April 1248). A full poetical account of this cam- 
paign, in which the several victories are recounted, has been 
composed ; the book is called Ndsiri, udma.^ 

In Sha'bdn, 646 h. (Nov. 1248), the royal army marched 
through the upper country to the neighbourhood of the Biyah, 
and then returned to the capital. TJlugh Khan with several 
nobles under him, was sent with an ample force towards Rantam- 
bhor, to overrun the mountains of Mew4t and the country of 
Bahar-deo, who was the greatest of the Rais of Hindustan. He 
ravaged the whole of those territories and gained a large booty. 
Malik Bahau-d din Aibak was slain under the fort of Rantambhor, 
on Sunday in the month of Zi-1 hijja 646, while Ulugh Khdn 
was engaged fighting in another quarter. The Khan's soldiers 
showed great courage and fought well ; they sent many of the 
infidels to hell, and secured great spoil ; after which they returned 
to the capital. 

' [See supra, page 348.] 


On Monday, 3rd Safar, 647 h. (May, 124.9), they arrived at 
DeMi. In the course of this year his majesty was pleased to 
recognize the great ability and distinguished services of his 
general.'^ He therefore promoted him from the rank of a Malik 
and the office of lord chamberlain to the dignity of a Khdn, and 
on Tuesday, 3rd Eajab, 647 h., he named him lieutenant of the 
government, army, and royal fortune (lakhtiydri), with the title 
of Ulugh Khan. The truth of the adage that " the worth of 
titles is revealed by heaven," was proved in this case, for from 
that day forth the services of TJlugh Khan to the house of I^4sir 
became still more conspicuous. When he was thus promoted, 
his brother Kishli Khan Aibak, master of the horse, became lord 
chamberlain. He was a nobleman of kind and generous charac- 
ter, and endowed with many virtues. Malik T4ju-d din Sanjar 
Tabar Khan became deputy of the lord chamberlain, and my 
excellent dear son 'Alau-d din Ayyaz Tabar Khan Zanjani, ^ 
who was Amiru-1 hujjab (superintendant of the royal door- 
keepers), was made deputy waldldar. These appointments were 
made on Friday, 6th Eajab 647, and Ikhtiyaru-d din ftigin, the 
long-haired, who had been deputy, now became master of the 

On Monday, 9th Sha'ban, 647 h. (Nov. 1249), the royal 
army left the capital and took the field. Passing over the 
Jumna it encamped and engaged in operations against the 
Mawas. [Matters personal of the author, seepage 350.] 

On Tuesday, 25th Sha'ban, 649 h. (Nov. 1251), the royal 
army marched towards Malwa and Kalinjar. When Ulugh 
Khan arrived there with the army of Islam, he defeated Jahir 
of Ij&ri, a great rdna, who had a large army and many adherents, 
and destroyed both him and his kingdom. This Jahir, rdna of 
Ij4ri, was an active and able man. In the reign of Sa'id Shamsu-d 
din, in the year 632 h. (1234), the army of Isl^m was sent from 
Bayana Sult^n-kot, Kanauj, Mahr, Mah^wan and Gwalior, 

1 [Many lines of eulogy are here compressed into this short hut adequate state- 
ment.] 2 [Var. "Kih&ni."] 


against Kalinjar and Jamu, under the command of Malik Nus- 
ratu-d din T^basi, who was distinguished above all the generals 
of the time for courage, boldness, ability, and generalship. The 
army marched on fifty days from Gwalior, and great booty fell 
into its hands, so much that the imperial fifth amounted to 
nearly twenty-two lacs. When they returned from Kalinjar they 
were encountered by this Edna of Ijdri, who seized upon the 
defiles on the river Sindi in the road of the returning army. The 
author heard Nusratu-d din Tabasi say, " No enemy in Hindu- 
stdn had ever seen my back, but this Hindu fellow of Ijari at- 
tacked me as a wolf falls upon a flock of sheep. I was obliged 
to retire before him until I reached a position where I turned 
iipon him and drove him back." I tell this story so that my 
readers may clearly perceive what courage and generalship 
Ulugh Khan exhibited when he defeated and put to flight such 
a foe. He further took from him the fortress of Bazor,i and his 
conduct and feats in this campaign will stand as a lasting memo- 
rial of him. 

On Monday, 23rd Rabfu-l awwal, 650 h. (June, 1262), the 
army returned to Dehli and remained there for six months. On 
the 12th Shawwal of the same year, it marched through the 
upper country to the banks of the Biyah. At this time Malilc 
Balban held the fief of Baddiin, and Katlagh Khdn that of 
Bayana. They were both summoned to the Royal presence, 
and both attended with all the generals of the army at the royal 
abode. When the army reached the banks of the Biydli, 
'Imddu-d din Rihdn conspired with other chiefs, and excited envy 
and enmity against Ulugh Khan. The envious found their own 
importance dimmed by his glory, and they resolved to do some 
hurt and injury to his august person, either in hunting, in pass- 
ing through mountain defiles, or in crossing rivers. Ulugh 
Khcin's good fortune preserved him, and his adversaries were un- 
able to do him any harm. When the conspirators found that 
their plans were inefi'ectual, they agreed upon another course, 
' [Var. " Bazol," " Barole." See note, page 351, supra.] 
VOL. II. 24 


and presenting themselves at the doors of the royal tent, urged 
upon his majesty that Ulugh Kh4n ought to be sent to his 
estates. The result of all this was that the order was given to 
him indirectly.i 

On Saturday, the new moon of Muharram, 651 h., Ulugh 
Khdn proceeded to Hdnsi with his followers and family. When 
the Sultdn reached Dehli, the thorn of envy, which still festered 
in the malicious heart of Eihdn, impelled him to recommend his 
majesty to send TJlugh Khan to Ndgor, and to give the country 
of Hdnsi to one of the royal princes. His majesty accordingly 
went to Hdnsi, and the Khan removed to Ndgor. This hap - 
pened in Jumdda-1 akhir 651 h. On his departure for H4nsi, 
'Imddu-d din Rihan became wakildar,^ and the administration of 
the royal orders passed into his hands. 

Through the envy and malignity of the new minister, the office 
of K4zi of the State was taken from the author, Minhaj Siraj, in 
Eajab, 651, and given to Kdzi Shamsu-d din Bahraichi. On 
returning to the capital, on the 17th Shawwal, Malik Saifu-d din 
Kishli Khdn, brother of Ulugh Khan, was sent to his estate of 
Karra, and 'Izzu-d din Balban, son-in-law of Katlagh Khan, was 
appointed to the charge of the office of lord chamberlain. All 
the officers who had been appointed through the interest of 
Ulugh Khan were removed, and the business and quietude of the 
State were disturbed, all through the machinations of 'Imddu-d din. 

At this period, when Ulugh Khan (May God prolong his 
reign !) went to Nagor, he led a Muhammadan force in the 
direction of Eantambhor, Hindi, and Ohitror. Bahar Deo, Rdi 
of Rantambhor, the greatest of the Rais, and the most noble and 
illustrious of all the princes of Hindustan, assembled an army to 
inflict a blow on Ulugh Khan. But it was the will of God that 
the name of the Khan should be celebrated for his victories in 
the annals of the time, and although the Rdi's army was large 
and well appointed with arms and horses, it was put to flight, 

' \_^jM^ JjJ^jl J>JI-j, ai^^ ^\jS "all this was brought about in a 
left-handed way."] 2 [See note page 352, supra.'] 


and many of its valiant fighting men were sent to hell. The 
Musulmdns obtained great spoil and captured many horses and 
prisoners (Jburda). They then returned safe with their booty 
to Nagor, which, in consequence of Ulugh Khan's presence, had 
become a place of great importance. 

At the opening of the year 651 H., the numerous people who had 
suflfered oppression and hardship through the disgrace of Ulugh 
Khdn retired to their closets, and like fish out of water, and 
sick men without slumber, from night till morn, and from morn 
till night, they ofiered up their prayers to the Creator, suppli- 
cating him to let the dawn of Ulugh Khan's prosperity break 
forth in splendour, and dispel with its brilliant light the gloom 
occasioned by his rival E,ih4n. The Almighty graciously gave 
ear to the prayers of the wretched, and the cries of the distressed. 
The victorious banners of Ulugh Khan were borne from Nagor, 
and he went to the capital. The reason of his return was this. 
The nobles and servants of the State were all Turks of pure 
origin and T^ziks of good stock, but 'Imddu-d din was an eunuch 
and impotent ; he, moreover, belonged to one of the tribes of 
Hindustdn. Notwithstanding all this he exercised authority 
over the heads of all these chiefs. They were disgusted with 
this state of affairs and could no longer endure it. They suf- 
fered so much from the hands of the bullies who were retained 
by'Imadu-d din, that for six months they could not leave their 
houses, nor could they even go to prayers on Fridays. How 
was it possible for Turks and Maliks, accustomed to power, rule, 
and warfare, to remain quiet under such ignominy ? The chiefs of 
Hindustan, of Karra, Manikpur, Oudh and the upper country 
to Baddun, of Tabarhindh, Sandm, Samana, and the Siwdlik 
Hills, sent to Ulugh Khan inviting him to return. ArsUn 
Khan led an army out of Tabarhindh, Ban Khan came forth 
from Sanam and Mansurpur, and Ulugh Khdn collected his 
forces in Nagor and the Siwdlik hills. Malik Jaldlu-d din 
Mas'ud Shah bin Sultdn joined them from Lahore, and they 
marched upon the capital. 


'Imddu-d dm advised his majesty to go forth and repress the mal- 
contents, and accordingly he led his army towards San^m. TJlugh 
Khan was in the neighbourhood of Tabarhindh with several 
other chiefs. The author of this book started from the capital 
for the royal camp, which was stationed in the city near the 
royal residence. On Monday, 26th Eamazdn, 652 h. he arrived, 
and on the " Night of Power" he read prayers in the king's 
abode. On the next day, 27th Ramazan, the opposing armies 
drew near to each other, the outposts met, and great disquietude 
arose. The 'td-i fitr was passed at Sanam, and on Saturday, 
8th Shawwdl, the royal army fell back to Hdnsi. Malik Jalalu-d 
din, TJlugh Khdn, and the nobles with them proceeded to 
Kaithal. The chiefs and nobles on both sides deemed it desir- 
able to hold a parley. General Karra Jam4k, a personal attend- 
ant of TJlugh 'Khkn, and well-known for his integrity, acted on 
the part of the insurgents ; and the noble of the black banner, 
His4mu-d din Katlagh, well-known for his great age, a man of 
conciliatory character and great probity, was deputed to meet 
him. He exerted himself to the utmost with Greneral Karra 
Jamak and Malik-i Islam Kutbu-d din Hasan 'Ali. 

The discontented nobles represented to his majesty that they 
were all willing to obey his commands, but that they had no security 
against the machinations and outrageous conduct of 'Imadu-d din 
Rihan. If he were banished from the Court they would all 
submit and willingly obey the orders of the Sultan. The royal 
army marched from Hansi to Jind, and on Saturday, 22nd 
Shawwal 652 h., 'Im^du-d din was dismissed from his office of 
minister (thanks to God for it !) and the privileges attaching to 
the government of Badaun were given to him. 

'Izzu-d din Balban, deputy of the lord chamberlain, repaired to 
the camp of TJlugh Khdn, and on Tuesday, 3rd Zi-1 ka'da, Ban 
Khan Aibak Khitai came to the royal camp to finally arrange 
the terms of peace. An extraordinary plot was now formed, 
with which the author of this book became acquainted. 'Iraddu-d 
din Khan with a number of Turks of low degree, and inimical to 


TJlugli Khan, resolved upon cutting down Ban Khan Aibak 
Khitdi at the entrance of the royal tent, in order that Ulugh 
Khdn, on hearing of the assassination, might (in retaliation) slay 
'Izzu-d din Balban. The peace would thus be prevented, 'Imd- 
du-din would retain his position in safety, and TJlugh Kh&n 
would be unable to come to Court. Kutbu-d din Hasan heard 
of the conspiracy, and sent one of the chief attendants of the 
chamberlain, Sharfu-1 mulk Eashidu-d din Hanafi, to Ban Khdn, 
advising him not to go to the royal tent in the morning, but to 
remain at his own lodging. Ban Khd,n acted on this advice, and 
so the plot failed. The facts became known to the great men, 
and under the command of the Sultan, 'Imada-d din was sent off 
to Bad^un. 

On Tuesday, 17th Zi-1 k'ada, his majesty, with the desire of 
making peace, directed the author, Minhdj Siraj, to offer terms 
of agreement to all. Next day, Ulugh Khan, with the other 
nobles, came to Court, and had the honour of kissing hands. 
The Sultan then turned homewards, accompanied by Ulugh 
Khdn, and reached the capital on Wednesday, 9th Zi-1 hijja. 
The kindness of the Almighty now became manifest. For a long 
time there had been no rain, but upon the approach of Ulugh 
Khan the Almighty displayed his mercy, and the rain, which is 
the life of herbs and plants, of men and animals, fell upon the 
earth. No wonder, then, that people looked upon the return 
of Ulugh Kh^n as a happy omen, that his compeers rejoiced 
over it, and that all were grateful to the Almighty for his bounty. 

The year 653 h. opened. Something happened in the royal 
harem of which no one had accurate knowledge, but Katlagh 
Khan^ was directed to take charge of the government of Oudh, 
and thither he proceeded. At the same time the government of 
Bahraich was given to 'Imadu-d din Rihdn. The success of 
Ulugh Khan shone forth with brilliant radiance, the garden of 
the world began to put forth leaf, and the key of divine mercy 
opened the doors of the hearts of men who had been driven into 
1 [Step-father of the Sultin^ see page 354.] 


seclusion. Among these was the well-wisher of the State, and 
the partisan of Ulugh Khdn, the writer of this boot, Minhaj 
Siraj Juzjdni. IThe censure of his adversaries, and the injustice 
of his foes, had forced him into retirement and had subjected him 
to distress and trouble ; but now the kind influence of Ulugh 
Khan was exerted with the Sultdn, and on Sunday, 6th Rabi'u- 
awwal, 653 h., the office of KazI of the State and the seat of 
justice were given for the third time to the fe,ithful and grateful 
writer of this history. 

Katlagh Khan had gone to Oudh, and some time passed, but 
circumstances so occurred that he became disafiected. Impera- 
tive orders were several times sent to him from Court, but to 
these he paid no heed. 'Imadu-d din Rihdn busied himself in 
stirring up strife, and endeavoured by intrigue and deceit to 
throw the dirt of his wretched selfish plots on the prosperity 
of Ulugh Khan, and to cloud the glory of that Khakan with the 
emanations of his malice. But " Divine mercy is for ever 
sufficient," and it prevented the success of these schemes. Malik 
Taju-d din Sanjar had been confined in prison by Katlagh Khan. 
The government of Bahr4ich had been granted to Sanjar, and this 
was the reason of his imprisonment. By a bold contrivance he 
escaped from Oudh out of the hands of his oppressors, and cross- 
ing the river Sarti^ in a boat, he proceeded with a few horsemen 
to Bahraich. Under the decrees of fate the fortune of the Turks 
now triumphed, and the power of the Hindus was levelled with 
the dust. 'Imadu-d din was defeated and taken prisoner, and 
put to death in Bahrdich, in the month of Rajab, 653 h. With 
him Katlagh Khan's fortunes declined. 

When these disturbances arose in Hindustdn, several of the 
chief nobles of the Court were drawn away from their allegiance, 
and it became necessary to put down the insurrection and to 
punish the disaffected nobles. The army accordingly left Dehli, 
on the new moon of Shawwal, 653 H. (December, 1255), and 
marching towards Hindustan it reached Tilibhat* (Pilibhit?), 

1 [The Sarjti or Gogra,] 2 [Tar. "Talpat."] 

TABAKiT-I yASmr. 375 

Delay had occurred in assembling the forces of the Siwalik hills. 
These mountains were included in the goTemment of Ulugh 
Kh&n, so he hastened to Hansi. He arrived there on the ITth 
Zi-1 ka'da, and so exerted himself that in fourteen davs the 
soldiers of the Siwalik, of Hansi, Sarsuti, Jind, Barwala, and all 
those parts were collected, and marched to Dehli in great force, 
and weU equipped, where they arrived on the 3rd Zi-1 hijja. 
Ulugh Khan remained in Dehli eighteen davs, recruiting and 
refittin? the army of llewat and the Koh-paya (hUls). On 
the 19th Zi-1 hijja he marched with a brave and well-equipped 
army to the royal camp, and reached Oudh in the month of Mu- 
harram, 654: h. Katlagh Khan and the nobles who were leagued 
with him were aU subjects of the Sultan, but adverse circum- 
stances had led them to revolt. From Oudh they retreated over 
the river Sard, and by royal command ITlugh Khan pursued 
them with a strong force. They had, however, got a good start, 
the jungles were dense, the ways diflB.cult, and the trees numerous, 
so he could not come up with them. He advanced as &r as 
Bishanpur, on the confines of Tirhut, plundering all the !Mawas 
and Hanas, and returned with great spoil to the royal camp. 
^\'hen TJluffh Khan crossed the Sani from Oudh on his return 
from the pursuit, his Majesty marched towards the capital, and 
TTlugh Khan joined the royal army at Kasmandi. On Tuesday, 
6th Habi'u-l awwal, 651 h., they arrived at Dehli. 

Katlagh Khan had found no place in Hindustan where he 
could make a stand, so in the midst of the campaign he pro- 
ceeded towards Santtir, and strengthened himself in the hills of 
that country. The chiefe paid him every respect, for he was a 
noble of high rank, a grandee of the Court, and one of the prin- 
cipal Turks. He had, therefore, strong claims upon his compeers, 
and wherever he went he was treated with great consideration. 

He made himself secure in the hiUs of Santur, and there he was 
joined by the Eana Debal [Deopal] Hindi, who held a prominent 
rank among the Hindus, and the custom of whose tribe was to 
afford a refuge to the fugitive. When intelligence of this junction 


reached the royal camp, the army marched towards Santur, at the 
beginning of Eabi'u-1 awwal, 655 H. TJlugh Khan, with the 
royal army and some officers of the court, by great exertions 
made his way into the hills with much fighting, and seized upon 
the passes and defiles. He penetrated as far as Salmur, a fort 
and district belonging to that great Rai. All the Eanas of these 
parts recognized the Edi as their superior and paid him respect. 
He fled before Ulugh Khan, and the city and markets of Salmur 
all fell into the hands of the army of Islam. By the favour of 
God the soldiers of Ulugh Khan thus subdued a place which the 
armies of Islam had never before reached, and they returned laden 
with plunder to the capital, where they arrived on the 5th 
Eabi'u-1 dkhir, 655 h. 

When the royal army had returned to Dehli, Katlagh Khdn 
issued from the mountains of Salmur, and Malik Kishlu Khan 
Balban came from Sindh to the banks of the Biy4h, where the 
two chiefs joined their forces,^ and marched towards Sdmdna and 
Kahrdm, taking possession of the country. To put down this 
confederacy and revolt the Sultan sent Ulugh Khdn, Kishli Khdn, 
and several other nobles. Ulugh Khdn left Dehli on Thursday, 
15th Jumada-1 awwal, 655 (May, 1257), and hastened with all 
speed to Kaithal. Katlagh Khan was in the vicinity, and the 
two armies approached each other. Here they were all brothers 
and friends — two armies of one government.^ Such an extra- 
ordinary state of affairs had never occurred. The antagonists 
were like coins from one purse, or salt from one cup, and yet the 
accursed devil had produced such dissension among them. * * * 
Ulugh Khdn deemed it expedient to detach the household troops 
from the main army, and he placed them under the command of 
Sher Khan, his cousin. The main body with the elephants he 
put under the command of his own brother, Kishli Khan, lord 
chamberlain. Two distinct divisions were thus formed. 

' [This line, giyeu in Sir H. Elliot's MS., is absent from the printed text.] 
' [The author here exhibits his eloquence by repeating the statement four times, 
and using diiferent words for army and government.'] 


The opposing armies drew near to each other in the vicinity of 
Sdmana and Kaithal, and their lines were within view on either 
side. Just at this juncture some meddlesome servants of the 
Court at Dehli wrote letters to Malik Balban and Malik Kat- 
lagh Khan, inviting them to come to the capital. The city they 
said was empty of soldiers, and the gates were in their own 
hands, while the nobles whom they addressed were servants of 
the State, and no strangers. They ought to come at once and 
resume their service of the Sultan. Ulugh Kh^n with his army 
would remain outside, and everything would turn out as they 
wished. All that had been represented might be easily accom- 
plished. Some faithful adherents of the throne and partizans of 
Ulugh Khdn got notice of this plot, and they sent off intelligence 
with all speed to Ulugh Kh^n. He advised the Sultan to turn 
all the conspirators out of the city. A full account of this con- 
spiracy has been given in the history of the reign of N^siru-d din, 
(God forgive them and lead them to repent of their wickedness !) 

While the two armies were confronting each other, a person '^ 
came over as a spy from the camp of Malik Balban Kishlti Khan, 
representing that he came on behalf of the chiefs and nobles who 
were with Malik Balban, and who were desirious of joining 
Ulugh Kh4n. If a promise of immunity and fair treatment were 
given to them, and a grant made for the support of the bearer of 
these overtures, he would bring over all the chiefs and nobles who 
were with Balban, and would arrange matters in respect of other 

Ulugh Khdn, on perceiving the intentions of this person, gave 
orders that the whole of the army should be shown to him. Ac- 
cordingly all the troops and munitions and implements of war, with 
the elephants and horses, were displayed before his eyes. The 
Khan then directed a letter to be written to the chiefs and nobles 
in the following terras : "Your letter has reached me and its im- 
port has been understood. I have no doubt that if you make your 

' [The author here deals in irony, and says " a person called so and so, the son of 
so and so." The man was evidently well-known.] 


submission grants will be made to you all, and your maintenance 
will be most amply provided for ; but if you take a different course,, 
then, on this very day, the world shall learn how your pretend 
sions will be settled by the wounds of the trenchant sword and 
the flaming spear, and how you will be carried, fettered with the 
bonds of fate, to the foot of the royal standard." This letter, 
half sweet half bitter, half venom half lotion, half courtesy half 
severity, was written and delivered to that man and he returned. 

When the letter was delivered to the officers of Balban, the 
wise among them perceived its drift, and knew that the dissen- 
sions between the nobles and generals would be settled elsewhere 
{yakjd). Fresh letters now arrived from Dehli, and Malik Balban 
and Katlagh Kh^n set forth in that direction and showed no in- 
tention of returning. Two days afterwards TJlugh Khan became 
aware of their design, and his mind was troubled as to what 
might happen to the throne and capital. After this extraordinary 
incident letters reached him (from Dehli), and he turned thither, 
safe under the protection of the Almighty, and reached the city 
on Monday, 10th Jumada-1 awwal, 653. 

For seven months Ulugh Khdn remained tranquil in the 
capital, when intelligence arrived that the army of the infidel 
Mughals had made a descent upon Sindh, under the command 
of Salin Nawin. When their general brought in this army, 
Malik Balban went to them of necessity, and the forces^ of the 
fort of Multan fell back. When the news reached the capital, 
Ulugh Khan advised his Majesty to set the royal army in 
motion, and accordingly it marched forth on the 2nd Muharram, 
656 H. (9th January, 1259), and encamped within sight of the 
city. Orders were sent to all parts of the kingdom, directing 
the nobles and officers to collect all the forces they could, and to 

1 [Sir H. Elliot's MS. has "lashkarhd," but the printed text has "kungwhd, 
battlements," which makes the passage to say that " the battlements of the fort of 
MultSin fell down." The whole of it is obscure, ij,^^ i.j^=^ .t-Jj t^L» ■ 


join the army. On the 10th Muharram, the author received 
orders in the royal tent to compose an ode, to stir up the feehngs 
of the Muhammadans and to excite in them a warlike fervour for 
the defence of their religion and the throne. 

Ulugh Khan, •with a numerous and well-appointed army, 
marched in company with his majesty and all the nobles, 
attended by theu- followers. When the infidel Mughal heard 
of this host on the frontier he had assailed, he advanced no 
further and showed no spirit. It seemed expedient, therefore, 
for the royal army to remain within sight of the city (of Dehh), 
and it remained encamped for four months or longer, while 
horsemen went in all directions, making war upon the Mawas. 
At length the news came that the accursed foe had retreated, 
and all disquietude on his account was at an end. 

The reporters now informed TJlugh Khan that Arslan Khan 
Sanjar in Oudli, and Kahj Khan Mas'tid Khani had taken alarm 
at the orders which they had received to join the royal camp, and 
were meditating revolt. TJlugh Khan advised his Majesty to 
nip this project in the bud, and to smother their intentions 
before they had time to form and gather strength. The advice 
was approved, although it was the hot season and the army had 
undergone fatigue through the inroad of the Mughals. On 
Tuesday, 6th Jumada-1 akhir, the royal forces marched towards 
Hindustan, and came to the neighbourhood of Karra and Manik- 
pur. Ulugh Khan exerted himself most strenuously in punish- 
ing the rebellious Hindus and Banas. 

Upon the arrival of Ulugh Khan, the two confederates, Arslan 
Khan and Kalij Elan, parted, and were obliged to send their 
femilies and dependants among the Mawas. They also deputed 
some trusty persons to wait on Ulugh Khan, and prevail upon 
him to inform the Sultan that they had been obliged to disperse 
their followers, and that they were ready to promise that they 
would both repair to the capital, and do homage as soon as the 
royal army was withdrawn. Upon this representation the forces 
were re-called, and reached the capital on Monday, 2nd Ramazan, 


656. Arsl4n Khan aud Kalij Khan repaired to Court, and 
Uhigh Kh^n exerted himself so generously and strenuously in 
their hehalf,' that their rebellion was forgiven, and in the course 
of two months Kalij Kh^n was appointed to the government of 
Lakhnauti, and Arsldn Khdn to Karra. 

On the 13th Muharram, at the beginning of the new year, 
657 (January, 1259), the royal forces again marched from Dehli. 
Ulugh Khan now very properly used his influence in favour of 
his nephew, Sher Khdn, and on Sunday, 21st Safar, all the terri- 
tories of Bayana, Kol, Jalesar, and Grwalior were consigned to 
him. There was nothing to require the action of the army 
during the rest of the year. On Wednesday, 4th Jumada-1 
4khir, treasure, wealth, and many valuables, with two elephants, 
were brought to Court from Lakhnauti. These presents were 
sent by 'Izzu-d din Balban Uzbek, who was grantee of Lakh- 
nauti, and by the influence of Ulugh Khdn the grant was con- 
firmed, and honours were bestowed upon him. 

At the beginning of 658 h. (December, 1259), Ulugh Khan 
resolved upon a campaign in the hills near the capital. These 
hills were inhabited by a turbulent people, who committed depre- 
dations on the roads, plundered the goods of Musulmdns, drove 
away the cultivators, and ravaged the villages in the districts of 
Harridna, the Siw41ik hills, and Bayana. Three years before 
they had carried off from Hansi a drove of camels and a number 
of the people of Ulugh Khdn. Their chief was a Hindu named 
Malka, a fierce and desperate fellow. It was he who carried oiF 
the camels, and he fomented disturbances among the Hindus 
from the hills to E-antambhor. But when he did these things the 
army was otherwise engaged, and the soldiers and followers of 
Ulugh Khan had not the means of transporting their baggage 
aud implements. Ulugh Kh^n and all the princes and nobles 
were sorely vexed, but it was then impossible to do anything, as 
the army was fully employed in repelling the Mughal forces, 
which had attacked the frontiers of Isldm in Sindh, at Lahore, 
1 [Translation greatly compressed.] 


and in the vicinity of the river Biydh, At length ambassadors 
to the Sultan came to Khurdsdn from 'Irak, on the part of 
Huldkti Mughal, son of Toli, son of Changiz Khan, and orders 
were given that the embassy was to halt at Mdriita.^ 

Ulugh Khan and other nobles, with the royal troops and 
their own followerSj suddenly resolved upon a campaign in the 
hills, and made the first march in advance on Monday, 4th 
Safar, 658. In their first forced march (kaskish) they accom- 
plished nearly fifty kos, and fell unexpectedly upon the rebels. 
These retreated to the summits of the mountains, to the defiles, 
to deep gorges and narrow valleys, but they were all taken 
and put to the sword. For twenty days the troops traversed 
the hills in all directions. The villages and habitations of the 
mountaineers were on the summits of the loftiest hills and rocks, 
and were of great strength, but they were all taken and ravaged 
by order of Ulugh Khdn, and the inhabitants who were thieves 
robbers, and highwaymen were all slain. A silver tanka was 
oflered for every head, and two tankas for every man brought in 
alive. Eager for these rewards the soldiers climbed the highest 
hills, and penetrated the ravines and deepest gorges, and brought 
in heads and captives ; especially the Afghans, a body of 
whom, amounting to three thousand horse and foot, was in the 
service of TTlugh Khan. These men were very bold and daring, 
and in fact the whole army, nobles and chiefs, Turks and 
Taziks, exhibited great bravery, and their feats will remain 
recorded in history. Fortune now so favoured Ulugh Khan that 
he was able to penetrate to a fastness which no Musulman army 
had ever reached, and that Hindu rebel who had carried ofl^ the 
camels was taken prisoner with his children and dependants. 
Two hundred and fifty of the chiefs of the rebels were captured. 
One hundred and forty-two horses were led away to the royal 
stables, and six bags of tankas, amounting to thirty thousand 
tankas, were taken from the R^nas of the hills and the Eais of 
Sind, and sent to the royal treasury. 

' [Variants " N&rliya, Biirtita, Bariina."] 


In the course of twenty days this great work was accomplished, 
and the army returned to the capital on the 24th Rabi'u-1 
awwal, 658. His Majesty, with a great retinue of chiefs and 
nobles, came forth to the plain of Hauz-rani to meet him, and a 
grand Court was held in which many honours and rewards were 
bestowed.! After a stay of two days in the capital the Court 
went forth again to Hauz-r4ni on a mission of revenge. The 
elephants were prepared, and the Turks made ready their 
trenchant swords. By royal command many of the rebels were 
cast under the feet of elephants, and the fierce Turks cut the 
bodies of the Hindus in two. About a hundred met their death 
at the hands of the flayers, being skinned from head to foot ; 
their skins were all stufied with straw, and some of them were 
hung over every gate of the city. The plain of Hauz-rdni and 
the gates of Dehli remembered no punishment like this, nor had 
any one ever heard such a tale of horror. 

TJlugh Khdn now represented to the Sultan that the Mughal 
ambassador in Khurasan should be brought to Court and be 
granted an interview. On Wednesday, 7th Rabf u-1 awwal, the 
Court proceeded to the Kushk-i sabz (green palace), and Ulugh 
Khdn gave orders for armed men to be collected from all quarters 
round Dehli to the number of two hundred thousand foot and 
fifty thousand horse, with banners and accoutrements. Great 
numbers of armed men of all ranks went out of the city, and 
assembled in the new city of Kilu-ghari, at the royal residence, 
where they were drawn up shoulder to shoulder in twenty lines. 
* * * When the ambassadors arrived, and their eyes fell on 
this vast multitude, they were stricken with fear, ***** and 
it is certain that on seeing the elephants some of them fell from 
their horses. On the ambassadors entering the city they were 
received with the greatest honour, and were conducted before the 
throne with the highest possible ceremony. The palace was 
decked out in the most splendid array, and all the princes and 

1 [The author here hecomes very diffuse in his descriptions and praises, which are 
not worth translation.] 


nobles and officers attended in gorgeous dresses. A poem written 
by tbe author of this work was recited before the throne. I here 
insert it. * * * * After the reception the ambassadors were con- 
ducted in great state to the place appointed for their abode.^ 

Let us return to the thread of our history. The last event 
which I have to record is this. When Ulugh KhAn carried war 
into the hills, and punished the rebels in the way we have 
related, a number of them escaped by flight. They now again 
took to plundering on the highways, and murdering MusulmAns, 
so that the roads became dangerous. This being reported to the 
KhAn, he sent emissaries and spies to find out the places where 
the rebels had taken refuge, and to make a full report of their 
state and condition. On Monday, 24th Rajab, 658 (July, 1260), 
he marched from Dehli with his own forces, the main army, and 
the forces of several chiefs. He hastened towards the hills, and, 
accomplishing more than fifty Itos in one day's journey (1),^ he fell 
upon the insurgents unawares, and captured them all, to the 
number of twelve thousand — men, women, and children — whom 
he put to the sword. All their valleys and strongholds were over- 
run and cleared, and great booty captured. Thanks be to God 
for this victory of Islam ! 

1 [Here follows a long digression of no interest.] 





[The Tdrikh-i Jahdn-Kushd, or Jahdn-Kushdi, " the History 
of the Conquest of the World," is the work of 'Alau-d din Malik, 
son of Bah^u-d din Muhammad Juwaini, but the author is better 
known to Europeans by the name of 'Ata Malik Juwaini. He 
was a native of Juwain, in Khurdsdn, near Naishapur. The 
date of his birth is unknown, but he was twenty-seven years of 
age when he began to write his history. 

Bahau-d din was one of the principal revenue officers of 
Persia under the Mongol governor Arghiin ; and his son 
'Alau-d din, disregarding his father's advice to adopt literature 
as his profession, entered into public employ in his father''s office 
before he had completed his twentieth year. When Mangu 
Khan was elected emperor, Arghtin went to Tartary in 650, to 
pay his respects to the new sovereign, and Bahau-d din with his 
son, our author, proceeded thither ih his suite. Arghun was 
confirmed in his o£B.ce, and he made Bahau-d din chief superin- 
tendant of the revenues of his province. Shortly after his return 
in 651 (1253 A.d.), Bahau-d din died at the age of sixty. When 
Hulaku Khan arrived in Persia, in 654 h., the viceroy Arghun 
was called to court ; and on his departure he left 'A14u-d din at 
court of the Emperor as one of his representatives. While thus 
situated our author followed in the suite of Huldku during his 

^ [TMs article has been drawn from M, Quatremfere's notice in the Mines de 
V Orient^ and Baron D'Ohsson's account of the work in the Preface to his Hist^ des 


campaign against the Ismai'lians. His brother, Shamsu-d din, 
became wazir of Hulaku in 662 (1263-4 a.d.), and 'Alau-d din 
was appointed governor of Baghdad. 

'Alau-d din had made himself conspicuous by his zeal against 
the Ismai'lians, which incited three men of that sect to attempt his 
assassination. He escaped this danger, but only to endure great 
reverses and ignominy. Intrigues were formed against him, he 
was dismissed from office, fined heavily, tortured, and paraded 
naked all round Baghdad. He remained for some time after- 
wards in confinement at Hamadan, but his innocence being 
proved, the fine exacted from him was returned, and he was 
restored to his office, which he retained until his death in 681. 

In character he was naturally mild and just, but he was so 
blinded by the power and success of his masters that he could 
see nothing but good in them and their doings. "Placed as he 
was," says M. D'Ohsson, " it is manifest that he could not write 
freely ; but he of his own accord made himself the panegyrist of 
those barbarians who had utterly ruined his country, and who 
continued to waste and oppress the dominions of the Muham- 
madans. He speaks with a profound veneration of Changiz 
Khan and his descendants, he lauds Mangu to the skies, and in 
his honour he exhausts his stock of the most exaggerated hyper- 
bole. More than this, he strives to prove in his preface that the 
ruin of so many Musulmdn countries by the Mughal armies was 
a necessary evil, from which arose two benefits — one spiritual, the 
other temporal. He does not blush to boast of the gentleness of 
the Mughals towards those who submitted to them, and he 
praises with better reason their tolerance of all religions." 

His occupations he tells us left him little leisure for the acquisi- 
tion of useful knowledge up to the age of twenty-seven, and he 
expresses his regret that he had not adopted the course of life 
advised by his father ; but years had matured his reason, and he 
was resolved to make up for lost time. He had several times 
travelled over Transoxiana and Turkist4n, as well as the more 
western regions. He had been a witness of many events, and he 


386 JUWAiNr. 

had besides obtained information from well-informed and trust- 
worthy persons, so in the year 650, during his stay at the court 
of Mangu, at the request of his friends he began to write his 
history, the chief object of which was to perpetuate the memory 
of the great actions of the Emperor Mangii. The style of the 
work is much admired by Orientals, " but a European may be 
allowed to pronounce it inflated, and to wish that the author had 
used more truth in his colouring, and more method in his 
narrative." The history stops at the year 655 (1257 A.D.), 
although the author lived up to the year 681 (1282 a.d.). 

The MS. used by M. Quatremere and Baron D'Ohsson is an 
incomplete one belonging to the Imperial Library at Paris. 
" The Jahdn Kushdi," says Sir H. Elliot, "though not iincommon 
in Europe, is very rare in India. All my research has only pro- 
cured for me one copy, and that belongs to Munshl 'Abdu-r Raz- 
zak, Sarrishtaddr of the Civil Court of Farnikhabad. It is very 
clean, and well written in Nasta'lik, but contains many errors. 
Its extent is 275 folios of nineteen lines in each page." There 
is no copy of the work in Sir H. Elliot's library.] 


Punishment of Criminals. 

It is a custom amongst the Mughals that when any one has 
committed a crime worthy of death, should he not be sentenced 
to that penalty, they send him to the wars, remarking that if he 
was destined to be slain, he may as well be slain in fight ; or 
they send him on a message or embassy to rebellious chiefs, 
from whom they think it most probable he will never be allowed 
to return ; or they send him to some hot place where a pestilent 
wind blows; and it was for such a reason they sent Balciktigin^ on 
an embassy to Egypt and Syria. 

1 [All these extracts were translated by Sir H. Elliot.] 

* [The same name prohably as we have elsewhere found as " Bilk&tigin.] 


The Mughal Conquests. — The Kings of Hind. 

In the space of twelve years the Mughals conquered every 
country, and nowhere were rebellion and turbulence left un- 
repressed. Having reached a place where they saw men with 
the limbs of beasts, and knew that there could be no habitation 
beyond it, they returned to their own country, bringing the kings 
of various countries with them, who presented their oflFering's of 
allegiance. Buku Khdn honoured all of them according to their 
respective ranks, and sent them back to their own countries ; but 
he would not allow the king of Hind to come on account of his 
filth and ugliness. 

Changiz KJidn in Bolthdrd. 

Next day, the Imams and elders of the city of Bokhdra went 
to do homage to Changiz Khan,^ and he came within in order 
to see the town and fort. He entered the Jdmi' Masjid and 
stood before the archways. His son, Tull Khan, was on foot, 
and ascended the pulpit. Changiz Khan enquired, " Is this the 
palace of the Sultdn V They replied, " It is the house of Grod." 
He then dismounted, and ascended two or three steps of the 
pulpit, and exclaimed, " The country is denuded of forage, fill my 
horses' bellies." They opened the granaries which were in the 
city, and brought the corn. They brought forth the chests 
which contained the Kurdns into the area of the mosque, and 
scattered the books about, converting the chests into horse- 
trouo-hs. They circulated their flagons, and the courtesans of 
the city were sent for to dance and sing, and the Mughals raised 
their own voices in response.^ The Imdms, doctors, Saiyids, 

1 The usual way of pronouncing his name in India is Changez Khkn, but perhaps 
Chingi'z is more correct, for D'Ohsson, who spells the name " Tchinguiz," says it is 
derived from "Chink," strong, and "guiz," the plural particle. — Histoire des 
Mongols, Tome I. p. 99. On his coins, moreover, the last syllable is not prolonged. 
—See Journ. R. A. S. Soc, Vol. IX. p. 385. 

!» European travellers of this period are not complimentary to their musical talents. 

388 JUWAlNr. 

scholars, and priests, were appointed to take charge of the 
quadrupeds, being singled out for that special duty. After one 
or two hours, Ohangiz Khan arose to return to his camp, and the 
others also departed, after the leaves of the Kuran had been 
kicked about in the midst of impurities.^ * * * 

One of the inhabitants fle'd to Khurds^n after these transac- 
tions. They enquired of him the state of Bokhdrd. He replied 
" The Mughals came, dug, burnt, slaughtered, plundered, and 
departed." A knot of learned men who heard him unani- 
mously declared that it would be impossible to express any 
sentence more concisely in Pdrsi. The cream and essence of 
whatever is written in this volume might be represented in these 
few .words. 

Changiz Khan's Pursuit and Defeat of Stittdn Jaldlu-d din. 

Changiz Khdn detached a portion of his army, fully equipped, 
from T'41ikan, against Sultan Jalalu-d din, and when he heard 
of his still further successes, he himself marched with such expe- 
dition that there was no difference between night and day, and 
no time for cooking food. On his reaching Grhazna, he ascertained 
that the Sultan had left it fifteen days previous, for the purpose 
of crossing the river Sindh, so he appointed Yelwaj with his 
contingent to the charge of Grhazna,^ and himself hastened like 
a cloud-impelling wind in pursuit of him. 

He came up with the Sultdn on the bank of the Sind, and 
hemmed him completely in with his army, several curves extend- 
ing one behind another like a bow, of which the river was the 

Simon de Saint-Quentin says, " Cantibias vel potius ululatibus.'" The Dominican, 
Vincent de Beauyais, says, " Tartari, mode interrogative, clamoroso, loquuntur, gut- 
ture rabido et horribile. Cantantes mugiunt ut tauri, vel ululant ut lupi, Toces in- 
articulatas in cantando proferunt." — Vincentius, Speeulum SistoriaU, lib. xxxi. p. 
54, and lib. xxix. c. 71, ap. D'Ohsson. 

1 Compare D'Ohsson, Eistoire des Mongols, Tom. I. p. 230 ; Price, Mahomedan 
Bistory, Vol. II. p. 401 ; Modern Univ. Hist., Vol. IV. p. 126; De la Croix, Hist. 
Oenghis Can, p. 212. 

2 The Rauzatu-s safa says he was appointed D&.rogha. Yelwdj means an ambas- 
sador in Turki. Eespecting him see D'Ohsson, Vol. II. p. 193. 


string. Changlz Khan ordered his troops to advance, and en- 
joined that every attempt should be made to take the Sultdn 
alive. Chagtdi and Ogtcii^ also arri-ved to his support from 

When the Sultan saw that it was a time for exertion and 
action, he' prepared for fight with the few men he had under him ; 
galloping from the right to the left wing, from the left to the 
centre, and making furious onslaughts. But the army of the 
Mughals made good their advance by degrees, narrowing the 
field of battle and the opportunity of escape, while the Sultan was 
fighting like an angry lion. 

In every direction that he urged his steed 
He raised dust commingled, with hlood. 

Orders were again issued that they should take him prisoner, 
and the army refrained from wounding with spear and arrow, in 
their anxiety to carry the commands of Ohangiz Khan into 
effect. Jalalu-d din himself maintained his ground, and, mount- 
ing a fresh horse that was brought to him, made one more 
charge, and then retreated like the wind and like a flash of 
lightning upon water.^ 

When Changiz Khan saw that the Sultan had dashed into the 
river, and that the Mughals were anxious to follow him, he 
prevented them, and placing his hand in his mouth through 
excess of astonishment, ex.claimed to his sons : — 

This is one whom you may indeed call a man ! 

A true fighting elephant to tooth and marrow ! ' 

This he said, and looked in that direction 

Where the Sultin went like a Eustam on his way. 

All his followers who were not drowned in the river were put 
to the sword,* and the ladies of his household and his children 
were brought to Changiz Khan. He ordered with respect to all 

1 " Ogt&i," in the Mongol language, signifies ascent or exaltation. 

2 The Mod. Vniv. Sistory says that Changfz Khin lost twenty thousand men in 
this action. 

' Or, " trunk and branch." 

' D'Ohsson attributes these words to Juwaini— " Persons who were witnesses of 
this event have told me that so many Khaw&rizmianswere slain, that the waters were 
red for the distance of a bow-shot," I cannot find the passage. 

390 JFWAiNr. 

the males, even down to those who were sucklings, that the 
nipple of death should be placed in the mouth of their life, and 
that their bodies should be left to be devoui'ed by crows.^ 

As all the property and wealth of the Sultan had been thrown 
that day into the river by his orders, Ohangiz Khan directed 
divers to search for it, and bring out what they could. This 
transaction, which was one of the wonders of the time, took 
place in Rajab, of the year 618 h., in accordance with the pro- 
verb, "Wonders occur in Rajab." Ohangiz KhA.n, after the 
battle marched to the banks of the Jihun (Indus), and sent 
Ogtki to Grhazna. On his arrival they proflFered their sub- 
mission. He ordered all the inhabitants to be broujrht out into 
the plain and counted, and, after selecting artizans from among 
them, he ordered all the rest to be slain. He also destroyed the 
city, and Ogtdi returned towards Hirat, after burying the slain. 

The Mughals winter in Hindustdn, and return. 

Ohaght^i was left on the borders of Kirmdn. He went in 
pursuit of the Sultan, and as he could not find him, he fixed his 
winter quarters in the plains of Hindustan.* The governor of 
the country in which he cantoned himself was Sdlar Ahmad, who 
bound the girdle of obedience round his waist, and provided all 
the supplies he could for the use of the army. On account of the 
pestilential air most of the army fell sick and lost their strength, 
and as they had many slaves with them, having added to their 
number while encamped there (insomuch that to every tent 
there were as many as ten or twenty, who were engaged in pre- 
paring rice and other things for the use of their masters), and as 
the climate of the country agreed well with their constitutions, 

' Muhammad of Nessa says that the Sultin was beseeohed by his ladies to slay 
them, and preserve thorn from captivity, and that he drowned them. D'Ohsson ob- 
serves that no other author mentions this. 

* The name of the place mentioned in the original cannot be identified. It beais 
most resemblance to " the hills of Lahdr, which is a city," It will bo observed from 
the corresponding passage from the Sauzatu-s safd, hereafter given in a note, that it 
is there called "K&linjar on the Sind." That it was somewhere in the plains is 
evident. — [See note in the Appendix on Sult&n Jalalu-d dfn.] 


Ohangfz Kh^n^ gave orders that in every tent every captive 
should pi'epare and clean five hundred mans of rice. All expedi- 
tion was made, and within one week they ceased from that labour. 
He then issued orders that every prisoner in camp should be 
slain, and the next morning not a trace of captives or Hindus re- 
mained. He sent ambassadors to all the princes of that country, 
and they submitted. One was despatched to the Rdnd, and he 
was at first well received, but was afterwards crucified ; upon 
which an army was sent against the Ran^, and he was taken. 
An army was also sent to besiege Aghrdk, in the fort in which 
he had taken refuo-e. 

When the army had recovered its health, thoughts of return 
were entertained, in order that by way of Hindustan they might 
reach the country of Tangut.^ They advanced some marches, 
and when they found there was no road, they came back again, 
and went to Fershawar (Peshawar), and employed themselves in 
returning by the same road which they came. * * * The reason 
of their expediting their return was that intelligence was received 
that Khit4 and Tangut had exhibited signs of disaffection, in 
consequence of Ohanglz Khan's prolonged absence. 

Capture of Bhera, and retreat from Multdn. 

When Ohaght^i returned without finding the Sultan, Ohangiz 
Khdn despatched Turt&I^ with two tumdns of Mughals, to 

' It would appear, therefore, that Changiz Kh&.ii entered India, unless he issued 
these orders from some other spot ; but it is not easy to tell precisely what were his 
own proceedings immediately after the battle on the Indus. 

2 Some say "Tibet." The Bahru-l Bulddn also says " Tangdt." "Several 
thousand horsemen crossed the Sind in pursuit of Jalilu-d din, and went thence to 
Multa.n and ravaged that country and Loh&,war, but as they could not remain there 
on account of the unhealthiness of the climate, they returned to Ohanglz Khin by 
way of Ghazna. Changiz took up his quarters at Mata Kathor, but not being able 
to remain there on account of the badness of the air, he attempted to reach Tangiit 
by way of HindustEin ; but after going two or three marches, and finding no road, 
he went by way of B&,mi&.n to Samarkand." 

s D'Ohsson says " Bela and TourtM," and that the places plundered were Lahore, 
Multfcn, Peshawar, and Malikpiir. Miles says, " Doormur, Bakshi, and Bala 


pursue the Sultdn beyond the Sind, which he passed over, and 
then reached the banks of the Bhut,i which is a country of 
Hindustan, then held by Kamru-d din Kirmdni, one of the 
Sultdn's nobles. Tiirtdi conquered that country, and took the 
strong fort of Bhera, and after ravaging that neighbourhood, he 
went towards Multdn, but as there were no stones there, he 
ordered that the population of Bhera should be turned out to 
make floats of wood, and load them with stones for the man- 
janiks. So they floated them down the river, and when they 
arrived at Multdn, the manjaniks were set to work, and threw 
down many of the ramparts of the fort, which was nearly taken, 
when the excessive heat of the weather put a stop to their 
operations. The Mughals contented themselves with plundering 
and massacreing all the country of Multdn and Lohdwar, and 
returned thence across the Sind to Ghaznln. 

A Large Draff on. 

Abti-l Fazl Baihakf has related in his Tarikh-i Nasiri, that one 
of the soldiers of Sultdn Mahmud on the return from Somnd,t, 
killed a large dragon, and when they flayed it, the skin was found 
to be thirty yards long and four cubits broad. My object in 
mentioning this is, that Abu-1 Fazl says, let any who doubts 
this fact go to Ghaznin, and see the skin, which is spread out 
like a curtain, and is suspended at one of the gates. Now the 
writer of this history says he is entitled to the same credit, when 
he asserts a thing which may seem impossible. 

Noyanu." He also says the Mughals " continued their pursuit to Mulkapoor and 
the sea-side." — Shajraiu-l Aira/e, p. 179. 

^ There is a difficulty here. " Bhut" is here called a river and a country, and 
" Bhera " reads more like " Banda.' D'Ohsson (1. 309) reads " Diah,"for " Bhut," 
and " Bhera;" hut stones could not have been floated down the Biy&h to Multto. 
I prefer the reading adopted in the text, not only for this reason, but because there 
never was a fort of Biab, and because Bhera was a place of importance on the Bhut, 
or Jailam, having direct communication with Mult&n, and inexhaustible supplies of 
stones from the salt range in its vicinity. The Eaumtu-s safd gives no name to the 


Death of Muhammad Ghori. 

In the year 602 h. (1205 a.d.), Muhammad Ghori determined 
on prosecuting a holy war in Hind, in order to repair the fortunes 
of his servants and armies ; for within the last few years Khurasan, 
on account of the disasters it had sustained, yielded neither men 
nor money. When he arrived in Hind, God gave him such a vic- 
tory that his treasures were replenished, and his armies renewed. 
On his return, after crossing the Jailam, he was encamped 
on the banks of the Jihun (Indus), so that one-half of the royal 
enclosure, where the private apartments were, was in the water. 
In consequence of which no precaution had teen taken to ensure 
their protection. About the time of the mid-day siesta, two or 
three Hindus came through the water, and faUing like fire upon 
the royal tent, slew the Sultan, who was entirely unprepared for 
such a treacherous attack. 

Sultan Jaldlu-d din in JSindustdn?- 

When the Sultdn had survived the double danger of water 
and fire, namely, the whirlpools of the Sind and the flame of 
Changiz Khan's persecution, he was joined by six or seven of his 
followers, who had escaped from drowning, and whom the fiery 
blast of evil had not sent to the dust of corruption ; but, as 
no other course except retreat and concealment among the 
forests was left to him, he remained two or three days longer in 
his covert,^ until he was joined by fifty more men. The spies 
whom he had sent out to watch the proceedings of Changiz 
Khdn, returned, and brought him intelligence that a body * of 

1 In the highly flattering notice which M. Quatrem&re has taken of my first 
volume in the Journal des SavanU, for Septemher, 1850, and January, 18-51, he has 
made some comments upon the extract from the Jdmi'ii-t tawdrikh, which corres- 
ponds with the passage here translated from the JaMn Kushdi. I do not concur in 
all the corrections of the learned reyiewer, but thankfully avail myself of some 
of them. — [See note in the Appendix on Jal41u-d din.] 

' Miles says, "he struck into the Chorl, oi desert of Chuik." — Shajratu-l Atrak, 
p. 178. 

3 The Tdrikh-i Alft snya " nearly two hundred." 

394 JUWAINr. 

Hindu rascals,! horse and foot, were lying only two parasangs dis- 
tance from the Sultan, occupied in rioting and debauchery. The 
Sultan ordered his followers to arm themselves each with a club, 
and then making a night attack upon this party, he slew most of 
them, capturing their animals and arms. 

He was then joined by other parties, mounted on horses and 
mules,^ and soon after certain intelligence was brought to him 
that two or three thousand men of the armies of Hind were en- 
camped in the neighbourhood. The Sultan attacked them with 
a hundred and twenty men, and slew many of those Hindus with 
the Hindi sword, and set up his own troops with the plunder 
he obtained.^ 

Arabic Verse. 

"Whoever requires anything from me, let him live by his sword, 
Whoever requires anything from other men, let him solicit them. 

When the news spread throughout Hindustan of the SultS.n's 
fame and courage, five or six thousand mounted men assembled 
from the hills of Balala and Mankdla, for the purpose of attack- 
ing him. On his gaining intelligence of this movement, he set 
upon them with five hundred cavalry which he had under him, 
and routed and slew the Hindu armies,* The efiect of this suc- 
cess was that he was joined by several more adherents from 
all quarters, so that his force amounted to three thousand men. 

When the world-conquering Changiz Khan, who was then in 
the neighbourhood of Grhazni, heard of these new levies, he 

1 Price says " a banditti." It is probable that they were a gang of those dakoits 
who have only lately been extirpated from India. 

2 The original has "long-tailed animals," or horned cattle. The Eauzaiti-s safd, 
the Tdrilch-i Alfi, and other authorities, have " long-eared animals," mules or 
donkeys, which is a more probable reading. In another passage D'Ohsson considers 
"long-tailed animals" to indicate a species of sheep. — Hist. Mong., Tom. III. p. 118. 
— [The Jdmi'ti-t tawdrikh says, " Shutiir sawdr wa gao-sawdr — camel-riders and 

3 Firishta adds " a large qiiantity of money." 

4 D'Ohsson (I. 308), on the authority of Muhammad of Nessa, says that the prince 
of Judi had one thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, and that the Sult&n, at 
the head of four thousand cavalry, put the Indians to flight, killed their chief with an 
arrow, and secured a considerable booty. He also says (III . 4) that many generals 
of 'IrEik, dissatisfied with his brother GhiySsu-d din, joined his standards in India. 


despatched a Mughal array, under Turt^i, to expel him, and as 
the Sultd,n was not able to oppose him, he went towards Dehli, 
when Turtdi crossed the river. The Mughals, when they heard 
of his flight, returned and pillaged the country round Malikptir. 

The Sultan, when he was two or three days distant from 
Dehli, deputed a messenger named 'Ainu-1 raulk to Sultan 
Shamsu-d din, saying — " The great have opportunies of showing 
mercy, since it is evident in our relations with each other, that I 
have come to claim your protection and favour, and the chances 
are rare of meeting with a person of my rank on whom to bestow 
a kind reception. If the road of friendship should be made clear, 
and the ear of brotherhood should listen in our communications 
with each other, and if, in joy and affliction, aid and support be 
mutually afforded, and if our object and desires should be accom- 
plished, when our enemies witness our alliance, the teeth of their 
enmity will be blunted." He then solicited that some spot^ 
might be indicated in which he might reside for a few days. 

As the courage and determination of the Sultan were noised 
abroad, and his exceeding power and predominance were cele- 
brated throughout the world. Sultan Shamsu-d din, after receiving 
the message, was engaged for some time in deliberation, reflecting 
upon the importance of the result, alarmed at his proceedings, and 
apprehensive of his attacks. It is said that he entertained a design 
against the life of 'Ainu-1 mulk, so that he died f but Sultan 
Shamsu-d din sent an envoy of his own, with presents suited to 
such a distinguished guest, and offered the following subterfuge for 
not according to him the place of residence he desired, namely, 
" that the climate of these parts is not favourable, and there is no 
tract suited to the Sult4n ; but that, if he wished, Shamsu-d 
din would fix upon some, place near Dehli where the Sultan 
mio-ht take up his abode, and that it would be made over to him 
as soon as it was cleared of rebels and enemies." 

1 The Sauzatu-s safd uses the Mughal word " i/itrt," or private domain. 

2 This gentle insinuation is more boldly expressed by others, who declare that he 
was murdered by the SultSji, but with what object it is impossible to say. 

396 JTTWAlNr. 

When the Sultdn heard this reply he returned, and reached 
the borders of Baldla and Mank^la, where from several quarters 
he was joined by his soldiers who had escaped, and by entire 
bands of those who had been wounded by the sword, insomuch 
that his troops amounted to ten thousand men. 

He sent Tiju-d din Malik Khilj to the mountains of Jud, who . 
plundered that tract, and obtained much booty. He sent an 
emissary, also, to ask Rdi Kokdr Saknin's^ daughter in marriage. 
The Rdi consented, and despatched his son with a force to serve 
under the Sultan, who bestowed upon him the title of Katlagh 

There was a chief, by name Kubdcha, who had the country of 
Sind under his government, and aspired to independence. There 
was enmity between him and Edi Saknin Kokar. The Sultan 
despatched an army against Kubdcha, and appointed Uzbek Pdi 
to command it. Kubacha was encamped with twenty thousand 
men on the banks of the Sind, at the distance of aparasang from 
Uchh. Uzbek Pai, at the head of seven thousand men, suddenly 
falling upon them by night, routed and dispersed them. Ku- 
bdcha embarked on a boat, and fled to Akar and Bakkar,^ two 
forts on an island, while Uzbek Pai took up his quarters in 
Kubdcha's camp, captured all those whom he found within its 
precincts, and sent tidings of the victory to the Sultan, who, 
marching onwards, arrived at the camp in which the tent of 
Kubdcha was pitched. 

Kubdcha afterwards, flying from Akar and Bakkar, proceeded 

' The name is also spelt " Sangin" by some of the authors who treat of this 
period. Hammer calls him Kukarsengin. He appears on the stage eighteen years 
previous in the Tdju-l ma-dsir, where the reading is " Sarki." He must have been a 
Gakkhur, not a Kokar. As these tribes reside close to each other, the names are fre- 
quently confused. — [See supra, page 283.] 

^ This title, which signifies in Turki " the fortunate KhEin," was a favourite one 
about this period. "We find Ogt&i bestowing it upon the At&bak Abii Bakr, and 
upon Bur&k HSjib. The latter received from the Khalif the title of " Katlagh 
Sultan," which Ogt^i subsequently bestowed upon Burak's son. — Compare D'Ohsson's 
Sist. de Mong., Tom. I. pp. 222, 439 ; Tom. III. 131, 132 ; and Price, Muhamma- 
dan Sistory, Vol. II. pp. 427, 433. [See also mpra, page 354.] 

* [See Note in the Appendix on Jal61u-d din.] 


to Multdn. The Sultan sent an ambassador to him, requiring 
the surrender of Amir Kh&n's son and daughter, who had 
fled from the battle of tlie Sind, and had taken shelter at 
Mult^n. Money was also demanded. Kubdcha complied with 
the requisition, delivered up the son and daughter of Amir Khan 
and sent a large sum of money for the use of the Sultdn, solicit- 
ing that his territory might not be injured. 

When the weather became hot, the Sultan left TJchh with the 
intention of proceeding through Bal^la and Mankala, to take up 
his summer- quarters in the mountains of Jtid, and on his way 
laid siege to the fort of Parsrur,i where he was wounded in the 
head by an arrow. When the fort was captured, the whole 
garrison was put to the sword. He returned from that place, 
when he received intelligence of the advance of the Mughal 
armies in pursuit of him, and as his way led him near Multdn, 
he sent an envoy to Kubdoha to intimate that the Sultan was 
passing in that direction, and to demand tribute. Kubacha 
refused, and assuming an attitude of defiance, advanced to fight 
him. The standards of the Sultan halted but for a moment, and 
then departed, returning towards Uchh, which also had revolted 
against him. The Sultdn remained before it two days, and after 
setting fire to the city, went towards Sadusdn.^ 

Sultan Jaldlu-d din in Sind 

Fakhru-d din Sdldri was governor of Sadusdn on the part of 

Kubacha, and Lachin of Khitd, wlio was in command of the 

army, went out against Amir Khan,^ the leader of the SultAn's 

advance wuard. Lachin was slain in the action, and Uzbek Kh4n 

1 The original has " PasrS.war." Both the Jdmi'u-t tawdrileh and the Samatu-s 
safd read " Bisr&m." The Tdrlkh-i Alfi has " Bas," and Firishta cautiously gives 
no name. Hammer has " Besram." The position, antiquity, and importance of 
Parsrdr seem to indicate that as the correct reading. 

2 The Tdrlkh-i Alfi adds, " which is now called Siwist6.n.'' It is at present known 
as Sihwau.— See Vol. I. page 401. 

3 This name is in some copies read " Awar KhS,n," or "Anwar Kh6.o," and in some 
" Aniir Kh6.n." A-mir Kh&n is probable the right reading, and we may consider him 
to be the same person who was repnlsed just before the action on the Sind, whom 
D'Ohsson calls " Orkhto," and whose daughter had fled to the Sult&n for protection. 
We find the same Orkh&n acting a conspicuous part in the subsequent events in Persia. 

398 JuwAmr. 

invested the city of Sadusan. When the Sultan himself arrived, 
Fakhru-d din Sdldri presented himself before him in an humble 
posture, with his sword (round his neck), and clothed in a 
shroud.i The Sultan entered the city, and after staying there 
for one month, he conferred an honorary dress upon Fakhru-d din 
S^lari, and restored to him the governorship of Saduscin. 

The Sultan then went towards Dewal and Darbela, and Jaisi ;^ 
the ruler of that country, fled away on a ship, and went in the 
direction of the sea. The Sultan remained near Dewal and 
Damrila, and sent Khas Khan with an army to pillage Nahr- 
wala, whence he brought back many captives. 

The Sultan raised a j^mi' masjid at Dewal, on the spot where 
an idol temple stood. While he was engaged in these operations, 
intelligence was received from 'Irak, that Sultan Grhiyasu-d din 
had established himself in that province, and that most of the 
troops who were quartered there were attached to the interests 
of Sultan Jalalu-d din, and were anxiously expecting his return. 
It was also represented, that Bur4k Hajib was in Kirman, and 
had fortified himself in the city of Bardasir. It was also given 
out that the Mughal army was still in pursuit of the Sultdn. He 
accordingly departed from Dewal and Damrila, and went by way 
of Makran, but the climate was so very insalubrious that he lost 
the greater part of his army.^ 

1 This was a common mode in the East to imply that one's life was in another's 
power. On the Sult&n's return to Persia, we find his repentant generals going 
through the same emhlematic form of contrition. — See also Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. 
III. p. 347. 

2 This name is spelt differently by different authors, It is not improbable that 
Jaisi was considered a mere title, and that it was ascribed to the ruler of Debal, be- 
cause, at the time of the Arab invasion, Jaisiya, the son of Dahir, was governor of 
that town, through the same kind of ignorance which induced Hatifi to call the 
ruler of the Panjab in Timur's time, "Pithaurfi.," two hundred years after his 
decease, and Eashidu-d din and Binfitatl to call B&ri the capital of Oude, three hun- 
dred years after it had ceased to be so. Be it remembered these are all errors of 
foreign, not local writers. 

3 D'Ohsson (III. 5) adds that he left Uzbek to gOTern his possessions in India, and 
Wafa Malik those in Ghor and Ghazna. De Guignes (II. 281) says he left "Pehle- 
van ITzbok and Hassan Carrae, surnamed Ouapka Moulk." Ttie latter in the end 
expelled Uzbek, in the year 627, and seized all the possessions which he had in India. 


When Burdk Hajib heard of the approach of the Saltan, he 
sent him many presents, with the expression of his hearty con- 
gratulations, and, on the Sultan's arrival, liurdk Hajib solicited 
that he would accept his daughter in marriage. The Sultdn 
acceded to the request, and the marriage was celebrated. The 
Kotwdl also came forth, and presented the keys of his fort, upon 
which the Sultan entered it, and remained durino- the nio-ht. 

Sultdn Jaldlu-d din's Allies. 

After the lapse of a week, Sultan Jalalu-d din arrived at 
Ghazna, where he was joined by many bodies of his adherents, 
and assumed the pomp and circumstance of a monarch. When 
Yamin Malik heard, in Hindustan, of the Sultan's arrival at 
Ghazna, he hastened to meet him. Aghrdk Malik, also, with an 
army of Khiljis and Turkomans, came from Peshawar to do him 
homage, and A'zam Malik ^ brought a large force of Ghorians to 
serve under him. In all the troops now at his disposal amounted 
to twenty thousand cavalry. 

The Sultan went with these large reinforcements to Parwdn, 
on the borders of Bamian, where many roads converge. There 
he received intelligence that a body of ten or twelve thousand 
Mughal cavalry had gone in pursuit of him to Ghazna, where, as 
there was no army to oppose them, they had entered the city 
before the inhabitants had received intelligence of their approach, 
had burned several mosques, massacred all the people they found 
in the lanes and streets, and then continued their pursuit after 
the Sultan to Parwan, by way of Kaldwaz, staying at Ghazna 
only one day.^ 

Their Fate, after deserting the Sultdn. 

In the action which ensued the Sultan was victorious, and the 

^ Malik was at that time a title between that of Amir and Khdn, for we find 
Amirs promoted to the rank of Malik, and Maliks to that of Khdn. 

2 This relates to what occurred previous to the action on the Sind, but the author 
has deferred the narrative till he could accompany it hy a statement of the fate of the 
Sultan's allies. 

400 jTiWAiNr. 

defeated Mughals returned to Ohangiz Khan in Tdlikdn ; but 
after the victory strife arose in the Sultan's army, between 
the Khiljis, Turkomans, and Ghorians on one side, and the 
Khwarizmians on the other, respecting the division of the 
horses which had been taken as booty. Aghr4k Malik and A'zam 
Malik went off by way of Peshawar, writh all the Khiljis, Tur- 
komans, and Grhorians. The Sultan returned to Grhazna with 
the Turks and Khwarzimians, who all remained true to him.i 
Aghrak Malik, A'zam Malik, and the other Khilj, Turkoman, 
and Ghorian chiefs, went, after first leaving the Sultan, to Nang- 
neh^r, -which was in the fief of A'zam M^lik. He entertained 
them all nobly, and treated them with great kindness, until dis- 
gust and hatred arose between Aghr4k Malik and Koh Jdndar, 
one of the Khilj chiefs, who had five or six thousand families 
under him. 

Aghrdk Malik turned his face towards Peshawar, at the 
head of twenty thousand men, and Koh Jandar cantoned him- 
self at Nangnehar.^ When Saifu-d din Malik had encamped 
only one march distant from Nangneh^r, he sent a messenger to 
A'zam Malik to say : — " Between us and you there exist the re- 
lations of father and son. I am father and you are son. If you 
desire to gratify me, do not allow Koh Jdndar to remain in your 
territory, nor bestow upon him any tract of land." A'zam 
Malik said : — " In this matter it is not expedient that there 
should be any misunderstanding or wrangling between Musul- 
mdns," so he went forth with fifty horsemen of his bodyguard to 
Saifu-d din Aghrak, in order to effect a reconciliation. Saifu-d 
din Aghrak advanced to meet him, and they sat down together 
to drink. A'zam Malik spoke on the subject of Koh Jandar, 
and Aghrak Malik pretended to listen to his persuasions. 
Saifu-d din Aghrak then rose up suddenly in a state of inebriety, 
and went towards the camp of Koh Jandar, with a few horse- 

1 D'Ohsson says that before the battle of the Sind, the Sultin wrote urgently to 
his dissatisfied allies to join him, to which they consented when it was too late. The 
Mod. TTniv. Hist, has the same statement. ' D'Ohsson reads " Bekerhar." 


men. Koh Janddr, under the impression that he had come on a 
friendly visit, went out with his sons to meet him, and give him 
an honourable reception, when Aghr^k Malik in his drunkenness 
drew his sword, with the intention of killing Koh, whose at- 
tendants seized the assailant and cut him in pieces. 

When the news of this event reached the camp of Aghrdk 
Malik, his troops suspected that he had been the victim of a plot 
between Koh and A'zam Malik. In consequence of which, they 
seized A'zam Malik and slew him. They then attacked the 
camp of Koh, and killed him and his sons. Many were slain on 
both sides, and even the women took part in the fray, and lost 
their lives. 

About this time Pakchak and 'Aldu-1 mulk Sadr were de- 
spatched by order of Ohangiz Kh4n to punish these drunkards. 
Pakchak was the commandant of these Mughals, and 'Alau-1 
mulk of the infantry, and the residue of those armies of Khiljis, 
Turkomans, and Ghorians were all put to the sword and dis- 
persed, within two or three months after they had deserted 
Sultan Jalalu-d din, either in squabbles amongst themselves, or 
by the armies of Ohangiz Khan, so that not a vestige of them 


Burak Hdjib} 

Burak Hajib having had some dispute with T4ju-d din 
Karimu-s shark, marched away with his army towards Hin- 
dustan. In the year 619 h., Ghiyasu-d din designed to go to 
Fars. * * * * When news was received of the arrival of the 
Muo-hal army, under Tului^ Khan, Bu^-dk Hdjib requested 
Ghiyasu-d din to allow him to go to Ispahan, but he went with 

1 The previous history of this adventurer is given hy Eampo]di, Annali Musul- 
mani, Vol. VIII. note 69. See also pp. 267, 298, and 655 of the same volume. 
Hammer spells the name Borrak, in the Gemaldesaal. 

' Tului signifies in the Mongol language "a mirror,'' and after his death it was for- 
bidden that any other word should be used in this sense, except the Turkf one of 
ffueuzuffu.—B' Ohsson's Sist, Mmg., Tom. II. p. 60. 

VOL. II. 26 

402 jTTWAiNr. 

his tribe (Kardkhitdi) to Hindustdn, by the roadof Kirman.^ When 
he arrived at Juraft and Darydi, the garrison of the fort of Ka- 
wachir urged Shuj4'u-d din Abu-1 na'im to follow after him, so 
Shuja'u-d din plundered his camp, and brought back many 
Xhitdi slaves. 

' Hindust&n appears to have been a favorite retreat of the E&rikhitife of Kirm^n. 
A fevp years subsequent to this event, we find one of the successors of Burik HSjib 
fleeing to Hindustin. " On attaining to years of discretion, Hijj&j Sultin proceeded 
to treat his mother with indignity, and in one of his carouses proposing to her to 
dance before him, the insulted princess justly took offence, and withdrew to the court 
of Ab&ka. The Sult&n, not a little terrified on his part, fled shortly afterwards into 
Hindustiu. At the expiration of ten years, followed by a considerable army, raised 
for his assistance by the princes of India, he was returning to recover his inheritance, 
when he died on the march, in the month of Zi-1 hijja, 670 h." — Price's Mahommedan 
History, Vol. II., p. 434. D'Ohsson says (IV. 92) that he fled to Dehli, and that 
SultStn Jal&lu-d din Khilji supplied him with an army to recover his possessions. 



The Hindu Kings of Kabul. 

Abu Eihaii al Biruni has the following statement respecting this 
dynasty in his lately discovered Arabic work, entitled Tdrikhu-l 
Bind: — 

" Kabul was formerly governed by princes of Turk lineage. It is 
said that they were originally from Tibet. The first of them was 
named Barhtigm, *•* * * *' and the kingdom continued with his 
children for sixty generations. * *■* '* * * The last of them was 
a Katorman, and his minister was Kalar, a Brahman. This minister 
was favoured by fortune, and he found in the earth treasures which 
augmented his power. Fortune at the same time turned her back 
upon his master. The Katorman's thoughts and actions were evil, 
so that many complaints reached the minister, who loaded him with 
chains, and imprisoned him for his correction. In the end the 
minister yielded to the temptation of becoming sole master, and he 
had wealth sufficient to remove all obstacles. So he established 
himself on the throne. After him reigned the Brahman (s) Samand, 
then Kamlua, then Bhim, then Jaipal, then Anandpal, then Narda- 
janpal, who was killed in a.h. 412. His son, Bhimpal, succeeded 
him, after the lapse of five years, and under him the sovereignty of 
Hind became extinct, and no descendant remained to light a fire on 
the hearth. These princes, notwithstanding the extent of their 
dominions, were endowed with excellent qualities, faithful to their 
engagements, and gracious towards their inferiors. The letter 
which Anandpal wrote to Amir Mahmud, at the time enmity existed 
between them, is much to be admired. 'I have heard that the 

• [The Fragments, Arabes et Fersans, were published in 1846 ; and this note must 
have been -written by Sir H. Elliot soon after.] 


Turks have invaded your dominions, and tave spread over Klmrasan ; 
if you desire it, I will join you -with 5,000 cavalry, 10,000 infantry, 
and 100 elephants, but if you prefer it, I will send my son with 
twice the number. In making this proposal, I do not wish to 
ingratiate myself with you. Though I have vanquished you, I do 
not desire that any one else but myself should obtain the ascen- 
dancy.' This prince was a determined enemy of the Musulmans 
from the time that his son, Nardajanpal, was taken prisoner ; but his 
son was, on the contrary, well-disposed towards them." 

The publication of this extract by M. Eeinaud has excited con- 
siderable discussion, and has given rise to some ingenious remarks 
and comments by those interested in this period of history, in which 
we have a series of names recorded, which add nearly a century to 
the barren annals of India previous to the Muhammadan conquest. 
A paper by Mr. E. Thomas, of the Bengal Civil Service, published in 
the Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX. p. 177, is especially 
valuable, as in it he has endeavoured to trace the names of these 
particular kings upon a series of coins denominated Eajput, of the bull 
and horseman type, and hitherto doubtfully ascribed to periods ex- 
tending from A.D. 1000 to 1200. I shall avail myself freely of his 
remarks, though I am not prepared to coincide in his conclusions, 
for taking into consideration the difficulty of identifying Hindi 
names in Arabic manuscripts, in which ignorance and carelessness 
give rise to every imaginable kind of error, he has endeavoured to 
correct the Arabic from the unquestionable record of the coins 
themselves, which have hitherto existed without the ascription of a 
kingdom and a date, and " instead of applying coins to kings, to 
apply the kings ■ to their own coins." It may easily be supposed 
that this principle gives too great a license to speculation, and it wUl 
appear in the sequel that very few of the attempted identifications 
can be admitted without question. 

Before we examine these names in detail, it will be necessary to 
make a few general remarks on the subject of these Turks, and 
especially respecting Kanak, the most celebrated of them. 

First of all, it admits of great question what particular position in 
the series of Kabul Turkish kings this Kanak occupied. M. Reinaud 
both in his translation of Al Biruni in Fragments Arahes, and his 


MSmoire sur I'Inde, considers him to be the great Kanika or Kanishka 
of the Buddhists, and it is respecting this Kanak that the anecdote is 
related which will be found in this work, Vol. 11. p. 10. Mr. 
Thomas, trusting to translations or abstracts of Al Biriinf, makes 
Kanak the last of the Turkish kings, and the immediate predecessor 
of the Brahmin Samand ; but as the existence of the great Kanak 
who opposed the Eai of Kanauj is not to be disputed, he must con- 
sider that the last of the Turks was a second Kanak. 

This point requires further consideration, and we must consider 
what our several authorities say concerning it. The passage in the 
first line of the extract which I have translated thus, " The last of 
them was a Katorman," is in the original Arabic of Al Biruni — 

which M. Eeinaud translates, " The last of them (the Turks) was 
Laktouzeman," which is certainly correct, provided the reading is 
admitted to be so ; but Mr. Thomas, after examining various copies 
of the Jdmi'u-t tawdrikh and Binakit'i — ^the former of which is a 
translation, and the latter an abridgement of Al Biruni's account, 
finds great reason to dispute it, and leans altogether to another in- 
terpretation. He finds the following in an excellent Arabic version 
of the Jdmi', in the library of the Eoyal Asiatic Society — 

" and Kanak returned to his country, and he was the last of the 
Katorman kings." 

The corresponding passage in the Persian Jdmi' in the British 
Museum is — 

BindUti has the following — 

" and after him was Kanak, and he was the last of the Katorman 

All the copies of BindUti which I have seen concur in this read- 
ing, and of three several copies of the Persian Jdmi'u-t tawdrihh 


which I have examined, two are in conformity with the extract given 
above, with the exception of reading Katoriyan for Katorman, and a 
third has — • 

^j^T 1^^ J Hiiy, iJS'^ (^, u^"^ <-L^ "SL*^ j\ jJiX-slj j\ liM 

" after Basdeo from among their rulers {i.e., of the Indians), one 
was Kanak, and he was the last of the Kayorman kings." 

The omission of all notice of the Kabul Turkish dynasty, and the 
making Kanak succeed Basdeo, and the Brahmans succeed Kanak, 
without any notice or allusion to there being intermediate kings, is a 
culpable omission on the part of Eashidu-d din and Binakiti. The 
making Kanak the last of the Turkish dynasty does not seem au- 
thorized by the only original of Al Biriini's Tdrikhu-l Hind which we 
possess, and Eashidu-d din must have had other copies or other 
works to have authorized him to make this statement. M. Eeinaud 
{Mem. 30) considers that he has used some other work of Al Biruni's 
which has not come down to us, but this may reasonably be doubted. 

M. Eeinaud altogether ignores these readings of the manuscripts 
consulted by Mr. Thomas, and merely observes upon them, " On a 
vu ci-devant, que le vizir de Perse Easchid-eddin, avait, dans son 
Histbire des Mongols, mis a contribution un 6crit d'Albyrouny 
autre que celui-ci, et que ne nous est point parvenu. Malheureuse- 
ment, les manuscripts de I'ouvrage de Easchid-ed din different entre 
eux : au lieu de Lahtouzeman, ils portent Katourman, et on ne dis- 
tingue pas bien s'il s'agit la d'un prince ou d'un pays." Notwith- 
standing this, I have been given to understand by those who have 
seen the original manuscript of the Tdrikhu-l Hind, that even that 
bears a closer resemblance to Katourman than Lahtouzeman.^ Taking 
all circumstances into consideration, I am disposed to get rid of the 
name of Laktouzeman from the Tdrikhu-l Hind, and to substitute for 
it, by two slight changes in the original, al Katormfin, which repre- 

1 [The name occurs only twice in Eeinaud's printed extract. In the first instance, 
it is given as quoted abore, but in the second it is ^l^j ,y;^ LaMurzamdn. See 
Fragments, p. 135.] 


sents the name of a tribe, or prince of that tribe, as well as the name 
of the country in which that tribe resided. I have therefore trans- 
lated the disputed line, " The last of them was a Katorman." 

Let us now enter upon some of the considerations which this 
name suggests. 

The Katormans, or Kators, have hitherto been better known to 
modem than ancient history. We are informed that it was the name 
of one of the tribes of Kafiristan,^ and that the ruler of Chitral to 
this day bears the title of Shah Kator,' and I have heard the same 
designation given to the chief of Gilgit. The country of Kator is 
also spoken of by Sadik Isfahani, as being the country of the Siyah- 
poshes, or black- vested, on the borders of Kabul.' 

These Kators boast still of their Grecian lineage, and their claim 
to this honour is by no means, as many have supposed, of modern 
origin, attributable to our own enquiries after the descendants of the 
followers of the Macedonian conqueror.* 

We find at the period of Timur's invasion of India, the Katorians 
making themselves conspicuous for their opposition to that monarch. 
After leaving Inderab he entered their difficult country by way of 
Khawah, and after an expedition of eighteen days reduced them to 
submission. As we thus have proof that this country and people 
were called by the name of Kator at so early a period, it seems pro- 
bable that the Kators whom we read of in Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki are 
no other than the descendants of the dynasty we have been consider- 
ing, and that the Ghaznivide sovereigns organized them among their 
troops, as we know from the Tdrilch-i Tamini that Mahmvid was in the 
practice of doing with conquered nations, as exemplified in his treat- 
ment of the Khiljis, Afghans, and Indians. It is evident from the 
extracts given in this work from the Tabahdt-i Ahhari and the Tdrilch-i 
Mas'udi, that a body of Kator troops was kept in pay, and that the 
Tilak mentioned therein was the commander of these foreign troops, 

' Elphinstone's Kabul, vol. ii. pp, 376, 387. 

* Bume's Bolehara, vol. ii. p. 209 ; and Journal A. S. Bengal, vol. vii. p. 331. 
' Tahwimu-l-bttlddn , ^. 127. 

* [For other references to the Kators, see Thomas's Prinsep, I. 314. Lassen, Ind. 
Alt. III. 890, 1176. Masson's Narrative, I. 193. Vigne, Ghazni, etc., p. 235. 
Trampp, in Journ. R. A. 8. xix. 1. Jour, des Sav. Vol. V., 1855, where M. Viv. de 
St. Martin attempts to identify them with the Cadrusii of Pliny VI. xxiii.] 


■whicli were rated as Indian, lie being in one passage spoken of as 
commander of the Indians, in another of the Kator troops. It opens 
a very interesting subject of investigation to enquire if these Kators 
have no memorials of themselves in India. The identity of name 
and the period of the establishment of the Kators in Kumaiin appear 
to render it probable that we have in them the descendants of those 
Kators who fought under the banners of the first Muhammadan 

A curious coincidence of names seems worth noticing in this place. 
It will be observed that Al Biruni makes the Turk kings of Kabul 
come from the mountains of Tibet, and Grecian and Chinese authors 
concur in saying that in the first years of the Christian era the 
valley of the Indus and some of the neighbouring countries were 
occupied by a race from Tartary. Ptolemy, Dionysius, and the 
author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, give to the country 
watered by the Lower Indus the name of Indo-Scythia, and Ptolemy 
applies the same name to a country at the bottom of the Gulf of 
Cambay. The Chinese writers inform us that a people of Tatar race 
named Yue-chi or Yue-tchi crossed the Hindu-kush, and established 
themselves in Afghanistan. Fa-Hian speaks of these barbarians 
having occupied, long before his visit to India, the province of 

De Guignes has informed us, after Chinese authors, that the 
nomade race of Yue-tchi, being driven about the year 160 before Christ 
from its original seat in the western provinces of China, by another 
race called Hioung-non, established themselves in Transoxiana, and 
spread over the countries in that neighbourhood. Abel-Eemusat and 
Klaproth have also furnished us with further particulars from the 
same sources. We leam that the Yiie-tchi took part in the struggle 
which took place between the Greek princes of Bactiia and the 
Arsacidan monarchs of Persia, and that they contributed to the down- 
fall of the former. A few years before Christ, the Yiie-tchi chief, 
named Khieou-tsieou-hy, after subjugating the other independent 
rulers of his ovm tribe, proclaimed himself king, and conquered the 
countries situated between the Oxus, Hindii-kush and Little Tibet. 
His successor, Yan-kao-tchin, penetrated as far as India. 

Some time after, the monarch of the Yue-tchi, whom the Chinese 


call Ki-to-lo, which Klaproth has converted into Ghidor, descended 
to the south of the Hindii-kush " in foUowing the valley of the 
Indus" (?), and invaded India on the north. Among other regions 
he reduced the province of Peshawar ; but being himself compelled 
to return westward, left the government of the conquered country 
to his son.' M. Eeinaud is of opinion^ that it is to this Ki-to-lo that 
Fa-Hian alludes, when he says, " Formerly the king of the Yue-tchi, 
levied a powerful army, and came to attack the country he was 
anxious to obtain." 

The conquerors, who remained in the valley of Kabul, received 
the name of the " Little Yue-tchi," while the mass of the nation was 
designated the " Great Yue-tchi." In these Little Yue-tchi we have 
the ancestors of our modem Jats, a subject which I may, perhaps, 
discuss at further length hereafter. 

It is impossible not to be struck here with the coincidence of the 
name of Ki-to-lo with Kitor or Kator, the I and the r being as usual 
convertible. Here we seem to have the origin of the name Kitor, 
the estabKshment of a prince of that name between Kabul and the 
Hindu-kush, on the very site of the modem Kdfiristan, or land of 
Siy ah -poshes and the country of Kitor, according to the authorities 
given above. It is probable that we are to look to one of his de- 
scendants for the Katorman, who was the last of the Turkish dynasty ; 
and these united considerations have combined to induce me to adopt 
the readings to which I have given the preference above. 

It is to be observed that Al Biruni asserts the Turkish dynasty of 
Kabul to have lasted for sixty generations ; but we are not to sup- 
pose that the crown continued in the same family or tribe, but that 
they were members of the great Turkish stem of nations, which 
conveys no naore definite notion than the Scythians of the ancients, 
or the Tartars of the moderns. There may have been Turks of other 
tribes who ruled in the kingdom, who, whether Sakas, Turushkas, 
Duraris, Yue-tchis, or Kators, would still be classed under the 
generic designation of Turks, as the last of the Turks appears to 
have reigned about a.d. 850. If we allow fourteen years as the 

1 Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques. Tom. i. p. 223. Laidlay's Translation of Fa- 
llian. Foe-lcom-ki, p. 81. Tableaux Bistoriques d' FAsie. p. 134. 

2 Mdmoire sur I'Inde, p. 83, from which work the preceding abstract of Tue-tchi 
history is taken. 


average duration of their reigns, we shall find the period of the 
conquest occurring about the first year of the era of Our Saviour ; 
and if we allow sixteen years as the average duration, we shall 
exactly bring it to the period of the downfall of the Greco-Bactrian 
Empire in 125 before Christ. 

Here, then, there is reason to suppose that the first monarch of 
the Turkish dynasty must have been the subverter of the Grecian 
Empire in the Bast. He is called by Al Biruni "Barhtigin;" 
tigin being a common Turkish affix, signifying " the brave," as 
Alp-tigin, Subuk-tigin. M. Eeinaud conjectures that Barh or Barha 
answers, probably, to the word pharahatassa, which Lassen and WU- 
son have read on certain Greco-Barbarian coins, and to be the same 
name which the Greeks have converted into Phraates and Phraoites.' 
Al Biruni informs us that the names of these princes were recorded 
on a piece of silk, which was found in the fort of Nagarkot, when it 
was taken by the Muhammadans ; but that circumstances prevented 
his fulfilKng his anxious desire to examine it. 

Al Biruni mentions that Kanak was of the number of these kings, 
and that he founded the Vihar, or Buddhist monastery at Peshawar, 
called after his name even in Al Biruni's time, and which, probably, 
occupied the site of the present conspicuous building, called the 
Gor-khattri, at the eastern entrance of that town. The romantic 
anecdote which he relates of him, and which, probably, has little 
foundation in truth, will be found among the extracts translated 
from the Tdr'iMiu-l Hind, in this volume. 

M. Beinaud considers this Kanak to have reigned a little prior to 
the commencement of our era, and to be the same as the Kanika or 
Nika of Fa-Hian; the Kanishka of Hiuen-thsang and the Eaja- 
tarangini and the Kanerkes of the Greco-Barbarian coins ; and 
General A. Cunningham has formed the same opinion independently 
with reference to the two first identifications, considering the same 
monarch to be the Kanika of the Chinese, and the Kanaksen from 
whom many Eajpiit families trace their lineage.'' 

According to Hiuen-thsang, Kanika or Kanishka reigned over 

' M^moire sur VInde, p. 73. 

2 Miim. sur I'Inde, p. 73; Thomas' Prinsep, Index "Kanishka;" Jour. Beng. As. 
Soc, Vol, xxiii. 


the wliole valley of Kabul, the province of Peshawar, the Panjab, 
and Kashmir. He crossed the Hindu-kush and Himalaya, and 
subjected Tukharistan and Little Tibet. He received the title of 
the Lord of Jambu-dwfpa, which is equivalent to " The Paramount 
of all India." He was a long time a stranger to the dogmas of 
Buddhism, and despised the law; until, by chance, he was con- 
verted to that faith, and became one of its most zealous disciples 
and promoters. 

The same Chinese author states that he reigned four hundred years 
after the death of Buddha, which, as it occurred 544 years before our 
era, would bring it to more than a century before Christ ; but as he 
expresses his dates in round numbers, we cannot rely much upon 
his precision. We may with more probability look for it a century 
later, if, at least, he be the same as Kanerkes, for among the coins 
and other objects bearing his name, which were found ia the tope of 
Manikyala, and which would appear to indicate that that monument 
was constructed under the reign of that prince, certain Eoman 
medals were also found of the period of Octavius and Antony 
extending to as low as 33 b.o.' 

The Tue-tchi evidently established themselves in Kabul subse- 
quent to the reign of Kanishka, and probably not long after, for 
Fa-Hian, about the year 400 a.d., speaks of their occupation of that 
valley, as if it were a transaction of no recent date. If we assign to 
Ki-to-lo the date of a.d. 200, we shall have nearly seven hundred 
years from the first to the last of the Katorman dynasty, during 
which, probably, other families and other tribes may have inter- 
mediately occupied the throne, without entirely subverting the right 
of the Yue-tchi conquerors of the valley. 

The statement of Al Biriini, respecting the occupation of Kabul 
by the Turks, is in strict conformity with Biladurf and Tabari, and 
with the brief notices which the other early Arabic historians and 
geographers have given us respecting that city. They couple it, 
however, with the curious announcement of an occupation divided 
between the dominant Turks and subject Hindus. Mr. E. Thomas 

1 M. Eaoul-Rochette, Journal des Savants, ann. 1836, p. 70. [Thomas' Frinaep. 
I. 150, and Index, v. Manikyala.] 


has considered this subject at considerable length, in another excellent 
paper by him, on the Coins of the Ghaznivides.^ 

The first in order is Mas'udi, who visited the valley of the Indus 
in 303 A.H.= 915 A.D. He says nothing of the political and religions 
revolution which we have been considering, by which Brahmans had 
been substituted for Buddhist Turks. On the contrary, he designates 
the prince who reigned at Kabul by the same title as he held when 
the Arabs penetrated for the first time into those regions. 

Istahkri, who wrote within six years after Mas'udi travelled in 
India, says : — 

\^ J i^yiLjj^] l^j iX>.\j (JJ,Jh <u!lj ij^S^[> ( iyay jiy^ l^ J^^J 

" Kabul has a castle celebrated for its strength, accessible only 
by one road. In it there are Musulmans, and it has a town, in 
which are infidels from Hind." 

Tbn Haukal began his travels in 33 1 a.h. = 942 a.d., and wrote an 
account of them thirty-five years later. He follows his predecessor 
implicitly in the main points, but respecting the occupants of the 
town, the Bodleian copy varies' from the Lucknow one, which bears 
the name of AshMlu-l Bildd. In the former, '' Hindu infidels " is 
converted into " Infidels and Jews." The latter reads : — 

^Jy*LM^\ \j^ ,i,s'\j. ^jjjii i^\j iM3»- ijcj 1^ (Jju j iXi^i "ta^ V' j 

The statement of Al Biruni, in his Kdwkn-i Ma'sMi, written less 
than a century after this, is : — 

<UAl^t J lyl^ a\y1i\ M^^J&j.^ Jots' iAi 

Here there is no specification respecting the different occupancy of 
the castle and town, but nothing to impugn the correctness of what 
is asserted by Istakhrl and Ibn Haukal. There is no occasion to 

1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ix. p. 267. ^ Ibid, p. 286. 


quote any of the later geographers, who add nothing to our informa- 
tion, and are careless as well as confused in their statements. 

Before concluding this subject of the Turkish occupation of 
Kabul, the statement of Ibn KhalHkan should be noticed, who states 
in his article on " Ya'kub bin Lais," that Kabul, in the times of 
that prince, was inhabited by a Turkish race who appertained 
to a tribe called Durdr'i. This name is new, and the assertion would 
authorise us to conclude that in his time the Turks were still pre- 
dominant, though that fact would scarcely seem consistent with 
what we shall have to advance undet KamliLa. It is possible that 
the term Durari may have connection with Darra, a hill pass, and that 
allusion may be to the country to the north of Kabul, just in the 
same way as in modem times the inhabitants of those same tracts 
are styled in Kabul "'Kohistanis," or hill-men. 

It does not appear when the city was either first or finally subdued 
by the Muhammadans. It is evident, however, that the first inroads 
were not followed by permanent occupation, and that there was no 
entire subversion of the native dynasty till the Grhaznivide dynasty 
rose to power. 

The first invasion we read of was in the time of 'Abdu-Uah, 
governor of 'Irak, on the part of the Khalif 'Usman. He was 
directed by the Khalif to send an emissary to explore the provinces 
of Hind ; and notwithstanding a discouraging report, 'Abdu-lla 
ordered the country of Sijistan to be invaded by one of his cousins, 
'Abdu-r Eahman, son of Samra. 'Abdu-r Eahman advanced to the 
city of Zaranj, and besieged the Marzaban, or Persian governor, in 
his palace, on the festival of the Td. The governor solicited peace, 
and submitted to pay a tribute of two millions of dirhams and two 
thousand slaves. After that, 'Abdu-r Eahman subdued the country 
between Zaranj and Kish, which was then styled Indian territory, 
and the tract between Ar-Eukhaj (Arachosia) and the pro\ince of 
Dawar — in which latter country he attacked the idolaters in the 
mountain of Zur, who sued for peace ; and though he had with him 
8,000 men, the booty acquired during this incursion was so great, that 
each man received four thousand pieces of silver as his share. Their 
idol of Zur was of gold, and its eyes were two rubies. The zealous 
Musulmans cut off its hand and plucked out its eyes, and then 


remarked to the Marzaban how powerless was his idol "to do 
either good or evil." In the same expedition, Bust was taken. 
After this, 'Abdu-r Eahman advanced to Zabul, and afterwards, in 
the time of Mu'awiya, to Kabul.' The year in which this inroad was 
made is not mentioned, but as 'Abd-ulla was removed from his 
government in 36 a.h., we may consider it to have taken place about 
the year 35. 

In the year 44 a.h. Muhallab ibn Abu Sufra, whose army chiefly 
consisted of the tribe of Azd, which was very powerful in Khurasan, 
and contributed largely to the downfall of the TJmmayides — advanced 
on the Indian frontier as far as Banna (Banu) and Alahwaz [or 
"Alahwar" =Lahore?] two places situated between Kabul and Multan. 
Firishta makes him penetrate as far as Multan, and opens his history 
by saying he was the first chieftain who spread the banners of the true 
faith on the plains of Hind. He says he plundered the country and 
brought back to the head-quarters of the army at Khurasan many 
prisoners who were compelled to become converts to the faith. 
Muhallab had been detached from the main army which had invaded 

' Bil&duri, quoted in Memoirs, p. 173, and in Gesehichten der Chalifen, vol, i. 

Anhang, p. a. Tarjuma-i Futuhdt of Ahmad bin 'Asmi Kufi [I have found two 

Persian extracts from the Futuhdt of Ahmad among the papers. They are short 
and important, so I give translations. — Ed .] 

Conquest of Hijistdn by 'Abdu-r Rahmdn Samrat under the Khalif ' Vsmdn. — 
'Abdn-llah, son of 'Amir, wrote for his nephew on the father's side, 'Abdu-r Rahman 
Samrat bin Jandab bin 'Abd Shamsh bin 'Abd Sin&f, and having fitted out an army 
for him, sent him to Sijist^n. 'Abdu-r Eahmin led his forces to Zaranj. The 
people of the city offered battle, and a fierce fight ensued between the opposing 
parties. The city was taken, and the Musulm&ns obtained great spoil, carrying off 
many captives from Sijistta, and incalculable wealth. 'Abdu-r Eahm-^n then marched 
to subdue Klibul. 

Conquest of Kabul. — When 'Abdu-r Eahm&n came in sight of Kibul, the ruler of 
the place (K&bul Sh&h), who was lame, was in the city. He came out and fought 
several engagements with the Musulm&ns, but retreated into the city, and came forth 
no more. 'Abdu-r Rahm&n besieged it, and remained seated before it, fighting with 
the garrison for a whole year. He and his soldiers had to endure many hardships 
during the siege, but at length they carried the place by assault; and when they 
entered it, they put the fighting men to the sword, and made the women and 
children prisoners. KS.bul Sh&h was taken captive, and brought before 'Abdu-r 
Eahm&n ; but when he was ordered to be beheaded he turned Muhammadan, and 
repeated the creed. ' Abdu-r Eahman treated him with honour and kindness. The 
plunder and the captives which had been taken in K&bul, Zaranj, and Sijistin, was 
collected, and a fifth portion was set apart and sent to 'Abdu-llah bin 'Amir, with a 
report of the conquest of Sijiat&n and K^bul.] 


Kabul from Merv, under 'Abdu-r Eahman bin Shimar, and had made 
converts of twelve thousand persons. Muhallab subsequently made 
himself conspicuous as governor of Alahwar, and exterminator of the 
Azrakian insurgents, and as a traitor to his master, 'Abdu-Uah ibn 
Zubair, the Khalif of Mecca. He was the ancestor of those chiefs, 
■who, under the name of Muhallabis, often occur in the history of the 
later members of the Ummaya family, until they were nearly exter- 
minated at Kandabll in 101 h.' Grildemeister doubts the truth of 
this expedition, as Sijistan had not yet been conquered ; but he 
forgets that the Musulmans did not penetrate to India through 
Sijistan, but through Kabul. 

In BUaduri's account of this interesting expedition, there is a 
curious relation which must not be altogether omitted. He informs us 
that in the country of Kikan, Muhallab encountered eighteen Turks, 
mounted on horses with their tails cut. As they were all kUled 
fighting, Muhallab attributed the activity and valour of "the 
barbarians" to the fact of their horses' tails being cut. "Upon 
which he ordered his own horses' tails to be docked ; and he was the 
first amongst the Musulmans who adopted the practice." ' 

About the same time, 'Abbad, the son of Ziyad, made an incursion 
on the frontier of India, by way of Sijistan. He went through 
Eudbar to the Hindmand (Helmand), and after staying at Kish, he 
crossed the desert, and reached Kandahar. Although the country 
was conquered, many Musulmans lost their lives in this expedition. ' 

Biladuri informs us that under the Khilafat of Mu'awiya, 'Abdu-r 
Eahman, son of Samrah, penetrated to the city of Kabul, and obtained 
possession of it after a month's siege. He conquered also the circum- 
jacent countries, especially Ar-Eukhaj (Arachosia). The king of 
Kabul made an appeal to the warriors of India, and the Musulmans 
were driven out of Kabul. He recovered all the other conquered 
coimtries, and advanced as far as Bust, but on the approach of another 

> Erpenii Mlmacin Sistoria Saracenica, ann. 101. 

a Bil&duri, see Vol. i. p. 116. Briggs, Firishta, vol. i. p. 4. The Chinese 
authorities seem to allude to this expedition. Memoires concernant les Chinois, Tom. 
XV. p. 474. See also Tom. ivi. p. 372-5. Hammer, Gemdldeaaal der Lebensteschre- 
ibumgen, vol. ii. p. 9. 

3 BilWuri, ut supr^. "Weil, GeschicMe der Chalifm, vol. i. p. 292. 


Musulman army, lie submitted, and engaged to pay an annual 

The Kabulis subsequently profited by the contests which dis- 
tracted the Khilafat, and the tribute was withheld ; but in 64 
A.H. = 683-4 A.D. 'Abdu-1 'aziz, the governor of Sistan, declared 
war against the king of Kabul, and in the combat which took place, 
that king was defeated and killed. The war continued under his 
successor, and he was compelled to submit to the payment of tribute, 
but whenever opportunity offered, renewed efforts were made by the 
Kabulis to recover their lost independence.'' 

Amongst the earliest attempts against Kabul may be noticed that 
of 'Abdu-llah, governor of Sistan, in 78 a.h.^697-8 a.d., or accord- 
ing to some, in the following year. When he arrived at Nimroz, 
Hajjaj desired him not to linger in Sistan, but to march without delay 
towards Kabul to enforce the payment of the tribute from Eanbal, 
to which that chief had agreed ; and ordered him peremptorily not to 
return until he had subjugated the whole province. Eanbal retiring 
before his assailant, detached troops to their rear and blocking up 
the defiles, entirely intercepted their retreat, and in this situation 
exposed to the danger of perishing by famine, 'Abdu-llah was com- 
pelled to purchase the liberation of himself and followers for a 
ransom of seven hundred thousand dirhams.' 

To wipe out the disgrace which the Muhammadan arms had sus- 
tained, 'Abdu-r Eahman bin Muhammad bin Asha's, was despatched to 
Kabul by the famous Hajjaj in 81 a.h.= 700-1 a.d. ; * or in the preceding 
year, according to some authors, he was sent at the head of forty thou- 
sand men into Sistan, and having there united to his own troops the 
troops of the province, marched without delay against the prince of 
Kabul. 'Abdu-r Eahman returned to Sistan laden with booty, but 
incurred the displeasure of Hajjaj by not remaining to secure his 
conquest. Exasperated by a threat of supersession, he determined to 
carry his arms against his master, and, in order to strengthen his 
power, concluded a treaty with the enemies of his faith, in which it was 

^ Memoire sur I'lnde, p. 179. ' Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 178. 

3 Tdrilih-i-Alfi, Ann. 68, p.m. Muhammad. See the extracts from that work in 
a subsequent volume of this compilation. Price's Mahommedan Bist,, Vol. i.. p. 454, 

* Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 179; Weil, Oeschichte der Chalifen, Tom. I. p. 449; 
Ockley's History vf the Saracens. [82 a.h.] Bohn's Edit. p. 490. 


stipulated that if his expedition should be attended with success, 
Eanbal should be absolved from every species of tribute, provided the 
latter should agree to afford him an asylum in the event of failure. 
After many vicissitudes of fortune, 'Abdu-r Eahman vras at last com- 
pelled to seek the protection of his ally, who, after treating him for 
some time with kindness and hospitality, was at last seduced by the 
promises or by the threats of Hajjaj to deliver up his guest. 'Abdu-r 
Eahman frustrated the vindictive designs of his enemy by throwing 
himself down from a precipice while he was on his way — a.h.- 84.* 

The interest which this contest excited throughout the Khilafat 
seems to have invested the Prince of Kabul with a fictitious 
celebrity, insomuch that he is the hero of many Arab stories of 
the holy wars on the frontiers of Hind. Nevertheless there is no 
certainty as to the proper mode of spelling the name. The various 
readings of the European authors who have noticed him show how 
little the orthography is settled. Ockley* calls him " Zentil ;" Weil,' 
"Zenbil;" Eeinaud,^ "Eatbyl" and " Zenbyl." Wilson,^ " Eateil, 
Eatpeil, Eatbal, Eantal, Zantil — variations easily accounted for by 
the nature of the Persian letters." E. Thomas," "E'atpQ;" Price,' 
"Eeteil," "Eatteil," or "Eetpeil."* 

Price observes that the name bespeaks him to be either a Tartar 
or Hindu, and that the real name might perhaps have been Vittel, 
still common among the Hindus. Wilson considers it as a genuine 
Indian appellation ; Eatna-pala or Eutun-pal.' 

1 Price's MaJtommedan History, Vol. i. pp. 455-463. 

2 History of the Saracens, Bohn's Edit., p, 490. 

3 Gesehichte der Chalifen, i. pp. 449, 461. 

* Me'moire sur I'Inde, pp. 71, 72, and 178. '• Ariana Antiqm, p. 133, 

« Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xii. p. 344. 
' Retrospect of Mahommedan History, Vol. i., pp. 454-6. 
8 [The Mujmalu-t Taw&rikh (Paris MS. p. 274), says : — 

SUi^ i^j \jS\^ } J^l^ ^j^t) iJ^^'^^'^\i 
"The kings of Kabul and Sind are called Eatbil." Ihn Khurd&dba (Oxford MS. 
p. 26), has ^j ^^liuX- J^J: aJ,-*-- CSi^ ^liicli M. Barbier de 
Meynard {Journ. Asiatique, 1865, p. 251), renders "Je roi de Sistdn RotbiV 
Maa'iidi (Paris Ed. ii. p. 87), has "Zenbil qui est reste commnn jusqu' t ce jour." 
The various readings of the Jdmi'u-l HiMydt have been noticed in a previous page, 
iuprd, 178.'] 

» Ariana Ant. p. 1 33. 

VOL. II. ■" 


Mas'udi, in his chapter in the Muriij, which is consecrated to 
the kings of Syria, makes mention of a prince who reigned in the 
valley of the Indus, and who after having subjugated Eastern Persia, 
advanced to the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. The name of 
this prince was Eanbal, under one of its various modifications, and 
he adds that the name formed in his time the designation of the 
indigenous princes of the country, and he calls the Buddhist princes 
of Kabul by this epithet, which he makes common to all. In this 
he is borne out by Tabari, and M. Eeinaud is induced therefore to 
consider the word significative.' But it is not improbable that this 
assertion arises from the ignorance of the Muhammadans, and that 
they were ready to apply all the stories relating to the border 
chiefs of India to that one who had obtained the greatest noto- 
riety with historians by his transactions with the generals of the 
Khilafat, just as the Hadika Sandi speaks of Jaipal being the king 
of India in the time of Bahram, and Hatifi speaks of Kai Pithaura 
as the same even in the time of Timur. 

The Jdmi'u-l Sikdydt ascribes the name to a contemporary of 
Ya'kub Lais, which would make him one hundred and sixty years 
later than the invader of Syria, a long time for a title to have 
remained attached to a succession of petty chiefs. Moreover, at one 
time we find him ruler in Sind, at another in Kabul, though at the 
period spoken of those countries were not united under one dominion. 

Khaki Shirazi says : — " In the year twenty-two the province of 
Sijistan was conquered for 'Umar-bin Khattab, by the hands of 'Amru 
bin al Tamimi ; and in the same year Makran was subdued by 
Abdu-Uah bin 'Abdu-Uah Anan, who marched against it from 
Kirman. The ruler of that province, whose name in the language 
of the country was Zambil, was also ruler of Sind, and was kUled." 

In the opening of the history of Mas'iid the Ghaznivide, by 
Abu-1 Eazl Baihakf, reference is made to the Palace of Eanbal, 
where it certainly seems to apply to an individual rather than a class.' 

The Eanbal of whom we have been speaking as the opponent, 

' Mim. sur I'ltide, p. 178. 

' [Tabarf, the Mujmal, and Mas'iidi are all clear as to the import of the name, and 
its use as a dynastic royal title. Weil says it is " a general name for the king ot 
the Turkomans, but more especially for the prince of Kibul and the territories 
between Hirit and KS-bul. — Oeichichte, p. 449."] 


allj' protector, and betrayer of 'Abclu-r Kahman, must have been one 
of the Turkish dynasty of Kabul, of the Buddhist persuasion. We 
find, from the Arabic histories of the period, that some of his relatives 
still held dominion in Transoxiana, though the relationship was pro- 
bably rather that of tribe than family. If the family had been Hindu 
rather than Turkish, Ean-bal, " strong in battle," would have been 
sufficiently significative to render that the most likely reading of this 
disputed name. The probable prevalence, however, of the language 
of the Hindus in these parts might still have encouraged the use of 
the terms, notwithstanding that the Brahmans had not yet attained 
their supremacy. 

In 107 A,H.=725-6 a.d., under the Khilafat of Hashdm, part of 
the dominions of Kabul was taken, but the capture of the town itself 
is not noticed.^ 

The lieutenants of the Khalifs Al Mahdi and Ar Eashid took 
tribute from the Eanbal of Sijistan, proportioned to the strength or 
weakness of that prince, and named governors to the countries where 
Islam prevailed — a.h, 158-193=:a.d. 775-809. "When Al Mamun 
was made governor of Khurasan, he demanded double tribute. He 
took Kabul, and the king submitted, and professed Islam. An 
agent on the part of Mamun resided in that city, and a post was 
established which enabled Al Mamun to procure from it fresh 

After this we read nothing of Kabul till the time of the Saffarides 
— A.H. 256^A.D. 868-9.' In the succeeding year* Ya'kiib Lais took 
Kabul, and made its prince a prisoner. The king of Ar Eukhaj 
was put to death, and its inhabitants forced to embrace Islfim. 
Ya'kiib returned to his capital loaded with booty, and carrying with 
him the heads of three kings ; and many statues of Indian divinities, 
which were amongst the booty, were sent to Baghdad for presentation 
to the Khalif.' 

This Muhammadan conquest appears to have been more durable 

1 Gladwin's Ayin Akberi, Vol. ii. p. 209. Price's Mahommedan Sittory, Vol. i, 
p. 567. ' Bil4duri, quoted in the Mim. sur I'Inde, p. 196-7. 

3 Mistoria priorumregwn Persarum,ete.,f. 19. ■• Tabakdt-i tfdsiri. 

' Iba Asir, Kitdbu-l Jihrist, and Iba Khallikin, quoted in Mint, sur l'Ind$. 
p. 209. 


tlian the preceding ones, for we find coins of Ta'kub struck at 
Panjsliir, to tlie north-east of Kabul, in the years 260 and 261 h.^ 

By referring to the passages given above from the geographers, 
we shall learn the state of the oooupancy of Kabul from the time of 
the Saffarides to that of the Ghaznivides, which commenced as early 
as the time of Alptigfn, according to the statement of Abu-l Fazl, 
and it is probably to his time that the story related by Al-Biruni 
refers, where he states that when the Espehhed, or general-in-chief, had 
the gates of Kabul opened to him, the inhabitants imposed upon him 
the condition not to eat cow's ilesh or indulge in unnatural crimes.^ 
Neither condition is strictly observed by the modern occupants. 

We will now proceed to examine more particularly the attempted 
identification of the several names of this series of Kabul kings : — 



Jaipal I. 
Jaipal n. 

Barhtigin has been already sufficiently remarked upon. 

Kanalc — Katormdn. — Both these have also been the subject 
of extended remarks. It will be observed that all the authorities 
quoted above from the original, make Kanak the last of the Turks, 
excepting only the TdrikJiu-l Mind, which makes him only one, ajid 
the most famous one of the middle series of the Turkish kings for 
sixty generations. Allowing that Kanak is Kanishka, for which 
ample ground has already been advanced, this becomes impossible, 
and we must fall back upon the better authority of the Tdrikhu-l 
Mind, and consider the Katorman or Laktuzaman as the last. In 
the more modem narratives of Eashidu-d din and Binakiti we 
must place a full stop after " Kanak returned to his country." Then 
proceed, " the last of the kings was the Katormdn." This requires 

' Fraelin Summarische Vehersieht, etc., ani. Bulletin de PAeaiemie, Tom. x. p. 81. 
^ Mimoire sur I'Inde, p. 246. 


no violent alteration of tts text. Indeed the mere omission of 
ys from tlie Arabic, and ^\ from the Persian reconciles everything, 
and this last omission is actually made in the British Museum MS. 

The writers themselves knew little of the state of the case, and 
wished merely to translate Al Biruni, who knew well enough what he 
was writing. For instance, Biaakiti wishing to reduce the narrative 
of the Jdmi', makes it appear that Ujen was the predecessor of 
Kanak. Haidar Razf, again, among the names of the illustrious 
kings of India who succeeded Basdeo (here meant not for him of 
Kanauj, but the great Krishna) mentions Arjun and Jasand (the 
former being manifestly the famous hero of the Mahd-bhdrdta, and 
the latter Jarasandha), and " after him came Kanak, Chand." This, 
thorough indifference to correct chi'onology, enables us to see that by 
Ujen is meant Arjun, the senior of Kanak by several centuries. 
Mr. Thomas is persuaded that to this Kanak, the last of the Turks, 
are to be ascribed the coins which bear the name of Sri Vanka Deva 
"of the elephant-and-lion type of coin, which preceded the bull- 
and-horseman money introduced by the Brahmans. The similitude 
of names and the needful correspondence of all available evidence 
are surely sufficient td authorise our indicating Vanka Deva" as the 
Kanak above mentioned. This is by no means admissible, and he 
has himself since found that the real reading on the coin is "Varka," 
and has, consequently, altogether abandoned this speculation.^ 

Kalar " is, we have little doubt, the Syalapati of our coins. 
There is less difference in sound between Syala and Kalar than 
would at first be imagined ; so that if our translator, Al Biruni, 
wrote his Arabic version from oral tradition, this slight change in 
the initial pronunciation of the name would be fairly probable." 
This is carrying speculation to an extreme, and there is no warrant 
whatever for the presumed identification. 

1 [Mr. Thomas, who might naturally desire to reply to these early criticisms 
on his confessedly initiatory essay on the coins in question, agrees with me in 
thiuking that Sir H. Elliot's text should he preserved intact in the present pub- 
lication, without comment or controversy on his part. This kind of knowledge is 
happily progressive, and many valid advances may he admitted to have been made 
between the theories of 1847 and 1868, without compromising the original author, 
or his censor of days gone by. Many of the objections here advanced have already 
been answered, in anticipation, by Mr. Thomas, in his edition of Trinsep's Essays 
(London, 1858), an extract from which will be found below (p^ 428).] 


It is to be observed that the Jdmi'u-t Tawdrihh and its followers 
omit all notice of Kalar, making Samand the immediate eucoessor 
of Kanak. 

The Syala or Syal-pati (ttotj? in Greek), of whom so many coins 
are found in Afghanistan, was probably a leader, and, perhaps, even 
the progenitor of the Syal Jats of Jhang Syal and other localities in 
the Panjab. 

Samand. — Coins of Samanta, or Samanta Deva, are found in great 
profusion not only in Afghanistan, but throughout the Panjab and 
the whole of Northern India, and one has even been found ia the 
province of Posen.' Mr. Thomas is of opinion that this is owing 
to his having called in the coins of his Buddhist predecessors, in 
order to give prevalence to his own creed of Brahmanism by the 
substitution of the bull-and-horseman type for that of the elephant- 
and-lion, which is considered emblematic of Buddhism ; ^ but this 
supposition seems defeated by the fact of our finding Samanta coins 
with the elephant also upon them. The name of this reviver of the 
old faith became so celebrated, that we find it upon the coins of his 
successors, extending even down to the Muhammadan conquest of 
Dehli, in 1192 a.d., and the coins of Eai Pithalira. 

Professor Wilson attributed these coius to a Eajpiit prince, who 
lived many years afterwards. M. Eeinaud never hesitated to 
recognize in these medals the name of the king of Kabul, and his 
opinion was confirmed by the examination which M. Adrien de 
Longperier made of them.' 

It may be considered presumption to oppose such an array of 
authority in favour of this identification, but, nevertheless, I hesitate 
to concur in it without more cogent argumraits than those that have 
yet been adduced. Putting aside the improbability that one man's 
name should be stamped on a series of coins, extending through more 
than two centuries, sometimes in supercession, and sometimes in con- 
junction with, that of the reigning monarch — and that, too, even in 
the case of the later Grhaznivides — ^there seems so obvious a solution 

' M. Longperier in Fragments Arabes et Persans, p. 223. 
* Journal Soyal Asiatic Society, vol. vs.. p. 181. 

' Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 212. Journal Asiatique, Feb. 1845, p. 192, and Fraff- 
ments Arabes et Persans, p. 219, 


of this continuance of a single name, ttat it requires far less boldness 
to adopt this simple explanation, than to seek grounds for establishing 
a position which, from its many improbabilities, is always open to 
question. It may, perhaps, be admitted that the coins which bear 
the simple name of Sri Samant Deva are to be referred to the Samand 
of Abii Rihan ; but even that admission is open to objection, there 
being a double mis-spelKng in the name, for in the former we have 
a short a instead of a broad one, and a t instead of a d.^ 

It appears to me, then, that Samanta, whenever it is found with 
another name, is throughout merely a title, meaning the warrior, 
the hero, the preux chevalier, the leader of an army, the Amir; and 
that after being used concurrently with Sri Hami'r on the later 
Grhaznivide coins, it was by the early Ghorian monarchs altogether 
displaced by that more appropriate title. 

At this latter period the prevalence of the title of Samant is 
obvious from its frequent use by the bard Chand, who has celebrated 
the exploits of Eai Pithaura, and his three hundred Samants, or 
stalwaxt knights. 

Kamlua. — Mr. Thomas wishes to appropriate to this monarch a 
medal bearing the legend of KhvadavayaTca or Khedavayaka, while he 
confesses that even to liberal ears these names are not quite 
accordant in sound. He then seeks to justify the appropriation by 
mutations, blots, or intermixture of letters.'' We must reject this, it 
being not worthy of the least credit ; and the discovery of the name 
of Kamlua in another history sets the question at rest, and establishes 
the correctness of Al Biruni. 

This discovery is in other respects important, as enabling us to fix 
a synchronism by which we may conjecture the periods of the 
other monarchs of this dynasty. In one of the stories translated 
from the Jdmi'u-l JSiMyat^ it will be found that he was a contem- 
porary of 'Amru Lais, who reigned between 265-287 a.h.= 878-900 
A.D. Kamlua is there called the Eai of Hindustan, and he must have 
ruled sometime within this period. 

If we admit that these names represent a continuous series of 

' [Longperier reads tlie name with a long d—Sdmanta, See Fragments Arahes 
et Fersans, 221-223.] 

8 Jour. JR. A. S., ix. p. 180. = See supra, p. 172. 


successive monarchs, and not rather ttose who alone were conspicuous, 
we sliall lia"ve to place the commencement of Kamlua's reign as late 
as possible within the twenty-two years above-named. For we must 
connect it with another synchronism which we obtain from the same 
Jdmi'u-l Hikdydt, wherein we learn that Mahmud was only fourteen 
years old when the defeat of Jaipal occurred near the miraculous 
fountain, which — as he died in a.h. 421,' when he was sixty-three 
years old — reduces that date to 372 a.h., or 982-3 a.d., fifteen years 
before the death of Subuktigm. 

Jaipal died in 1002 A.D., and it is evident from the statement in 
the Tdrikh-i Yamm'i, that he was then a very old man. He had opposed 
Subuktigin, while yet that warrior was only general of Alptigin, 
and therefore before 976 a.d., making his reign at least a quarter of a 
century. If we assume that Kamlua's reign commenced in 890 a.d., 
being about the middle of that of 'Amrii Lais, we shall have to 
divide the period extending from 890 to 1002 a.d., between the 
reigns of KamJua, Bhim and Jaipal, being an average of thirty-seven 
years for each, which seems much too long. But as there is no dis- 
puting the dates, we must admit the long duration of 112 years for 
only three reigns, or admit that the names of unimportant monarchs 
have been omitted ; just as in the case of the Turkish series, of 
which only Kanak is mentioned, between the first and last of the 

In the same way, between Kalar and Samand, and Samand and 
Kamlua — there may have been other omissions, and even long inter- 
regna of Muhammadan supremacy ; and we may thus throw back 
the period of the Brahmanical revolution to an earlier date than has 
yet been conjectured. It must be confessed this would relieve us of 
some difficulties, and enable us to dispose of other names of this 
series, of which we have incidental notice elsewhere : as, for 
instance, in the Sairu-l Muliik, where we meet with the name of 

Syala, Khedavayaka, Varka, and even Eanbal may have been 
individuals of the Kabul series, either Turk or Hindu, though not 
honoured with distinct mention by Abu Eihan. Numismatists, 

' April, 1030. See the inscription on his tomb in Thornton's Gazetteer of the 
Countries adjacent to India, vol. i. p. 200, [and Journ. R. A. S., xvii. p. 161.] 


indeed, are now so certain that these coins do belong to the Kabul 
series, and trace with such confidence the Relative antiquity of each 
extant medal from the difference in devices and execution, that we 
may readily concede the point to such able and experienced enquirers. 
All that is required is that there should be no unnatural forcing to 
suit preconceived theories. 

Mr. Thomas has conjectured on other grounds that the acces- 
sion of Samand occurred in 935 a.d.,^ but his computation does 
not rest on any such specific dates as the two mentioned above, 
and he considers that, under any circunjstances, it is imperfect, 
and that " the utmost the materials at our command enable us 
to assert with any degree of certainty is that Syala's usurpation took 
place early in the tenth century ;" but even this certainty is dispelled 
by the establishment of the fact that Kamliia was, unquestionably, a 
contemporary of 'Amru Lais. Altogether, we may consider the sub- 
version of the Turk by the Brahman dynasty to have occurred about 
850 A.D., shortly before its capture by Ya'kub Lais ; and as it appears 
from the Arab geographers that Musulmans held the castle, it is 
evident that the Brahmans were only occasionally dominant, and did 
not hold their power without long and frequent interruptions. 

Bhvm. — The coins of Bhim are found in Kabulistan, but are 
seldom, if ever, met with in India. There is no reason to doubt that 
this is the same Bhim as the Sri Bhim Deva of the buU-and-horse- 
man series, and this is the only one of which the identification can 
be admitted without question. 

M. Eeinaud considers that this Bhfm is the one mentioned by 'Utbi 
and Firishta as the founder of Nagarkot ; ^ but there is more 
reason to believe the hero of tlie Mahd-bhdrata to be the one 

Jaipdl 1. — It is strange that no coins of Jaipal are found. Firishta 
calls him the son of Ishtpal,' and distinctly avers that he was a 
Brahman, and Birunf also includes him in that dynasty ; but the 
introduction of the term Pal, which is now continued to the close of 
the dynasty, might incline us to suppose that a new family had com- 

' Journal Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ix. p. 179. 

' Mdmoire sur I'lnde, p. 257. 

' [Briggs' translation says "Hutp&,l," but the lithographed text has "Ishtp^iL"] 


menced. This seems in otter respects not improbable, for in the 
opening of the Tdr'ikh-i Tamini we find Jaipal's western border 
extended no further than Lamghan, Kabul being already in posses- 
sion of Subuktigfn. It seems probable, therefore, that the succession 
of the real Kabul sovereigns ceased with Bhfm, and that the king of 
Northern India succeeded to the paramount sovereignty which, as far 
as the Muhammadans were concerned, had hitherto been held by the 
ruler of Kabul. It is a mistake to suppose that Jaipal was king of 
Dehli. It does not appear that any such place existed in his time, 
and Abii-l Fida's determination of its latitude and longitude on the 
authority of the Kdiiiin-i Mas'Mi is a misquotation, which it is of 
importance to correct, for there is nowhere mention of Dehli either 
in that work or in the Tdriklm-l Hind. The principal places of his 
residence appear to have been Lahore, Bhera, and Waihind ; and 
it may be doubted if any of these places, except perhaps the last, had 
been held by the kings of Kabul. 

The assertion that he was a Brahman probably arises from 
ignorance on the part of Firishta. Al Bi'runf is not specific in his 
statement that he was a Brahman, but merely includes him in the 
dynasty which commenced with a Brahman, and he may no more 
have been really of that caste than were the Bahmani sovereigns of 
the Dekhin, though they were called after one. The term Brahman, 
in the conception of a Musulman, might merely imply that he 
maintained the doctrines of that faith, and from his position was 
its staunchest defender and champion. There seems ground to 
suppose he must have been a Eajpiit, and some reasons have been 
assigned in the note on Mahmiid's invasion for considering him a 

Ananipal. — Mr. Thomas observes' that the coins of Anandpal 
are common, and are plentiful in the Panjab and the northern parts 
of the Ganges Duab. But these are evidently to be referred to the 
monarch of Delhi, who lived a century and a half later, and we 
have to deal with Anandpal not Anangpal. 'Utbi calls him Andpal. 

Jaipal II. — This is not the name given by Al Biruni, where it 
appears more like Tardijanbal, and in the other authors who men- 
tion him it goes through various forms. Tadan Jaipal, Nanduwa 
' Jonr. R. A. S., ix. p. 121, [and later, Prinsep's Essays, i. 330.] 


Jaipdl, Turu Jaipal, Parou Jaipal, Nardajanpala, Niranjanpal,Tasdar 
Jaipal, and many more.' The latest reading proposed by M. Eeinaud 
is TrilocLan Pal, after the "three-eyed" Siva. Persian authors 
generally call him Nabira Jaipal, or the grandson of Jaipal, and in 
that relationship no doubt he stood to the first Jaipal. Hence Dow 
calls him " Pitterugepal." The real name was, perhaps, Pur Jaipal, 
or Jaipal junior, Jaipdl the son or grandson. Al Biriini tells us that 
his father Anandpal was an inveterate enemy of the Musulmans 
from the time that Piir Jaipal was taken prisoner, but Piir Jaipal 
himself was well disposed towards them. 

According to 'Utbi we find him holding dominion as far eastward 
as Kanauj and the liahib, respecting which the note on the ninth and 
twelfth expeditions of Mahmiid may be consulted. The same author 
mentions another son of Anandpal, by the name of Brahman Pal, 
who is probably a different one. 

Abu Eihan informs us that he was killed in 412 a.h.=1021-2 
A.D. It does not appear exactly when he began to reign, but he 
certainly opposed Mahmiid during the Kanauj campaign in 409 h. 

Bhim Pal. — In him we have the last of the dynasty of Kabul and 
Northern India. As he is mentioned by Abu Eihan, he must have 
succeeded to some remnant of his father's domains ; but it does not 
appear that in his time he contested the advance of the Muham- 
madans, though before he ascended the throne we find him taking an 
active part in defending his father's dominions, under the name 
of Nidar Bhim, "Bhi'm the Dauntless."^ 

From his letter to Chand Eai, which is recorded by 'Utbi, it 
would appear that he was inclined to peaceful counsels, and that 
bitter experience had taught him the hopelessness of contending with 
his relentless and sanguinary rivals.' 

From a statement in the Tar'ikhu-l Hind^ we may infer that his 
capital was Bari, to the east of Kanauj. 

Neither of Bhim Pal, nor of any other of the Pal family, are any 
coins extant. 

Bhim Pal survived his father five years, and died, therefore, in 
417 A.H., the eventful year of the capture and plunder of Somnat. 
Haidar Eazi gives niue years as the period of his reign. 

' [See supra, pp. 45-47.] ^ [Supra, p. 38.] » [Supra, p. 48.] 



Extraot of Mr. Thomas' Edition of Prinsep's Essays, (1858. Vol. I. 
p. 331), referred to in page 9 supra. 

" Before I leave tlie subject, I may be permitted to make some 
observations in reference to an original suggestion of my own, tbat 
tbe Sri Hamirab, on the reverse of tbe immediately succeeding 
Moslem coins, was designed to convey the title of the spiritual 
representative of the Arabian Prophet on earth, embodied for the 
time being in the Khalif of Baghdad. Sir H. M. Elliot, placing 
himself under the guidance of Capt. Cunningham, has contested 
this inference. I am not only prepared to concede the fact that 
Muhammad bin Sam uses this term in connection with his own 
name on the lower Kanauj coins, but I can supply further indepen- 
dent evidence, that my opponents could not then cite against me, in 
the association of this title with the name of the early Sultans of 
Dehli in the Palam Inscription (1333 Vikramaditya) ; but, on the 
other hand, I can claim a still more definite support in an item of 
testimony contributed by the consecutive suite of the selfsame fabric 
of coins, where the ^^'?;; (Jiamirah) is replaced by the word '^^'CS 
{khalifa). As far as I have yet been able to ascertain, this transition 
first takes place on the money of 'Alau-d din Mas'iid (639-644 a.h.) ; 
and here, again, I can afford, in all frankness, to cite further data 
that may eventually bear against myself, in recording that this 
reverse of Sr'i Khalifa is combined in other cases with a broken 
obverse legend of . . . ^>f|<|(%JI . . . which, being interpreted to 
stand for the Amiru-l Miiminm of the Arabic system, may either be 
accepted as the Sanskrit counterpart legend of Altamsh's anonymous 
coins in the Persian character," '■ or be converted into a possible argu- 
ment against my theory, if supposed to represent the independent 
spiritual supremacy claimed by subsequent Sultans of Dehli ; which 
last assignment, however, will scarcely carry weight in the present 
state of our knowledge. As regards the difficulty raised respecting 
the conventional acceptance of the Sri Samanta Leva of the coins as 
an historical, rather than an individually titular, impress, I have 
always been fully prepared to recognize the linguistic value of the 
' Path&n Sult&ns of Dihli, by Ed. Thomas. London, Wertheimer, 1847 ; p. 17- 


word Samanta, and yet claim to retain tlie Sri Samanta Beva — whioh 
comes down to us, in numismatic sequence, in the place of tonour on 
so many mint issues — as an iadependent name or title, to which 
some special prestige attached, rather than to look upon it as an 
ordinary prefix to the designation of each potentate on whose money 
it appears. And such a decision, in parallel apposition to the succes- 
sion of the titles of Sri Hamira and Khalifa, just noticed, would 
seem to be strikingly confirmed by the replacement of this same 
legend of 8ri Samanta Deva on the local coins of Chahad Deva, by 
the style and title of the Moslem suzerain, to whom that raja had 
eventually to concede allegiance. 

The two classes of coins to which I allude may, for the moment, be 
exemplified, the one in the type given in ' Ariana Antiqua,' xix. 16 ; 
the other in pi. xxvi. fig. 31, Vol. i. fPrinsepJ. 

The former, when corrected up and amplified from more perfect 
specimens, will be foimd to bear the legends : Obv. '^^nO ^ 
^EW'tI ^^- Eby. ^ '^^'S ^^ — while the latter will be seen to 
display an obverse epigraph of ■4HJ|«)^ ^ tt^ltHl^ ^. with a 
reverse similar to the last. 

I understand this obverse legend to convey, in imperfect ortho- 
graphy, the name of Shamsu-d dm Altamsh — whose other coins, of 
but little varied type, have a similarly outlined name, with the 
Moslem Sri JSamirah on the reverse. 

The Sistorians of the Ghaimivides. 

The contents of this volume relate more especially to the history 
of the G-haznivides. It therefore seems expedient to take a general 
review of the authors who have particularly treated of that dynasty. 

First in order comes 'Utbi, who has already been sufficiently 
noticed. It may be remarked generally that he is deficient in dates, 
and, though the chief and earliest authority on all which relates to 
the early invasions of India, he evidently had no personal knowledge 
of that country, a circumstance which of course greatly detracts 


from his value. He is fuller in tte reign of Subuktigin and the 
transactions in Turkistan than any of his successors. 

Thirty years later comes Abu-1 Fazl Baihatf, of whose voluminous 
and important work only a portion has come down to us. 

After an interval of more than two centuries follows the JVizdmu-t 
Tawdrikh, composed in 674 h., about a century after the extinction 
of the dynasty. The short notice which this work devotes to the 
Ghaznivides has been translated as an extract from that work, but 
it is of little authority, and confuses dates irremediably towards the 
close of the dynasty, in which the transactions were carried on too 
far eastward to be within the foreign ken of the author. Indeed 
he confesses that he knows nothing of their successors, the Ghorians, 
beyond the names of three of their kings. 

The next, but after a period of two hundred years from 'Utbi is the 
Tahakdt-i N'dsiri, the chief value of which is that it quotes the lost 
volumes of Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki. It is for this reason, however, 
greatly to be regretted, especially as he is one of the earliest 
Muhammadan authors who wrote in India, that his notice of 
Mahmud's reign is so very curt ; for it is that in which we most feel 
the want of Baihaki's familiar gossiping narrative. It is true he is 
quoted in the JdmVu-l Sikdydt, Tdr'ihh-i Guiida, Rdu%atu-s Safd, and 
Firishta; yet it may be doubted if any except the author of the first 
ever saw his Tdrikh-i Ndairi, which is mentioned by name in the 
Tahalcdt. In some of the other Ghaznivide reigns, this work differs 
from others, as will be seen from the passages which are extracted in 
the article Tabakat-i Nasiri in this volume. 

The great copyist and extractor, Eashidu-d din, follows after the 
lapse of about twenty years. In his Jdmi'u-t Tawdrikh, he follows 
'Utbi implicitly, as far as the Yam'mi extends, taking out not only his 
facts, but giving a literal translation of that work, even to the 
images and similes. So little does he attempt to improve upon the 
Yamini, that he even leaves out the important expedition to 
Somnat, which was undertaken after the close of that work. This 
resource fails him altogether in the later reigns, which are conse- 
quently very unsatisfactorily disposed of in the Jdmi'u-t Tawdrikh.^ 

About twenty years later follows the Tdrikk-i Gusida of Hamdu-lla 
' [See an article by Major Lees, in Jour. B, A. S., Vol. iii. N.S., 1868.] 


Mustaufi — although, he mentions the Mahdmdt of Abu Nasr Miska'ti, 
and the Mujalladdt of Abii-l FazI Baihakf, he does not appear to have 
read them : at least he gives no information derived from them, and 
altogether his account of Mahmiid's reign is very meagre. He 
mentions the names of the towns taken by him, omitting, however, 
all notice of Somnat, and without stating the dates of their capture. 
He is so often quoted by Mirkhond, Khondamir, and Firishta, that 
he has had more credit than he deserves in this portion of his 
universal history. 

After a long interval of about a century, we have Mirkhond, who 
in his Rau%atu-s Safd has given us the first detailed account of the 
history of the Grhaznivides. It is founded in the early portion upon 
the Yamini, but in later reigns rests upon some other authorities 
which are not quoted. Those which are mentioned, as the Ndsiri 
and Ouzida, are too meagre to have furnished the fuller information 
found in the Eauzatu-s Safd. This portion has been translated by 
F. Wilken into Latin, and published with the original text at Berlin 
in 1832, under the title of Sistoria Gasnevidarum. He has added 
in footnotes passages from Firishta and Haidar Eazi, where the 
details are more complete than in the Rauzatu-s Safd. Haidar Eazi, 
however, is no original authority. I have found all the passages, 
except two, quoted by "Wilken to be word for word the same as the 
Tdr'ikh-i Alfi, even where other authorities are quoted, as Ibn Asir, 
Ibn Kasfr, and Hafiz Abru. The chief omission to be noted in 
Mirkhond's account is that of the expeditions to India intervening 
between those of Kanauj and Somnat, and the attack upon the Jats 
of Jud after Mahmud's return from Somnat. 

Mirkhond is followed by his nephew Khondamir in the EJmldsatu-l 
Akhldr and the HaVibu-s Siywr. The former has been translated 
by Price with additions from Firishta, and from the latter a trans- 
lation will be found in a later volume of this work. He foUows the 
Bausata-s Safd closely, and has no new authorities, omitting some 
passages, but dealing more copiously with the biographies of cotem- 
porary poets and ministers. Altogether, Mirkhond's narrative is 
preferable, and in this, as well as in many other portions of his 
history Khondamir might have saved himself the trouble of attempt- 
ing to rival his uncle. 


The next autliority of any value is the Tdr'ikh-i Alfl. Like as in 
other portions of that work, it is, in the history of the Ghaznivides, 
also somewhat deficient in connexion, and troublesome, from adopt- 
ing a new era ; but. altogether, it is copious and correct. 'Utbf and 
Mirkhond are the chief authorities of the Tdrikh-i Alfl, but something 
is added from the less known histories, which have already been 
mentioned as being quoted at second hand by Haidar Eazi. It is to 
be regretted that Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki is not amongst them. Here also 
we have no detailed account of the Indian expeditions between those 
of Kanauj and Somnat, and that to Thanesar is not mentioned. 

Nizamu-d dm Ahmad, in his TahaMt-i Akiari, gives a succinct 
account of the history of the Ghaznivides, and is particular in 
mentioning his- dates. He notices very cursorily the events in 
Turkistan, Sistan, and 'Irak, confining his attention principally to 
what related to India. In his work we, for the first time, find 
mention of several expeditions to India, which are passed over by 
his predecessors ; and it is, therefore, to be regretted that he does 
not signify on what authority he relates them. The only probable 
source, among those, mentioned as his general authorities, is the 
Zainvrl Alchhdr. Nizamu-d dm is followed closely by Pirishta. 

'Abdu-1 Kadir, in his Tdrikh-i Saddun'i, follows Nizamu-d din im- 
plicitly ; but, in order to show the variations, he occasionally quotes 
the Nizdmu-t Tawdr'ikh, and the Lullu-t Tawdrikh. He adds, also, 
some verses of poets who were contemporary with the Ghaznivides. 

The Muntakhabu-t Tawdrikh of Khaki Shirazi is very brief, and 
scarcely deserves notice. It chiefly follows the SaVibu-s Siyar. 

We next come to the history of Firishta, which gives the most 
complete and detailed account which we have of the Ghaznivides. 
Dr. Bird complains of the author's ignorance of the geography of 
Upper India ; but he has exhibited no more than his predecessors, 
and in one or two iustances attempts corrections. His chief resource 
is the Tabakdt-i Akiari, but he has also used the Tdr'ikh-i Tamini, the 
Tdrikh-i Guzida, the Eauzatu-s Safd, and the Sabihu-s Siyar. Some 
of the other works which he quotes there is reason to believe he 
never saw. The translation by Briggs is generally correct and 
faithful in this portion,, and there, are no omissions in it of any great 


The Khuldsatu-t Tawdrikh discusses this history in a peculiar 
fashion of its own. It omits all notice of transactions on the 
frontiers of Persia and Turkistan, and confines itself solely to India, 
insomuch that it leaves out whole reigns in which the sovereign had 
no connection with India : and, in consequence, preposterously con- 
fines the whole number of reigns to seven only. There is no other 
novelty in this chapter, except that it substitutes two new readings 
of places, which if they axe derived from the history of Mahmud by 
'Uiisuri, which is quoted in the preface, may be considered authentic. 

These are all the authorities which it seems necessary to notice, 
as all the subsequent ones follow in the wake of Firishta. Abu-1 
Fida, Ibn Shuhna, Ibn Asir, Ibn Kasir, Nikbi, and Lari, have 
had all that is valuable in them extracted by the diligence of Euro- 
pean authors, who have translated, abridged, or commented on the 
reigns of the Ghaznivides. The Turkish histories of the period, 
such as the Nahhlatu-t Tawdr'ihh, and the work of Munajjim Bashf, 
we may fairly presume to have been exhausted by the industry of 
Hammer-Purgstall amongst the fourteen different histories which he 
quotes as authorities upon Mahmiid's reign — so that the only hope 
now left us for ascertaining any new fact with respect to the history 
of the Ghaznivides is in the recovery of the missing volumes of 
Memoirs, which we know to have been written by contemporary 
writers, and to have been in existence less than two centuries ago — 
such as those of Abti-l Pazl Baihaki, Abu Nasr Mishkani, and MuUa 
Muhammad Ghaznawi. The Makamat of Abii Nazr Mishkati' 
(Mishkani) is mentioned by Firishta (Briggs I. 32 and 97), and 
the same author is referred to in WUken (Gasnevidarum, p. 189). 
Firishta quotes from him the anecdote about Mas'ud, which has 
been given from the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri [supra, p. 271), and which 
is there also attributed to Abii Nasr Mishkan. The Tdr'ikh-i Mulla 
Muhammad Oha%nawt is mentioned by 'Abdu-r Eahman,who wrote 
the Mir-Atu-l Asrdr &.iaAMir-dt-i Mas'ud'i, in Jahangfr's time. The 
author was contemporary with Sultan Mahmud, of whom his work is 
said to give an ample account. 

• [In Briggs' translation, the name is written "Mukutty."] 



Mahmiid's Expeditions to India. 

The times, places, and numbers of Mahmud's expeditions to India 
have offered great difficulties to those who have dealt with the his- 
tory of that ferocious and insatiable conqueror. We look in vain 
for any enquiry on the subject from the native historians of this 
period, who, in their ignorance of Upper India, enter names and 
years without the scruples and hesitations which a better knowledge 
or a more critical spirit, would have induced. 

It is only when European authors begin to discuss the matter that 
we are taught how many difficulties there are to solve, how many 
places to identify, how many names to restore. Those who 
have added most to our knowledge of this period, and have 
occasionally interspersed their narratives or notes with illustrative 
comments, and who wUl be quoted in the course of this Note, may 
be thus named in the order of their publications : — D'Herbelot,' 
De Guigues,=i Hunt (?),» Dow,^ De Sacy,^ MiU," Wilson,' Audiffret,« 
Eampoldi,» Briggs,'" Wilken," Eitter,!^ Bird,^» Hammer-Purgstall," 
Blphinstone,'^ and Eeinaud.'" It is needless to mention Gibbon, 
Malcolm, Conder, Gleig, Murray, and others, whose works, however 
useful, are mere copies and abstracts of others, and add nothing to 
our previous information. 

It has been usual to consider the number of Mahmud's expeditions 

' Bihliotheque Orientate, Art. "Mahmoud." Paris, 1697. 

2 Sistoire Generate des Huns, Tom. II. Paris, 1756. 

' Modern Universal History, Vols. II. and III. London, 1766. 

* History of Hindoostan, Vol. I. London, 1768. 

^ Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts, Tom. IV. Paris, 1798-9. 

" History of British India, Vol. II. London, 1818. ' Ibid, 1840. 

8 Bioyraphie Universelle, Art. "Mahmoxii." Tom. XXVI. Paris, 1820. 

s Annali Musulmani, Vol. VI. Milan, 1823. 
1" History of the Mahom. Power in India, Vol. I. London, 1829. 
" Historia Gasnevidarum. Berolini, 1832. 
" Die Erdkunde von Asien, Vol. IV. Part 1. Berlin, 1835. 
13 History of Gujarat. London, 1835. 

1* Jahrbiieher der Literatw, No. 73. Wien, and Gemaldesaal der Zebens- 
besehreiiungen, Vol. IV. Leipsig, 1837. 
" History of India, Vol. I. London, 1843. 
>» Memoire sur I'Inde in the Mdmoires de I'Institut, Tom. XVIII. Paris, 1849. 


to India to be twelye. The first authority for this number is 
Nizamu-d din Ahmad in the Tabakdt-i Alcbar'i ; and as Dow has also 
numbered them as twelve, most English authors following him as 
the standard, have entertained the same persuasion. But it is 
curious to observe that, while Nizamu-d din mentions that there 
were altogether twelve, in recording them seriatim, he enumerates 
no less than sixteen; and Dow, while he marginally notes twelve, 
records no less than fifteen different invasions. Even Elphinstone, 
though he notes twelve, records more. The Khuldsatu-t Tawdriih 
gives twelve, and confines itself to that number, or in reality only 
to eleven, as by some mistake an expedition to Kashmir and Kalinjar 
are placed in one year, and the tenth expedition is omitted. The 
AlMdr-i Muhabhat follows it in both errors. I will not attempt to 
maintain this established number of expeditions, but will consider 
them in the actual order of their occurrence. 

First Expedition. — Frontier Towns, a.h. 390 (1000 a.d.) — Nizamu-d 
din Ahmad and Eirishta mention that about the year 390 h. Mahmud 
marched in the direction of India, and, after taking many forts and 
provinces, and establishiag his own governors in them, he returned 
to Ghazni. This rests solely on the authority of these two authors, 
and is not supported by the Tdrikh Yamim ; but there is no improba- 
bility in the statement. 

It was to have been expected that Mahmud, after establishing 
himself on the throne of Ghazni, would have embraced the first 
opportunity of invading India ; for, while yet a prince, he had seen 
how easily the hardy warriors of Zabulistan had overcome the more 
effeminate sons of India. His father Subuktigin is described in the 
Tammi, as making several attacks upon the country of Hind, inde- 
pendent of the three which are more specifically mentioned, the 
scene of which was Kusdar and Lamghan. Even during the fifteen 
years of Alptigin's reign, Subuktigin is represented by Firishta in 
an untranslated passage to have made frequent attacks upon India, 
and even to have penetrated as far as Sodra on the Ohinab, where 
he demolished idols in celebration of Mahmud's birth, which, 
as it occurred on the date of the prophet's birth, Subnktigin 
was anxious that it should be illustrated by an event similar 
to the destruction of the idols in the palace of the Persian king 


by an earthquake, on the day of the prophet's birth. In the Words 
of the Boston : — 

Near the Lamghan valley two actions were fought, or more pro- 
bably in the valley of Jalalabad, for as the plural, Lamghanat, is fre- 
quently used, there seems reason to believe that the valley to the 
south as well as the north of the Kabul river was included in that 
province. The first action fought in this neighbourhood was brought 
to a conclusion by the effect of the miraculous fountain or stream in 
the hill of Ghuzak, which emitted storms, thunder, and cold, when- 
ever some impurity was cast into it. A more particular account of 
this will be found in the extracts from the Tamini and the Jdmi'u-l 

What could have given rise to this extraordinary story is not easy 
to conceive, and no one has attempted an explanation. The most 
probable solution seems to be that a snow-storm came on, and not 
only harassed but alarmed the Hindus, who had never witnessed 
such a thing before ; for it is quite compatible with probability that 
although the Lamghanat were then included in the country of Hind, 
yet that the soldiers, who, for the most part, came from the more 
eastern provinces, might never have seen a fall of snow. It is to be 
observed that the TabaUt-i AJchari expressly says that Jaipal and 
the Hindus were unaccustomed to the cold, and that was the reason 
why they suffered more than the Musulmans. It may fairly be 
surmised, then, that the snow and frost totally paralysed the Hindu 
warriors, and were felt as grievously by them as, nine centuries 
afterwards, by Indian and British troops combined, when they sus- 
tained the most grievous disaster that has ever befallen our nation. 
It is an extraordinary coincidence that the very scene of this first 
and last defeat of an Indian army was the same — what wonder if 
the cause also did not differ ? 

The minds of the natives of India would naturally have tried 
to account for such a supernatural phenomenon as a fall of snow, 
and superstition was at hand to render her assistance. 

• [Supra, pp. 20 and 182.] 


There was a stone, celebrated amongst the Turkish nations, which 
had the peculiar property of causing rain, and haU, and snow, and 
excessive cold, and -violent tempests, if the possessor, after repeating 
the nam« of God, and breathing upon it, threw it into the water. 
This stone is called the " Yedeh," or " Jedeh." The first stone of 
the kind was said to have been given to Japhet by Noah, to whom 
the secret was disclosed by G-abriel. The stone came into the 
possession of Turk, the eldest son of Japhet, and in an action which 
was fought between him and his nephew, for the possession of the 
stone, the latter was killed ; and, as he was the father of the Turko- 
mans, this stone .is said to be the cause of the unceasing enmity 
between that tribe and the Turks. Subsequently, the art of using 
this stone was more generally disseminated, and occasioned magicians 
to be generally called " yedehehis ; " and we have frequent mention 
of its use in Mongol history for purposes similar to those for which 
we suppose it to have been applied on the present occasion. As early 
as the year 2634 before our era, we find the following statement in a 
quotation by M. Klaproth, to prove the antiquity of the compass 
among the Chinese : " Tchi-yeou raised a thick fog, in order that by 
means of tbe darkness he might spread confusion in the enemy's 
army. But Hiuan-yuan constructed a chariot for indicating the 
south, in order to distinguish the four cardinal points."' 

In an action between the Mongols and Chinese, with respect to 
the latter, Eashidu-d dfn says : " In consequence of the arts of the 
magician, the Chinese felt, in the middle of summer, a temperature 
which they had never experienced, even in winter, and were para- 
lysed." Bergman says that the stone used at present among the 
nomadic nations is the Bezoar. Marco Polo, also, speaking of a 
country not far from the confines of India, says : — " When the 
Carannas wish to overrun the country and rob it, they, by their 
enchantment and diabolical agency, cause the day to become dark, so 
that you can see to little or no distance." In the mountains between 
Kashmir and Tibet, there is a lake, into which, if animal flesh is 
thrown, we are informed by Abu-1 Tazl, that a storm of snow or 
rain will arise. There is said to be a similar one at Damaghan, in 

' Zettre d M. A. Sumboldt sur V invention d$ la Bomsole. Paris, 1836 ; and Mr. 
Davies, in the British Annual for 1837. 


Tabaristan, and Zakariya Kazwini mentions one near Ghazni, whioli 
is, no doubt, the one alluded to in Subuktigin's battle with Jaipal. 
Altogether, we may consider Jaipal's army to have been surprised 
and paralyzed by a snow-storm, and that superstition ascribed the 
unusual visitation to the " Yedeh" stone.' 

Second Expedition. — PesMwar — Waihind,. a.h. 391-2. — Mahmud 
left Ghazni in Shawwal, 391 h., and a severe action took place on 
the 8th of Muharram, 392, at Peshawar, in which he was completely 
victorious, and Jaipal and fifteen of his principal chiefs and relations 
were taken prisoners, after the loss of 5000 men. 

He is then represented by all the later authorities to have marched 
from Peshawar to Batinda, and invested it. Elphinstone observes 
that Batinda is beyond the Sutlej, " and seems formerly to have 
been a place of more consequence than its situation in a sort of 
desert would promise. It is said by Colonel Tod to have been the 
residence of the Eaja of Lahore, alternately with the capital, from 
which he took this name. As the battle of Peshawar was on the 
27th of November, Mahmud would reach Batinda towards the end 
of the cold season, when the rivers of the Panjab, though not all 
fordable, would offer little obstruction to cavalry." Dr. Bird also 
speaks of Batinda as being in the most easterly and inaccessible part 
of the Panjab kingdom, and following the Tabakdt-i ATcbar'i and 
Mrishta, says that Jaipal used to reside there. The latter indeed 
says he resided there for the convenience of opposing the Muham- 
madans — which is an absurdity, if we are to understand the most 
eastern city of his dominions. Eampoldi, with his usual confusion 
of names and places, makes his residence Multan. 

All these difficulties about Mahmud's movements are at once 
obviated by correcting the reading, and rejecting Batinda altogether. 
The real name is Bihand or Waihind, as is plainly indicated in the 
TamM? It was a place of considerable importance, on the western 

' Respecting this stone and these fountains, further information may he obtained 
hy referring to Bergman, Nomadisohe Streifereien unter den Kalmuken, Th. iii. p. 183. 
Miles, Shajrat ul Atralc, pp. 24, 26, 66. Gladwin's Ayeen AJeberee, Vol. II. p. 134. 
Marco Polo, Murray's Ed., p. 221. Modern Universal Bislofy, Vol. IV. p. 417. 
D'Ohsson, Sistoire des Mongols, Tom. II. p. 615. Khuldsatu-t Tawdrihh, Art. 
"Hum&.ylin." Mir-dtu-l Istildh, Art. "Tedek." Asdru-l Bildd axii. Bahru-l Bulddn , 
Art. "Ghaznl." 

2 [Ihn Asir gives the name of the place correctly as " 'Waihand."J 


bank of the Indus, about fifteen miles above Attock, on tbe old high 
road from Lahore to Peshawar, and only three marches from the 
latter. It was the capital of Eastern Kandahar, and is noticed by 
Biruni, Baihaki, and Abii-l Kda, from which latter author we 
learn that its foundation is attributed to Alexander the Great. The 
name is now Hund, and while I was in the neighbourhood I could 
not find that even any first syllable was ever added to it, either by 
natives or strangers. 

By the capture of Waihind, Mahmud's progress becomes easy and 
natural, and instead of having to cross and recross several foaming 
streams and marching through a hostile and diificult country, he has 
not yet crossed even the Indus. 

Third Expedition.— Blera (BUtia). a.h. 395 (1004-5 a.d.)— After 
a rest of three years, duriag which attention was occupied by affairs 
iu the west, we find Mahmud returning to India to take the city of 
Bhateea (Briggs), Battea (Dow), Bhatia (Elphinstone), Bhatnah 
(Bird), Bahadiyah ( Univ. Hist.), Bhadiyah (Eampoldi), Bahatia (S. de 
Sacy), Hebath (D'Herbelot),^ Bihatia (Hammer-Purgstall). Briggs 
says he has failed in fixing the position of this place. Elphinstone 
says, " a dependency of Lahore, at the southern side of Multan." 
Bird says it is now called Bhatnir, situated on the northern extremity 
of the Bikanir desert. Eeinaud says it is to the south-east of Multan, 
and in the middle of an arid country, apparently on the testimony of 
'Utbi, but he makes no such assertion. Hammer-Purgstall conceives 
it to be the present Bahawalpur. But how could a dependency of 
Lahore be on the southern side of Multan, itself independent? 
How could Mahmud advance over all the Panjab rivers to attack 
a city in a desert ? Or Bahawalpur, leaving a country full of hostile 
and martial populations in his rear ? How could Biji Eai, deserting 
his fort, " take post in a wood on the Indus," as Firishta says, if 
Bhatia were on the other side of the Sutlej ? or how could he " take 
refuge on the top of some hills," as 'Utbi says, when there are no 
hills within a hundred and twenty miles from either place ? 

Here again we must correct the reading, and all becomes explica- 
ble and easy. The real name of the place is Bhera. It lies on the 

' D'Herbelot in one part of his article on Mahmdd speaks of his derivinff 
immense plunder from Baarea, the strongest fort in India. 


left bank of the Jailam, under the Salt range. It bears evident 
marks of great antiquity, and has on the opposite side of the river 
the extensive ruins of Buraria, above Ahmadabad, which strike 
every beholder with astonishment. The only works which read 
Bhera are the Khuldsatu-t Tawdrikk and its followers the Akhldr-i 
Muhabhat, etc. That Dow's copy of Pirishta must have been very 
near it, is evident, for, although Mahmiid advances against the city 
of "Battea," he is made by a strange inadvertence to take the city 
of " Tahera." 'Utbf [and Ibn Asir] certaialy read Bhatia, and Al 
Bfriinf mentions Bhatia and not Bhera, but his Bhatfa scarcely seems 
the one we are dealing with. 

Whether Bhatia is written by mistake, or whether Bhdtia is an 
old name of Bhera, is difficult to say. The lattM* is very probable, 
for the Bhati or Bhatti Eajputs still point to this tract as the place 
of their residence before their advance to the eastward, and their 
name is still preserved in the large town of Pindl Bhattian, on the 
Chinab. It is worthy of remark, as observed by Mr. E. Thomas," 
that of the list of Hindd kings given by Al Biruni, the four last 
beginning with Jaipal I. add the designation of Pal to that of Deva, 
borne by their Brahman predecessors. This would imply the suc- 
cession of a new tribe, which he considers to be Bhatti Edjput. 
There is no improbability in this, for there is no authority except 
that of Pirishta for declaring Jaipal to be a Brahman, and Bhatia 
therefore may have been the local title of the capital of the tribe. 
Firishta'' makes the Eaja of Bhatia to be a different personage from 
the Eaja of Lahore ; but he afterwards tells us that the Lahore 
dominions extended from Kashmir to Multan — which, as has been 
shown, includes Bhatia. 

It is to be observed, moreover, that Mahmiid does not pass through 
Multan, or the province of Multan, to get there, but passes "by the 
borders of Multan,'' as Firishta says, or " crosses the Indus in the 
neighbourhood of Multan," as 'Utbi says. Now, as Multdn must 
have extended, as it always has, even down to the days of Mulraj, 
nearly up to the Salt range, it is probable that Mahmud came from 
Ghazni by the valley of Banu, and following the course of the 

> Jour. A, S., ix. 184. 2 Briggs i. 9. 


Khuram, crossed the Indus near Tsakhel and the old town of Eorf, 
and- so, passing the Sind-S%ar Doab through Mltta Tiwana, reached 
Bhera by way of Khushab and Shahpur. 

A subsequent campaign also indicates the position of Bhera, as 
will be noticed more particularly hereafter. Meanwhile it is to 
be observed that MahmAd annexed Bhera to his dominions, which, 
had it been any place trans-Sutlej, would have been out of the 

Fourth Expedition. — Multdn. a.h. 396. — [Ibn As(r and] the SaJS Jm-s 
Siyar place the expedition to Bhatia and Multan in the same year, but 
it is quite evident from the Yumini that special preparations were 
made for this new campaign. Dr. Bird considers that Firishta has 
misplaced this campaign, and that it should be deferred till after the 
defeat of Ilak Khan. I see no reason whatever to doubt that it is 
correctly ascribed to the year 396 h., and that it has nothing what- 
ever to do with the invasion which took place after Tlak Khan's 

We find the governor or ruler of Multan with a Muhammadan 
name, "Abl-1 Futuh, or "Abu-1 Fath," and he is not an infidel 
but a heretic, one " who introduced his neologies into religion." 
There can be little doubt, therefore, that he was a follower of the 
Karmatian heresy, which we know, from Al Biruni, to have pre- 
vailed extensively at Multan, and for a long period previous to this 
invasion. " He says : " When the Karmatians became masters 
of Multan, their chief broke the idol in pieces, and massacred its 
ministers ; and the temple, which was built of brick, and situated on 
an elevated spot, became the grand mosque in place of the old one, 
which was closed on account of the hatred borne against the 
Ummayide Khalifas, under whose rule it was constructed. Sultan 
Mahmud, after subduing the Karmatians, reopened the old mosque, 
so that the old one was abandoned ; and now it is as a plain, destined 
to vulgar uses." 

The authors which treat of this period do not, — except in a few 
instances, as the TabaMt- i Akla/ri, and the Khuldsatw-t TamdHkh — 
expressly say that Multan was held by Karmatians, but by " Mula- 
hida," a more generic term, which, though it might include Karma- 
tians, was more generally, at a subsequent period, used to designate 


tlie Isma'ilians.' For more on tlie subject of the ocoupation of 
Multan at this period, the passages mentioned in the note may be 

Abii-l Fath Daiid was the grandson of Shaikh Hamid Lodl, who 
is represented to have done homage to Subuktigiu. The word 
"tribute," used by Briggs, is not authorized. Elphinstone says 
that Hamid Khan had joined the enemies. of his faith for a cession 
of the provinces of Multan and Laghman, and submitted to 
Subuktigin after his victory over the Hindus. This statement is 
made on the authority of Firishta.' Daud invited the co-operation 
of Anandpal, who, being defeated at Peshawar, was pursued as far 
as Sodra,* on the Chinab. From Sodra Mahmud goes, by way of 
Batinda, to Multan, which is so circuitous a route as to be absurd. 
Here, again, Bhera should be read, which is in the direct line between 
Sodra and Multan. 

Ibn Asir, Mi'rkhond, and Haidar Eazi make Daud flee away to 
Sarandip, but 'Utbi says a fine was levied from the inhabitants of 
20,000,000 dirhams. Firishta says an annual tribute was fixed on 
Daud of 20,000 golden dirhams, or dinars, with promise of implicit 
obedience and abstiuence from heresy for the future. 

The BiograpMe TIniverselle contains a curious statement, respecting 
this expedition : " La revolte du gouverneur qu'il avait laisse a 
Moultan et le d^bordement des fleuves qui semblait la favoriser, 
oblig^rent Mahmoud de demander passage a Andbal. Sur son refus, 
il le poursuivit 'h travers le Candahar et le Kaboulistan jusqu' a 
Kaschmyre."^ What Kandahar and Kabulistan have to do with the 
pursuit is not easy to say. Authors agree in saying Mahmud wished 
to march through Anandpal's territory, but it is very difficult to 
discern the reason of the request, as he had already crossed the 

^ Defr^mery, Htsioire des Seldjoukides, pp. 69, 86, 136-9. 

2 Eeinaud, Fragments Arahes el Persans, p. 142. Eitter, Erdlcunde von Asien 
Vol. V. p. 6. Eenaudot, Anciennes Selations, p. 172. N<iru-1 Hakk, Zuhdatu-t 
Tawdrikh, fol. 366. Mir Ma'siim, Tdrikh-i Sind, Ch. 2 and 3. Khuldsatu-t 
Tawdrikh, T. " Baber." Mtr-dtu-l Ahrdr, v. " Bali4u-d din Muhammad ZakariyS.." 

Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, Vol. III. v. " Mult&n." Hadikatu-l Akdlim, v. " DipUpiir." 

' Briggs I. 9. 

' Hammer-PurgstaU identifies Sodra with Weirahad ('Wazir&b&.d), but they are 
two different towns. 

" [This statement is generally supported by Ibn Asir. See auprd, p. 24 .] 


Indus, beyond the borders of his territory, and by a route which 
would lead him more directly towards his object. 

'TJnsuri informs us that Mahmud took two hundred forts on his 
way to Multan. '• 

Fifth Expedition^— Defeat of Nawdsa Shdh, a.h. 398.— When 
Mahmud was called away from Multan by Tlak Khan's invasion of 
his territory, he left his Indian possessions in charge of Sewakpal, or 
" Sukhpal, a son of one of the Eajas of India," ^ and who, having been 
formerly made a prisoner in Peshawar by Abii 'Ali Sanjari, had 
become a convert to Islam. Sukhpal was taken prisoner by Mahmud's 
advance cavalry, and was compelled to pay the sum of 400,000 
dirhams ; and being made over, as Firishta informs us, to Tigin the 
Treasurer, was kept in confinement during the rest of his life.' 

Dr. Bird says that there was no such expedition as this, and that 
Firishta has confounded it with the previous expedition to Multan ; 
but as it is mentioned by 'Utbi, Mirkhond, and Khondamir, as well